The Spanish–American War (1898) in real time

Spanish-American War » Pre-War Planning » Plan of Operations Against Spain Prepared by Lieutenant William W. Kimball (1896), 6/1/1897

Plan Of Operations Against Spain Prepared By Lieutenant William W. Kimball (1896)

[EXTRACT]

Prepared by Lieutenant Wm. W. KIMBALL, U.S. Navy,

Staff Intelligence Officer.

[Newport, R.I.]

1 June, 1896.

WAR WITH SPAIN – 1896.

GENERAL CONSIDERATION OF THE OBJECT OF THE WAR,

THE RESULTS DESIRED, AND THE CONSEQUENT KIND OF OPERATIONS TO BE UNDERTAKEN.

It is apparent that the real cause of the war will be friction between the United States and Spain upon the Cuban question, and that war will arise as the direct result of some act of one of the countries which the other cannot tolerate. Whatever may be the especial act that leads to rupture of peaceful relations, it would seem to be a foregone conclusion that the object of the war to be waged by the United States would be to liberate Cuba from Spanish rule, to exact from Spain a fair war indemnity for the cost of the war, and to force a settlement of the particular question which was the direct cause of the outbreak of hostilities.1

Taking into consideration the financial conditions, naval strengths and general war resources of the two2 countries, and the possible practicable application of these for attack and defense of each, it would seem that, if the object of the war were to be attained in the most economic manner possible, the better policy for the United States to adopt would be one in which the utilization of its superior sea power were contemplated, one in which a purely naval war were intended, a war of blockades, bombardments, harrassments, naval descents on exposed colonies, naval actions whenever they can be brought on under fair conditions, i.e., whenever Spanish fleets or ships can be engaged by an equal or superior United States naval force outside of efficient support from Spanish shore works-; a war of cutting off supplies to the Spaniards in Cuba and furnishing these and war material of all kinds as well as a recruiting ground to the Cuban government.3

Such a scheme of war is more attractive than one contemplating the invasion and conquest of Cuba by an organized shore force from the United States operating under the protection of the navy for the following reasons:

1. It would require the least possible financial expenditure for the United States.
2. It would require the least possible expenditure of lives by this country.
3. It would be the only practicable one to follow in the rainy season during which the war might have broken out.
4. It would in any event be the scheme upon which the war would necessarily be carried on in the initiatory stages during the time required for gaining command of the straits of Florida and for preparing an army of invasion.
5. It would be the quickest way of wounding the prestige of Spain, of crippling her revenues and of thus bringing her to treat for peace upon reasonable terms.
6. In regard to hostile operations in Cuba, this scheme of war would be attractive from a diplomatic or sentimental rather than a purely strategic point of view because it would contemplate the establishment of the Cuban Republic through the efforts of its own citizens within its own borders, aided only by the exteriorly applied sea power of the United States, instead of a conquest and occupation of Spanish territory by an organized army of invasion from this country.

If the above reasons be defensible as such, it is clear that both strategy and sentiment point to purely naval operations in a war with Spain arising from complications originally in the Cuban question, and that a resort to invasion would be necessary only in case naval operations alone were not effective, or required a longer time to be made so than the policy of the United States Government in regard to the duration of the war could allow.4

POSSIBLE FIELDS OF NAVAL OPERATIONS.

OFFENSIVE.

1. Cuban and Porto Rican waters; for the purpose of effecting the liberation of Cuba.

II Spanish waters; for the purposes of striking at Spanish trade and transport service, of harassing the coasts and perhaps holding the Spanish armored fleet at home, and of keeping touch with the fleet if it operates in European seas.5

III. Philippine waters; for the purpose of reducing and holding Manila, of harassing trade, of cutting off revenue (especially that due to sugar and tobacco) from Spain, of occupying or at least blockading the Philippine principal ports so that the release of our hold of them may be used as an inducement to Spain to make peace after the liberation of Cuba.6

DEFENSIVE.

IV. United States Atlantic and Gulf coasts; for the purpose of protecting bases and meeting possible Spanish operations.

POSSIBLE FIELD OF ARMY OPERATIONS.

V. Cuban coast, Bahia Honda – Matanzas region; for the purpose of reducing Habana.

As V will be discussed only so far as it affects I, I and V will be treated together.

PROBABILITIES AS TO SPANISH GENERAL PLANS OF CAMPAIGNS.

A. Energetic defense of Cuba. Concentration in Cuban and Porto Rican waters of the available fleet, and the greatest reinforcement of her army in Cuba.

Defense of the Spanish coasts to be left to coast defense ships, torpedo boats, mines, obstructions, and shore works.

Defense of Philippines to be assigned to Spanish fleet in those waters and shore works.

B. Defense of Cuba to be made by shore forces aided by unarmored vessels.

Chief strength of the fleet to be held in home waters for supplementing the Spanish defenses as in case A.

Philippines defended as in case A.

C. Defense of Cuba generally as in case A but with decreased naval force.*7 Offensive naval operations against United States coasts with available sea-going fleet.

In all three cases commerce destroying operations with auxiliary cruisers and privateers.8

A is most probable.

B. Would be adopted only in case it was thought that this country could be brought to terms by a commerce-destroying war, and that in order to make such operations successful all home bases must be secured against any United States naval force that could cross the Atlantic.

C as a theory of Spanish operations is only tenable upon the hypothesis that she is willing to incur most serious risk of overwhelming defeat for the sake of striking the United States within its own boundaries.

I & V – A.

OPERATIONS IN CUBAN AND PORTO RICAN WATERS.

Consideration of Bases.

NAVAL, PERMANENT BASE. - The permanent naval base would be the Port Royal-New York line, because within that line are located all the necessaries for supply, repair and reinforcement of the fleet. For all purposes except docking this line would be shortened to the Hampton Roads-New York line.

BASE OF CONCENTRATION. - Hampton Roads. Because it is the most commodious and generally convenient point of the permanent base line for purposes of concentration of naval forces and embarked supplies for the fleet.9

BASE OF OPERATIONS. - The Tortugas-Key West line10 possibly extended eastward to Great Turtle Harbor.11 Because this line is the nearest possible to the scene of operations; because it is sufficiently long to allow12 necessary mobility to the fleet; because it affords two good harbors for supply depots at Tortugas and Key West, and a fair one for light cruisers at Great Turtle Harbor, if this last should be deemed desirable;13 because this line thoroughly screens the army base of concentration at Tampa.14

ARMY BASES.

These must be considered in determining naval operations, since army and navy operations against Cuba would have perforce to be intimately combined; since, in fact, all army operations would depend upon the results of initiatory ones by, and the protection received from, the sea force.

ARMY BASE OF CONCENTRATION AND RESERVE DEPOT. - Tampa. Because it is the nearest point to the scene of operations that has good rail and shipping facilities; because transports can be readily concentrated there, can lie alongside the wharves at one railway terminus and take out 20 feet draught and alongside wharves at the other and take out 15 feet draught, which last could readily be improved to 20 feet by extending the present wharf 250 yards; because it is well screened by the naval base of operations.15

ARMY BASE OF OPERATIONS. Matanzas.16 Because it is the only port near the objective – Habana17 - that offers sufficient accommodation for a transport and convoy fleet large enough to take the smallest shore force that can be considered as a first expeditionary unit - an army corps of 20,000 men; because it is the second city in commercial importance in the island and consequently a place to reduce even if it were not to be used as a base; because it possesses good rail and highway communication with the interior and consequently is a good point from which to distribute war material to the Cubans; because it is well placed as the northern terminus of a strong line it may be well to establish across the island to Batabano; because it has two lines of rail communication with Habana with fair highways flanking them, so that columns advancing along the railroads could be supported by columns using the highways; because the topographic and hydrographic conditions of the port are such as to render it easily reducible by a strong fleet.

OBJECTIVES.

NAVAL PRIMARY. - The Spanish fleet in Cuban waters; because the command of the Straits of Florida must be obtained and held in order to cut off supplies and reinforcements for Habana and Matanzas.

SECONDARY. - Matanzas. Because this place must be reduced and held for the army base of operations.

FINAL. - Habana. Because it is the only strong place on the island of strategic importance and the capture of it is practically equal to the conquest of Cuba.

ARMY. – Habana. For reasons given above.

CONSIDERATION OF GENERAL PREPARATIONS.18

Expedite the fitting out of all naval ships including old monitors, not ready for service, at the different navy yards and private establishments best fitted for the work. Fit out fifty auxiliary cruisers19 from the available list and put from twelve to twenty yachts and small steam craft in commission for despatch and look-out vessels. This comparatively large auxiliary fleet will require a serious temporary sacrifice of our coastwise and oversea trade, but it is to be borne in mind that we will need large numbers of ships, even if they have small individual military power, to meet the fleet of20 Spanish naval small craft and privateers and nullify its attempts on our unarmed shipping afloat and at stopping our supply of war material to the Cubans. These auxiliaries would be very serviceable in aiding our regular cruisers in preventing the Spaniards from using unconvoyed or lightly convoyed transports from throwing reinforcements of men or material into the island; while doing cruiser duty they would be at the same time available for transporting arms and supplies to the Cubans, and after their cruiser work were done, after our command of the sea in Cuban and Porto Rican waters were thoroughly established, they would be available as transports for our own troops and supplies in case it were decided to throw an army of invasion into Cuba.

As there are no guns provided for auxiliary cruisers21 such make-shift armaments as can be procured must be utilized; but each cruiser should have at least two rapid-fire guns of some kind – secondary and field battery22 pieces from naval ships that cannot be quickly put in commission if need be - and at least two IX-inch S.B.,23 which last would be useful against torpedo vessels attempting to get into torpedo range and for the clearing away of shore opposition to the landing of war material for the Cubans.

Since Spanish cruisers that have been for some time in Cuban waters will be foul while our auxiliaries can be kept clean for the time they would be needed, these last, of 15 knot ships at a push, could do valuable service in spite of their inefficient armament; for the choice of fighting or running would in most cases be theirs, and they would have nothing to fear from anything under the Spanish flag except the stronger ships and torpedo vessels which could be fully attended to by our own vessels.

Some of the auxiliaries, notably the International24 Line ships, if provided with efficient batteries could meet the Spanish Transatlanticas.25 In regard to the supplies of war material for the Cubans, the Cuban Legation26 in this country would of course be consulted, but it is evident that arms we could supply would be of obsolete patterns. Still a large number of old .45 caliber small arms and machine guns could be spared and these would prove effective in the hands of the Cubans. Care should be used to supply only one caliber and cartridge. Supply of field guns27 will necessarily be small, but the Army Ordnance can furnish some. The need of siege guns28 will be greatly felt by the Cubans, and for the lack of something better, Dudley aerial torpedo throwers29 might be provided30 since they would have a certain military value in siege operations and could be quickly provided. Our lack of naval personnel would not allow naval organizations for the auxiliary cruisers and the only practicable way to make these ships quickly efficient for the work required of them would be to muster their ordinary officers and crews into the service, and furnish each ship twenty additional men for working the battery under the command of a junior naval officer who would report for duty to the volunteer commanding officer of the ship. Each battery detail should have at least four men competent for duty as gun captains. The auxiliaries could thus maintain to all intents and purposes their usual organization, and would be ready for work in the least possible time from their dates of passing under government control. They should be given as much coal or other improvised protection as their designs would allow.31

Charter colliers, steam colliers if available, at the ports where they may be found, sufficient for filling32 up the fleet twice, and ammunition ships for one fill up of33 magazines and shell rooms.34

All colliers should be fitted with Temperly Transporters35 or other fast coaling devices and some of them should have Low’s or other arrangement for coaling at sea.36 As far as possible colliers should take their cargoes37 in hoisting bags.

Fit out where most convenient, where she is found38 at her home port, an unarmed repair ship. Provide her39 with machine tools for making slight repairs, and with a good supply of armor bolts, smokestack patching material, electric signal and voice pipe stuff, etc. She should39 also take on board machine tools for supplementing the plant at Key West. She herself should be stationed at Tortugas where deep draught ships could get alongside.

It is apparent that such a ship would have only a limited field of usefulness since no heavy job of repairs, or one requiring surface plate or other nice adjustments could be done aboard her, but the field would be a most important one however limited, since a fighting ship might be able to soon get herself in condition after having received injuries small in themselves but extremely detrimental to her efficiency, if she had such a ship to draw on, when otherwise she might be rendered unserviceable for a long time.

All ships that could lie alongside the wharf at Key West should go there for needed repairs; and there too could be done repair jobs of the more delicate kind to parts that could be gotten ashore from the deep draught ships.*40

Fit out two fast comfortable steamers of about 2000 41 tons displacement as hospital ships. These should be fitted primarily for sick transports and only secondarily as hospitals. The hospital at Key West should be utilized for the fleet sick and wounded and the hospital ships for transporting them from the fleet to Key West, and for taking north all those whose recovery would be delayed as fast as they could be moved, but on no account should they be allowed to accumulate in Key West.42

In case of yellow fever43 in the fleet, the sick of this disease could be sent to the Widows Island hospital on the coast of Maine as fast as possible. All sick transports flying the Geneva Cross44 should of course move freely if neither ship nor crew were armed and if no supplies other than those for use of the sick and wounded were on board.

Push the manufacture of ordnance supplies, but especially those of torpedoes and ammunition. As fast as the ships of any kind are fitted out assemble them, except naval ships on Pacific, and except colliers from Gulf ports, at Hampton Roads, where the North Atlantic fleet in commission should be ordered at the first indication of possible hostilities.

PRELIMINARY OPERSTIONS.

In case A, under discussion, it is supposed that the main part of the armored strength of Spain – the new ships now in the Squadron of Instruction45 – will be sent to Cuban waters. Our North Atlantic fleet which is the stronger of the two in armored strength, should be gotten away and should confront it in the Florida Straits from the Key West-Tortugas base when the Spanish fleet arrives from Europe, if it does so arrive before the breaking out of hostilities. As the sailing of the Spanish fleet from home ports for Cuba would be a direct intimation that war were considered imminent by Spain, it would seem to be better policy for the United States to declare such sailing an act of war, so that our fleet could be interposed between46 the Spanish squadron and its base at Habana. If this action were decided upon our fleet in northern waters should be hurried south without waiting for the fitting out of ships not in commission, for colliers, or for anything else; and this should be done whether the Spanish fleet were to be allowed to coal at Bermuda or at any West Indies port or not, since the consideration of our getting possession of the Straits of Florida first would for us be so important that the getting it would be well worth the risk and inconvenience due to the want of finished preparations and complete arrangements for supplies. The greatest necessity for our fleet - coal - could be supplied by unconvoyed colliers from the Gulf ports, since the risk of the capture of these while finding their way to the base would be slight and should be incurred to save delay. The question of ammunition supply is much more serious, but the fleet should not wait for it, although the lack of it would to a degree hamper the Commander in Chief especially in limiting the amount of work he might wish to do against Habana47 before the arrival of the Spanish fleet, for he, always having in mind the fact that the Spanish armored fleet was his primary objective, would have to keep himself in condition to meet it, and resist the temptation to push things against the fortifications of Habana while they were unsupported by armored ships. With our fleet first in the Straits, the Spanish, armored squadron should not be allowed to pass into Habana without being struck and struck hard. The Spanish ships not stopped in the Straits should be chased into Habana and blockaded there. Our fleet is weak in cruisers and lookout vessels and this weakness would have to be made good as far as possible by sending to it our torpedo boats, the Vesuvius, and eight or ten fast small craft that could48 soonest be secured, if, for reasons connected with diplomacy, the Spanish fleet were allowed to reach Habana before the hostilities began, and our fleet were confronting it from the Key West-Tortugas base when hostilities broke out, the sea investment of Habana should be made at once and the Spanish fleet held there but induced to offer an engagement by every means within our power, and engagement outside the shore defense support if possible.

The Commander in Chief would of course use his own discretion in this matter, but the practicability of the following scheme might be submitted for his consideration. To take station with a battle ship off Principe Castle49 where she would be out of the field of fire of the guns in the outworks of Cabanas and of most of those in the new50 work of Morro Castle,51 and open on Principe and Punta, and possibly the west bastion of the Morro as a diversion. Send a Monitor52 as close in to San Lazaro Cove as possible and give her orders to practice on the aquaduct in rear of the town.53 Let the Katahdin54 accompany the monitor, lying under her cover as much as possible. The battle ship could also do some 8-inch practice on the aquaduct. If the practice were good the chance of losing the water supply might induce the Spanish fleet to charge out especially if the remainder of our fleet were held back. If the Spanish fleet came out the battle ship should haul off to induce a chase and the monitor and the Katahdin should endeavor to get between the Spanish fleet and the entrance to Habana.55 When the Spanish fleet had been drawn off shore a bit it could be closed with and disposed of. The monitor and Katahdin would be exposed to torpedo boat attack, but in the day time they could probably dispose of that, and the latter ship would have an excellent opportunity to get in her special work on Spanish ships trying to run in after they had stopped our work on the aquaduct. This of course is merely suggestive. The Commander in Chief would have to be careful of his ammunition in any such diversions against shore positions until he had a supply on his base, but should be prodigal of it if he could get the Spanish fleet under fire outside of Habana.

In general, in these preliminary operations, until the auxiliary cruisers were ready and coal and ammunition supplies on the base, the duty of our fleet would be to hold the Spanish ships of strength in Habana and incidentally to cut off all Spanish trade and reinforcements moving in the straits. But no extensive operations along the coast of Cuba, and no serious bombardment of Habana and Matanzas should be attempted until our whole fleet, auxiliary and all, were ready, and a fair amount of supplies on our base.

SUCCEEDING OPERATIONS.

During the preliminary operations, before referred to and indicated in general terms, it is obvious, from a consideration of the naval strengths of the two nations and from a glance at the fleet lists appended, that in the56 case under consideration “Operations in Cuban and Porto Rican Waters, A.”, the United States would be greatly superior in armored strength and in types of cruisers; Spain would be superior in numbers of cruisers and in torpedo vessels; and that this superiority would have to be met by utilizing auxiliaries. Within practical limits these last could replace regular cruisers for work with the armored fleet, thus freeing some of our more powerful cruisers for work on the south coast in blockading work and harrassments, since they would be amply strong enough57 to meet anything under the Spanish flag, if the Spanish armored fleet had been drawn to Habana for its defense and held there by our armored fleet.

Since the operations under consideration have for their ultimate object the liberation of the island, it is assumed that the naval Commander in Chief will have general instructions to so far as possible arrange his fire on fortifications and other defenses so as to do the least harm to property, public and private, within range and without military value. For example, while not a part of the defenses of Habana, the aquaduct and railway communications are proper objects for attack, since depriving the town of them would aid in reducing it; but the Governor General’s palace, while it is Spanish headquarters, should not be destroyed because its destruction would not weaken the defenses and because it would be valuable Cuban property after the liberation of the island, not to mention the fact that it could not be destroyed by fire from the fleet without doing great damage to the town.

When the fleet were made up to its full strength by the joining of ships fitted out for the Cuban operation on both the Atlantic and Pacific Coasts (the Oregon and probably the Monterey should be sent around)58 and the auxiliaries had reported, and when fuel and ammunition supplies were on the base or en route there, operations should be more actively pushed along the general line hereinafter indicated. It may be well to mention that the time devoted to preliminary operations need not be too much hurried if the fleet be strong enough to keep Habana sealed from the sea and at the same time detach a couple of cruisers to cut cable connections and harass the south coast,59 and especially if war material can be provided and delivered to the Cubans, for all these will be having their effect.

The succeeding operations should include active work against Habana’s shore defenses by a force superior to the Spanish armored fleet consisting for example, of our three first class battle ships and four monitors with cruisers and auxiliaries to look out for Spanish torpedo vessels, and the capture of Matanzas by the two second-class battle ships and two monitors. In all this work care should be used about hauling off at night to avoid torpedo attacks and at the same time keeping touch to prevent the Spanish fleet from escaping. The monitors would always need cruiser protection against torpedo boat work at night unless they were hauled well off. The force detached for the reduction of Matanzas would of course depend upon what defenses on shore (at present unknown) would be established there, and upon the condition of the Spanish fleet in Habana. But it should always be remembered that no matter how attractive it might be to make quick work at Matanzas, the blockade of Habana must always be strictly maintained by a naval force superior to the Spanish one. If by the ruse of hauling off from Habana while still keeping touch with the cruisers, the Commander in Chief could induce the Spanish fleet to go to the relief of Matanzas and engage our weaker fleet there, he could by closing in on Matanzas, eliminate the Spanish fleet from the problem; but such tactics should not be tried if there were any danger of the escape of the Spanish armored ships, any danger of losing touch with them, the primary naval objective.60

In bombarding the Habana shore defenses the work would cut itself out as their fire developed, as a matter of course, but from information at present available it would seem advisable to at first attack from a position to the Westward of the Morro and as close in shore as is safe, the distance from the Morro depending upon the weight of fire developed from it and from what new batteries may be erected. It is probable that with our ships moving at 10 knots the shore fire could well be endured at from 15 to 20 cables61 from the Morro, and at that range the Morro itself could be well knocked about, and the guns having a field of fire to the westward dismounted. This position too, would give an opportunity for playing upon the Principe and any modern works between it and the sea, while some fine shooting work could be tried on the aquaduct and the railroads in rear of the town. This seems attractive because very little damage would be done to the town itself by stray shells. During these operations the Vesuvius under cover of a battle ship might be worked in until she could drop aerial torpedoes into the Morro and Cabanas and possibly be hovering about the entrance, but which could aid the Morro only by coming out and blanking its fire, and of course receiving that of the fleet. The Katahdin should also be kept close in during such work so as to give her a chance at any ship fairly outside the entrance. The attack on Matazanas should not be made until the Cubans were at hand in force,62 and they should be communicated with as to the time when they would be in best condition to close in and take advantage of the naval operations.

If Maya and Sabanilla Points remain in their present unfortified condition the entrance to Matanzas Bay will be practically clear,63 and the four ships detailed for the work should have no difficulty in silencing present shore defenses. If modern high velocity large caliber guns are mounted either on the headlands or further in, it will be a matter of more time and trouble to reduce the place. Matanzas in the hands of the Cubans and kept open by the United States fleet,64 would of course become the Cuban base for operations against Habana - which would probably go no further than threatening the town sufficiently to render necessary a large garrison in Habana. The cruiser squadron on the south coast should consist of a force strong enough to meet all Spanish protected cruisers in Cuban waters and should, of course, endeavor to meet them when not well supported by shore works and torpedo vessels. These last should always be respected as antagonists and every endeavor made to get them under fire in daylight. With our cruiser squadron on the south65 coast should operate a number of auxiliaries which would be useful for hunting out the smaller gunboats.

Cable communication with the island should be promptly cut off at Guanabano and Santiago de Cuba.66 It would also be well to cut the cables entering Cienfuegos. For cutting operations any auxiliary or light cruiser fitted with a cutter of the regular jaw pattern or with a gun-cotton cutter would answer well.67 Although the cables could be quickly repaired, any repairing could be readily prevented by the cruising squadron.

The question of coaling this cruiser squadron should be a simple one, for in the first place it could readily abandon its station, run to Key West, coal, and get back to the south coast without having been gone long enough to nullify its previous operations. Again, with the Spanish strong ships held at Habana, and the remainder of the fleet guarding the south coast against cruiser operations, it would be quite practicable to send colliers to the squadron, to meet it at a predetermined position off a good coaling port and run in under convoy. Then one cruiser could fill up while the others protected her, or coaling could go on with the colliers on one side only and everything clear for cutting drift and opening fire. Puerto Frances in the Isle of Pines and under Pilot Point in the Cabellones Channel68 are suggested as possible coaling69 points. Inside Cabellones might answer if the anchorage under Pilot Point was not sufficiently secure. The ease of coaling would largely depend upon the localities of the torpedo vessels – which have been before referred to, they should as far as possible be attended to during the cruise on the first coaling.

(Has one gotten the impression that Lieutenant Kimball has gotten everything exactly BACKWARDS yet? This was the idiotic plan, Admiral Sampson "thought" he was carrying out. It is sublime how every assumption and supposition made was against common sense and what the naval geography dictated the Spanish would do, if they were insane enough to forward project their metropolitan fleet into Cuban waters. M.)

The cruiser squadron would be useful in harassing all well convoyed transports attempting to throw reinforcements into the island at Cienfuegos or Las Tunas,70 and in capturing those not under convoy. It should, of course, be on the move under easy steam much of the time.

(How is this going to work out for the United States Navy? Not too good. M.)

FINAL OPERATIONS.

With supplies on his base, with Matanzas in the hands of the Cubans and in cable communication with Key West, and with the command of the Straits of Florida securely in his possession, the Commander in Chief could afford to push things before Habana by keeping the fortifications constantly under fire during the hours of daylight and by aiding Cuban raids on the source of water supply with a heavy shell fire on the works in the region of Fort Principe. He could always contain the Spanish fleet even when sending single ships to the base for fuel and ammunition supplies. If Matanzas could be securely held by the Cubans with the aid of one or two monitors, two second class battle ships and a couple of auxiliaries could make a diversion against Porto Rico to destroy any bases of supplies that might be established there.

(The assumption was that the banditi and insurrectos would be a capable fighting force. M.)

It might seem that a few weeks of such conditions would make matters at Habana intolerable and render a sally by the Spanish fleet probable. This fleet should be struck as before mentioned.

If the probabilities are that the defenses of Habana can and will hold out under blockade and bombardment as above, the decision must be made as to whether the town itself shall be put under fire or a resort to be had to throwing an army of invasion into the island.

If the last be decided upon - and it may be noted that the destruction of Habana would be of doubtful benefit as a strategic matter and most lamentable from any other point of view - at least an army corps should be landed at one time in Matanzas and the landing of this corps followed up by two or more as rapidly as possible. All landings and operations should be made in the dry season.

(It seems to have escaped Kimball's notice that the American landings would have to coincide and contige with whatever port the Spanish fleet in being would pick as its hidey hole, because nothing short of land-based heavy siege artillery (mortars) was going to chase a Spanish fleet in being out of port into the waiting guns of an American fleet. Thinking that Havana was a good idea of a place to bottle up such a Spanish fleet with over 100,000 Tercios as bodyguards, was a non-starter. As it will turn out, since Cervera was not about to enter the Florida Straits kill-funnel, things will work out for the Americans in spite of the bumbling Sampson, and LT Kimball. M.)

It would be better strategically to delay the invasion rather than to make it in the yellow fever season,71 and in any event to plan as brief a campaign as possible, even if this briefness requires increased expenditures due to putting more men and material in the field than would be necessary for a longer campaign. An invasion should not be contemplated for a force of less than 60,000 men with 40,000 in reserve.72

(Did that happen? No. Why? Hurricane SEASON. What does one want to lose; a few thousand half-trained replaceable soldiers or the New Steel Navy that took a decade to build and which might not be replaced by Congress after such a weather disaster? M.)

The army base of operations has been indicated as Matanzas – that of concentration as Tampa, and this last would be by far the best available base even if the Straits of Florida were so completely under our command that transports would need no convoy; unless the Straits were so held, as for instance in case the invasion were decided upon and pushed forward early in the war, before the navy had accounted for all Spanish cruisers – then there would be no other practicable base for embarking an army corps and quickly transporting it to Matanzas.

(Notice that Cervera expected the United States Navy and army to operate out of the Virgin Islands as a blockinmg position (See Map.). How that was supposed to happen is beyond me, (Maybe he thought the Danes had a mad on for the Madrid government?) but if the US had followed a sensible strategic program, it would have landed an expedition forward to seize an operating naval base where there was a good harbor and not a lot of Insurrectos, banditi, or Tercios in that Cuban local to bother the American fleet. Like Guantanamo? M.)



If there were absolutely nothing to fear from any Spanish ships, troops could be collected and embarked at New Orleans, or any northern city for that matter. But under the present conditions of transport, it would be much more economical and practical to use Tampa as the place for army concentration.

(One wonders if LT. Kimball was smoking peyote? M.)

Aside from the Unreconstructed Confederates and Copperheads, there were some other practical considerations...

(See Illustration.)



(Notice the lack of stevedore and craning capacity as well as no side tracking or ability to move trains in and out of the piers alongside? M.)

The transport and disembarkation of troops and their shore operations have no place in this paper.



It may, however, be pointed out that La Union, a day’s march to the southward of Matazanas, is the key to the situation as regards cutting off supplies and reinforcement from the eastward for Habana.

I - B.73

OPERATIONS IN CUBAN AND PORTO RICAN WATERS.

DEFENSE OF CUBA TO BE MADE BY SHORE FORCES AND UNARMORED SHIPS.

In this case the Straits of Florida must be ours without a blow, and the unarmored ships about the island could be met and rendered useless by our protected cruisers. With the aid of the Cubans a blockade of the coasts, practical to all intents and purposes, could be made and maintained.

The armored fleet for Cuban waters would depend upon the season of the year as well as upon the policy of the government in regard to pushing things to a quick conclusion.

As this case presupposes the holding of the Spanish armored ships in Spanish waters, and as we would have no possible object in expending battle ship force in striking at Spain till Cuba were liberated, it would seem better to use our battle ships in Cuban waters and leave the defense of the ports against possible Spanish cruiser raids to the old monitors and to some of the swifter cruisers; these last would be ample for the purpose and the use of them would allow us to have the heavier guns of the battle ships for bombarding work against the fortifications of Habana.

It is to be noted that under this arrangement the distribution of the United States naval force could readily be changed to meet Condition C of Spain if she should change to that from the case under consideration.

This case B would hardly be adopted unless Spain felt great reliance in both her army in Cuba and her defenses of Habana, and consequently her adopting it would be an indication that we should at once prepare an army of invasion and throw it into the island practically under the same limitations as to season, numbers, bases, etc., as was alluded to in case A.

(Cervera had opted for Plan Charlie. This was the most sensible and least expensive option to Spain given the real world in which apparently Alfred Thayer Mahan, Arent Crowninshield and HE were the only inhabitants. M.)

I - C

In this case the United States fleet in Cuban waters would, until the Spanish armored ships were found and disposed of on our own coasts, consist as regards armored ships of the new monitors. These could open Matanzas and work more or less against Habana. They would need support by cruisers both against torpedo vessels and to secure their base – which last would be reduced to Key West alone. The naval work against Habana would be comparatively slow and operations there from the sea could not be pushed until the Spanish armored vessels were disposed of; but it is very improbable that this last would long delay matters. As soon as they were met and struck by our superior fleet the coast could be looked out for by our cruisers, in case any Spanish cruisers were afloat to threaten them or our trade, while the battle ships could be sent to Cuban waters to hurry matters there.

(Except for all those Spanish troops in the Cubano stocked up with a year's worth of food and ammunition. To dislodge them would require operations that would be of about the size and duration that we will see in the Russo-Japanese War. Just to remind the reader of that cost, that was 1/3 of the attacking fleet, 60 thousand casualties among the 150,000 attackers and it took 6 months to take Port Arthur. It would be an American bloodbath and a Spanish holocaust. On the other hand, that kind of bloodletting would really sober up the American polity and shock the American army into far more ruthless reforms than the little bloodletting this war will actually do. M.)

II - A and C.

United States naval operations in European waters might be very effective if the matter of coal supply could be satisfactorily solved. The probabilities are that upon the outbreak of war between Spain and the United States coal will be declared contraband of war in so far as the furnishing of it by neutrals to belligerents is concerned, but it is suggested that a small United States squadron properly constituted for the work might coal in any one of several unfortified anchorages in the Balearic Islands74 that are sufficiently secure as regards weather, if the colliers were sent out from England under the British Flag. These colliers might be chartered and cleared for Port Said or other point where colliers are always going, and they might then meet the fleet at a prearranged rendezvous at sea and go to the anchorage under convoy. Since the movements would have to be timed to correspond to those of the fleet these colliers would of course have to be steam vessels. They would risk capture on their return to England, which risk would of course be arranged for in the charter. The matter of chartering openly or confidentially would to a small degree depend upon the attitude of the British government in regard to coal, but it should be as secret as possible in order to prevent complications. Of course the same system of providing coal for the fleet might be applied in France or Italy, but it could probably be more easily arranged in England than elsewhere.

(This is nonsense. An American fleet shows up inside the Mediterranean to seize a forward naval base and anchorage? See Map. M.)



(How happy are the British or the French going to be when Commodore Francis Cook shows up with his battle-line and starts shooting up Barcelona? M.)

With flying coal bases as above, a flying squadron might accomplish much although it would have absolutely no dependable base for repairs and no certain way of supplying itself with ammunition. The squadron to meet ideal conditions75 should consist of our two armored cruisers and our two commerce destroyers because such a squadron would be strong enough to meet and destroy anything Spain could get to sea after the Pelayo and the three armored cruisers were sent to Cuba, and because it would be amply fast enough to decline an action with these if they were fallen in with.

As the ammunition supply would be scant the commanding officer would have to husband it with care, but even so he could strike Spanish trade in the Mediterranean heavily, could put many unfortified towns under ransom. He could operate76 on both the Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts of Spain, but the greater part of his work should be done along the latter because he could there better harass the Spanish trade afloat, and towns ashore, and because a United States squadron appearing off Barcelona, Valencia, and Cartagena would probably result in a demand for naval protection by the eastern provinces and thus produce strains upon the Ministry77 that it could illy bear.

In the case under discussion, in which the Spanish sea-going78 armored ships are supposed to be in Cuban waters, such a European United States squadron as has been indicated would have nothing to fear from any action at sea, but in harassing towns great care would have to be used to avoid receiving damage from coast works, and to keep down the expenditure of ammunition. The method to apply to towns would be to appear off them, to demand a ransom, and if it were not promptly paid to toss a heavy shell or two into the town itself to show the seriousness of the situation. No ammunition could be wasted on fortifications and it is suggested that if merchant vessels and what coast defense vessels that can be met are well harried the squadron work will be well done without harassing towns by shell fire.

(Except for French, Italian and possibly Briish interrogators who would object to American commerce raiding in "their" waters. The Balarics are a big fat "No". The Canary Islands are the proper targets, along with Spanish Moroccco. M.)

II - B.

In this case the European Squadron, made up as in II - A would be sufficiently powerful to furnish work for the Spanish armored ships and cruisers for it could well afford to join action with any single ship except the Pelayo, and under favorable circumstances perhaps with her; but this squadron should never lose sight of the facts that it has harassment for an objective - not a fleet of strong ships - that it has no base at all, and that it must be extremely careful of its own existence; therefore the endeavor should be to lead the Spanish fleet a lively chase about the coast, doubling back and appearing79 off a town from which it had just been driven by the Spanish armored fleet, for example, and in every way showing the Spanish people their lack of protection.

(What happens when this squadron runs out of coal in three to five days and the engines break down after long speed runs? M.)

In this case as in II - A and C, the coaling question would be the most difficult one to solve, and the squadron would have to haul off the Spanish coast and elude the Spanish armored fleet before making its flying fuel base. Still the difficulties do not appear unsurmountable - and even if the Spanish fleet chased our squadron into a neutral port and practically blockaded it by awaiting it in the offing, our squadron would be doing good service in holding a heavier force than itself from other work.

(This, thus, is the argument for a fleet train, the marine corps used and amphibious warfare to seize a forward base and anchorage. All of these operations and means will come to pass... IN CUBA. M.)

The question of sending battle ships to reinforce this cruiser fleet in Spanish waters, after the fall of Habana, and after the Philippines and Canaries80 had been more or less harassed and perhaps reduced, would of course depend upon the policy of our government in compelling Spain to make peace after Cuba were liberated. It is apparent that battle ships could be utilized to good advantage for meeting the Spanish fleet and eliminating it from the problem of the war, though it is doubtful whether they should be employed against towns where ransom and not capture is the object. The coal and ammunition supply question would grow with the increase of the fleet, but on the other hand with three of our first class ships available a big convoy of coal could be convoyed to the Balearics and established there under continuous protection of the battle ships. The fleet would be strong enough to protect its base and fight at the same time.

(Which European nation will come to Spain's aid at that moment? It rhymes with Termany. Likely the nation that rhymes with "dance" will not be happy either. It will take the other side to oppose "Termany" ... and it starts to look like another War of the Spanish Succession with the Americans cast in the role of Louis XIV's France. How could that development turn out? For the Americans... NOT TOO GOOD. M.)

III A – B – C.

Under present conditions of the naval strengths of the two countries, or under those which are likely to exist in the near future, it would seem that the United States could well spare from operations in Cuban and Spanish waters a cruiser fleet certainly sufficient to harass the Phillipines and probably strong enough to reduce and hold Manila itself. With the fleet as per appended lists of United States ships and of81 Spanish ships that could be spared for the mobile defense of the Philippines, we could assuredly seize Manila Bay, reduce Kavite,82 and establish there a coaling and repairing base, and easily reduce Manila itself. With Manila in our hands it would be an easy matter to control the trade of Ilo-ilo and Cebu.83 The question of method of carrying out the operations would of course be in the hands of the Commander in Chief of the fleet, but it would seem best to first establish a base at Manila to which coal can be sent in suitable quantities in case the supply held there is destroyed by the Spaniards, when whatever Spanish fleet that may be found there is captured.84

(This is the least developed of Kimball's thoughts and yet it is the most cogent. Of course the question of the Illustrados, who are much better freedom fighters than the Cubans, is a future nightmare, which no-one American can predict. M.)

In case Spain should send out an armored cruiser or two for the defense of the Philippines the reduction of Manila would be a much more serious matter.

(The US Navy should have budgeted a couple of more Olympia class protected cruisers. Arguably these were the FINEST cruisers being built at the time, notwithstanding the superb Garibaldis. Three of them would have browned Otto von Diederichs' trousers nicely. M.)

But in such a contingency a United States battle ship from the Pacific could well be spared from joining the fleet in Cuban waters, and she with a cruiser fleet made up from the ships of the Asiatic and Pacific would be ample to meet anything that Spain could put in the Philippine waters.

(Camara's Expedition would like a word. M.)

A very light cruiser squadron might harass the Philippines even if the Spaniards had an armored cruiser or two on the station, but the difficulty of arranging a flying coaling base for such a squadron, and the strategic importance of Manila would seem to point to the latter place as a military objective to be reached even at the expense of sending an armored ship or two for its attainment.

(Subic Bay. Dewey's second mistake was not taking Gtand Island as a coaling base. M.)

The ease with which the revenues of the islands could at85 once be attained and the fact that these revenues might be held until a war indemnity were satisfactorily arranged for, both indicate that Manila should be made a serious objective.

IV A and B.86

In these two cases it is evident that the only mobile defenses needed for our coast ports would be such as could prevent the entering of an unarmored cruiser or two and also keep such a force from annoying our coast towns by running in to within long range and dropping a shell or two among buildings. For these purposes our old monitors could be utilized by distributing them along the coast at the more exposed points and they themselves would answer all purposes unless the Spaniards detailed for this harrassing work the Alfonso XIII or one of the armored cruisers, neither of which they could well spare from Cuban waters.

(The monitors were too slow and their guns too inaccurate. Trust the Endicott forts and buy railroad guns. M.)

The question of the amount of annoyance that could be made in this way would of course depend on whether or not Great Britain allowed Spanish cruisers to coal at Halifax or Bermuda. If such coaling were allowed and if the Spanish fleet were weakened by detaching a strong cruiser from the fleet in Cuban waters, we would have to meet it by supplementing the defense given by the old monitors by a patrol of some of our better cruisers. Although these could be illy spared, it is to be borne in mind that the more the Spanish fleet is weakened in Cuban waters the better can we spare cruisers for defense patrol on the coast.87 In fact we would probably be forced to use some few cruisers for protection of our coasting trade before our heavier auxiliaries were fitted out, and since the Spanish Transatlanticas have better armaments than we can furnish to our auxiliaries it is quite probable that we would have to maintain this cruiser patrol, especially if there is such energy displayed by the Spanish privateers as is now promised for that service.

(Hence Schley's Flying Squadron. And what becomes of it? It fights the Battle of the Bahia de Santiago de Cuba. Funny is it not, how that worked out? M.)

In regard to the protection of the depots at Key West and Tortugas of the naval base line, an old monitor at either place supplemented by cruisers of the fleet before Habana should be ample for any force Spain could send apart from her armored ships, and these last could surely be contained by our fleet.

(Never happened. M.)

Even if the Spanish fleet escaped and struck one of our depots, it would be a movement in our favor so long as touch was not lost, since it would offer an opportunity to force a fight.

(Notice that LT. Kimball does not discuss the scouting problem at all? M.)

IV – C.88

This case, although a desperate one for Spain to adopt, one that would lead her to utter defeat, is one that would be very awkward for us to meet; for her armored fleet is too strong to be allowed to move about our coasts whose ports were defended only by shore works and coast defense vessels, and is also too strong and too fast to be caught and beaten by anything less than a squadron of our best ships.

(LT Kimball has forgotten the coaling and ammunition limitations that plague the Americans in Spanish waters are worse for the Spanish Armada off the American coast. This is what America WANTS. A Spanish fleet far from home swanning around off the coast without safe harbors is dead meat to an American fleet in home waters. M.)

With a good system of lookouts, and pigeon and telegraph service89 we should be able to find this armored fleet before it could have done any serious (h)arm, and once found it should only be able to elude an action by running into a neutral port, Halifax or Bermuda, for example, where it could hurt us as much by necessitating a strong blockade on our part and thus reducing very much the strength we could us in Cuban waters, where operations would have to proceed as in I – C.

(The 24 hour rule goes into effect and then Schley can pounce, since Sampson will likely have one of his fits. Or the Spanish fleet will be interned and disposed according to a neutrals right's under International Law. M.)

The question of coaling in neutral ports would be a very acute one in this case, IV – C. If no coaling were allowed, the Spanish fleet would soon be eliminated from consideration. In case England allowed Spanish ships to lie in her ports as, long as they chose and allowed them to coal enough to reach the nearest home port, as is probable, it is evident that the British ports of Halifax and Bermuda would practically soon become Spanish bases at least in so far as fuel, supplies and ports of refuge are concerned, and that we could not prevent such use of British ports.90 Nor could we utilize our rights as belligerents to the same favors that Spain received since coal sufficient for our ships to reach the nearest home port would be an insignificant amount.

(This would be a diplomatic question requiring statecraft. The way Gideon Wells finally solved it, was to mousehole the British or French port with American ships and wait for the "Confederates" to sortie and then blow them out of the water. It worked nicely. M.)

It would seem that our only resourde91 would be to hover around the British port with a fleet superior to the Spanish one and keep our ships coaled and ready for a chase at all times as best we could.

(See previous remark. M.)

But at whatever cost the Spanish fleet should be held until it could be struck....

CRUISER OPERATIONS ON THE SPANISH COAST.

A possible line of cruiser squadron work has been indicated (pp 26 to 28 of this report).92 The following brief notes on the strategic condition of the coasts and ports of Spain seem to point to the probable efficacy of such operations.93

The Mediterranean coast of Spain is attractive for cruiser work, because on that coast are to be found the greater amount of sea-borne property, the greater number of wealthy towns, and the greater number of towns that are practically indefensible against attack from the sea. This last condition arises from the fact that the contour of the coast at the site of a town has in several instances forced the forming of an artificial port in which the shipping cannot be covered from gun fire from the offing by fortifications. See sketches of Barcelona and Malaga as typical ports.94

In many instances, as per list of towns herewith, a ship off the port can open on proper points of attack, such as custom houses, railroad stations, and bridges, and shipping in the port, at half the range the fortifications firing on the bombarding vessel would use; and in many instances the fortifications would have to fire in line with the town itself; thus, if they opened on the ships, making the enemy instead of ourselves responsible for what damage to the town itself might result from return fire.

On the northern coast the towns are as a rule better protected and greater care would have to be used in harassing them.

Between Capes Trafalgar and St.Vincent trade could be readily harassed, but the only exposed town (Cadiz) is difficult to attack without danger of serious return fire, although a demonstration against it might be desirable for the purpose of drawing its mobile defense out to sea and thus disposing of it.95

. . . BARCELONA

See Sketch herewith.

Population 271,481.

Most important trade and wealth center. Fortifications as per sketch. Armaments unknown. Modern guns might be found here, and torpedo boats and coast defense vessels would have to be reckoned on.

A blockade off the port would interrupt much trade and might draw out the coast defense vessels, which could then be disposed of.

Steaming past at speed, and at a range of about 2500 yards, the fleet could do an enormous amount of damage to the shipping in port, while its chance of injury from the batteries would be slight. If Spain had any formidable ships in the Mediterranean they would probably be found here. The place has been captured twice by French and once by English.96

(This last section of the warplan is the most ill-considered and most faulty. Cadiz, Ferrol, and Barcelona were well defended by guns at least equivalent to the best guns of the US Endicott System, which outside the German Helgoland fortifications were probably the best sited and most effective coast defense artillery emplacements extant. The Spanish guns were Hontoria copies of Schneider guns and thus could outrange and outhit USN shipborne artillery about 2X to 1. This is not the trash artillery of Cuba or the Philippines. These are Metropolitan Spanish defenses manned by Spaniards defending their homeland. That amounts to anj order of magnitude difference from places like Manila Bay. M.)

(Signed) Wm. W. Kimball,
Lieutenant, U.S.Navy,
Staff Intelligence Officer.

Source Note: TD, RNN, UNOpB, Section 10, Envelope 9, #255. No place is given but it appears Kimball, who worked for the Office of Naval Intelligence, wrote this plan while attending the Naval War College in Newport, RI. Included with the plan, but not printed here, are lists of the American and Spanish fleets, proposed operations off the Spanish coast, and intelligence about Spanish coastal cities. There are three versions of this plan, all are dated 1 June, 1896. The one presented here is the first version, which was not accompanied by appendices. In the second version, the text was incomplete, and there were scant notations, and it was missing some appendices, so the first one is presented because it illustrates Kimball’s train of thought. If he made a notation regarding the appendix, the second version with the missing pages is referenced. Additional notations from the second version will be indicated as such in the endnotes. The third version, found at DNA (RG 313, Entry 36) seems to be the final copy submitted to the Navy Department, however, it does not contain any notations. Kimball’s plan served as a benchmark for subsequent war plans developed by the Navy Department.

Footnote 1: Handwritten comments between lines and in the right margin: “Statesman’s Year Book/Brassey.” The Statesman’s Yearbook: The Politics, Cultures and Economies of the World was first published in 1864 and is still in print. The Navy Annual, more popularly known as Brassey’s Naval Annual, was founded by Thomas Brassey in 1886. With the outbreak of the Cuban insurrection in 1895, support for Cuban independence in the U.S. mounted because of skillful propagandizing by the Cuban revolutionary Junta in exile, revulsion of the reconcentrado policies established by General Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, widely known as “Butcher Weyler,” and enthusiastic support for the revolutionaries by certain prominent American newspapers. As a result, Spanish-American diplomatic relations were increasingly strained. Lewis L. Gould, The Spanish-American War and President McKinley (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1982).
Footnote 2: Handwritten comments between lines and on the right margin: “Clowes N.P.B./Appendix/pp 1-16.” Sir William Laird Clowes was a British historian who wrote on naval history, strategy, and technology and was the editor of The Naval Pocket-Book. Its goal, according to the preface, was: “to provide in handy form a more full and exhaustive collection of facts and figures relating to the modern Navies of all nations than has ever yet appeared in any country.” The notation “Appendix/pp 1-16” refers to the first part of the appendix, however, many of the pages are missing. Of those still with the second plan, pages 6 to 8 list: “U.S. Squadron in European Waters.” Pages 9 to 12 present “Spanish Vessels in Cuban Waters.”
Footnote 3: Running arms to the rebels, known as filibustering, began as early as 1894.
Footnote 4: The proposed tactics regarding the timing of a naval attack and a military invasion were a source of dispute among subsequent war planners. See: Plan of Operations Against Spain Prepared by Captain Henry C. Taylor (1896)
Footnote 5: That is, the fleet of the U.S. Navy. Handwritten interlineation: “Appendix pp 31-47.” These pages, not presented here, contain an appendix listing “Cuiser Operations on the Spanish Coast” and “Notes on Spanish Ports with a view to Cruiser Operations.” Pages 31-33 are missing.
Footnote 6: Handwritten comment at the end of the paragraph: “Appendix p 48.” Page 48 is missing from the original documentation. The Philippines belonged to Spain. The United States Navy adopted Kimball’s and subsequent pre-war plans when it sent Commo. George Dewey’s Asiatic Fleet to capture Manila.
Footnote 7: Handwritten comment at the bottom of the page with an asterisk: *Defence of Spain and Philippines as in case A.
Footnote 8: The U.S. and Spain were not signatories to the Paris “Declaration Respecting Maritime Law” of 16 April 1898 which outlawed privateering; however, both countries agreed to abide by its stipulations when war broke out.
Footnote 9: During the war the base at Hampton Roads was used in such a manner by Commo. Winfield S. Schley’s Flying Squadron.
Footnote 10: Handwritten Comments in the right margin: “CS Chart to/Bunce Rep./H. Ex Doc/No 79/IS 52 C/vol 33.” ”CS Chart to” appeared in the second edition. “CS” stands for submarine cable. It is difficult to ascertain the reference to the Bunce Report, however, Rear Admiral Francis M. Bunce was at this time commander of the North Atlantic Squadron, so it can possibly relate to this activity. Prior to this assignment he was a member of the Board of Inspection and Survey. In a New York Times article “A Surprise for the Navy” dated 20 June 1895, it stated that: “Commodore F.M. Bunce, the officer now detailed [as commander of the North Atlantic Station], has been a member of the Naval [Rating and] Examining Board. He is the officer who recently made a minority report against the promotion of Capt. Howell of torpedo-construction fame.” House Executive Document No. 79 has no bearing on this subject manner. The abbreviation “IS” could possibly refer to a journal title.
Footnote 11: Great Turtle Harbor is located on the Gulf coast of Florida.
Footnote 12: Handwritten interlineation: “Tort-K.W Line = 190 K.” Kimball used the letter “K” to mean nautical mile. The knot, however, traditionally is a measure of speed equal to one nautical mile per hour (1.51 mph), however, it has been used as equivalent to one nautical mile as distance.
Footnote 13: Handwritten interlineation: “Tampa to Tort.-K.W Line 180 K.”
Footnote 14: Tampa was used as the port of embarkation for the Army during the war.
Footnote 15: Handwritten comments between paragraphs: “Tampa to Matanzas = 290 K./Habana to Matanzas = 47 K.”
Footnote 16: These plans changed after the location of RAdm. Pascual Cervera y Topete’s fleet was determined to be at Santiago.
Footnote 17: Although Kimball anticipated that the Spanish fleet would be at Havana the administrative capital was the primary target.
Footnote 18: Part of the Navy’s strategy was to create an Auxiliary Fleet composed of old monitors and converted vessels.
Footnote 19: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “Bu. Nav. [Bureau of Navigation]/Appendix/pp 17-22.” It seems likely that this reference to the Bureau of Navigation, and similar notes found elsewhere in the war plan, correlate to sections of the Annual Report of the Navy Department, 1895. Pages 17 to 22 are missing from the original document.
Footnote 20: Handwritten comment: “Appendix/pp 9-12.” Another reference to the list of the Spanish fleet appended to this plan.
Footnote 21: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Bu. Ord.[Bureau of Ordnance].”
Footnote 22: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Appendix/pp 23-24.” Pages 23 to 24 are missing.
Footnote 23: ”S.B.” is an abbreviation indicating smooth bore.
Footnote 24: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Appendix/p 21.” Page 21 is missing from the original document.
Footnote 25: Ocean liners.
Footnote 26: A reference to the Cuban Junta, a group established in the U.S. that promoted Cuban independence.
Footnote 27: A field gun is a mobile artillery piece designed to support frontline troops.
Footnote 28: A heavy artillery piece designed to put under siege a place, such as a fortification or a city.
Footnote 29: The Dudley aerial torpedo, known as the Dudley dynamite handheld gun, is a light and portable gun that fired high-explosive charges.
Footnote 30: Handwritten comments: “Scientific/American/25 April, 96/Sims Dudley/Defence Co/25 Wall St./H.P. Elwell/Gloucester/ Mass.” “The Dudley Powder Pneumatic Gun” was an article that appeared in Vol. 74, No. 17 of the Scientific American. The gun described in the article was manufactured by the Sims Dudley Defense Co. of New York. H.P. Elwell was a consulting engineer with that company.
Footnote 31: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “Branch Hy. [Hydrographic] Office/Philadelphia/app. Pp ? [sic].”
Footnote 32: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Bu. Equipment.”
Footnote 33: Handwritten interlineation: “50,000 [tons of] coal for 2 fills.”
Footnote 34: Handwritten comment between paragraphs: “Bur Ord. [Bureau of Ordnance].” The quality and availability of coal at this time dictated naval strategy to a great degree.
Footnote 35: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “Lidgerwood Mfg. Co./New York/U.S. Agents.” A Temperly Transporter was an overhead crane invented in 1892 by John R. Temperly, which allowed coaling at sea. The Lidgerwood Manufacturing Co. of New York offered a more effective coaling alternative between ships than the Temperly Transporter. It was designed by Spencer Miller and known as the Miller-Lidgerwood system.
Footnote 36: Kimball could have possibly misspelled or confused “Low’s” with the congressman discussed in the next endnote. Lt. R.S. Lowry of the Royal United Services Institute had invented watertight coal carriers and laid down the technical aspects of coaling at sea in 1883.
Footnote 37: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “P.B. Low/ Mem. H. Rep/fr New York.” Philip B. Low was a Republican congressman from the 15th district of New York from 1895 to 1899. He was an advocate of a strong navy and had close ties to shipping and maritime interests.
Footnote 38: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “Bur Ord. [Bureau of Ordnance]/C’+R,s St. Eng.” The latter comment possibly refers to a company in England.
Footnote 39: Handwritten comment: “Appendix/pp 25-28.” Pages 25 to 28 are missing from the original document.
Footnote 40: Handwritten comment at the bottom of the page preceded by an asterisk: “*The general principle would of course be adopted that no fighting ship was to go north for repairs until after the fall of Habana unless she had been so badly mauled as to have no fighting value.” In the second version these lines appeared as the succeeding paragraph.
Footnote 41: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “Bu M&S [Bureau of Medicine and Surgery]/Appendix/pp 29-30.” Pages 29 to 30 are missing from the original document.
Footnote 42: The Navy did send sick and wounded to Key West and employed hospital ships, most notably Solace.
Footnote 43: A benefit of the war in Cuba was the discovery of the mosquito as the source of the yellow fever first postulated by the Cuban physician Carlos Finlay and scientifically proven by Walter Reed, et al. Del Gato, Juan A. "Carlos Juan Finlay (1833-1925)," Journal of Public Health Policy, vol. 22, no. 1 (2001): 98-104.
Footnote 44: A reference to the red cross on a white background adopted by the Geneva Convention of 1889 as a sign of neutrality during warfare in order to safely convoy or house wounded or sick under the auspices of the Red Cross Society.
Footnote 45: The “Squadron of Instruction” refers to ships used in the training of naval personnel.
Footnote 46: Handwritten comment between lines: “or as per p. 6. Appendix.” Page 6 of the Appendix is entitled: “Spanish Waters... United States Squadron in European Waters.”
Footnote 47: Initially RAdm. William T. Sampson, who was named commander of the fleet operating against Cuba, wanted to invest Havana, but officials at the Navy Department refused to allow this action in the belief that the shore batteries and harbor mines would be too effective against the Navy’s capital ships.
Footnote 48: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Appendix/p. 22.” Page 22 is missing from the original document.
Footnote 49: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “H.O. [Hydrographic Office] Chart/Habana.”
Footnote 50: Handwritten comments in the right margin: “Information on/Defences Cuba/filed with Comdr/in Ch. N.A. [Commander-in-Chief North Atlantic] Fleet.” In the second edition the notation appears as follows: “Inform on/Defenses/of Cuba/furnished/to Comdr in/Chief N.A./Fleet as/it is re’cd.” This notation indicates that not only the Navy Department, but the fleet commanders received sensitive information regarding a potential war with Spain.
Footnote 51: There was a fort at the entrance to Havana Harbor and at Santiago de Cuba harbor; both were referred to as Morro. In Spanish “morro” means a rounded hill or promontory.
Footnote 52: A monitor was by this time an armored but outdated and unseaworthy vessel with a large cannon.
Footnote 53: Kimball is using the word “practice” in a dual sense i.e., to serve as a warning to the Cubans by cutting off water supply and to literally give the crews an actual gunnery exercise.
Footnote 54: The Katahdin was an iron-clad harbor defense ram.
Footnote 55: The Spanish fleet was never at Havana during the Spanish-American War, however, there were smaller vessels stationed there.
Footnote 56: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Appendix/p.p 1-16.” Pages 1 to 5 are missing from the original document, however, pages 6 to 16 contains lists of American and Spanish ships.
Footnote 57: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Appendix/p. 4.” Page4 is missing from the original document.
Footnote 58: The subsequent journey of the Oregon and its advance escort the Marietta in record time around the tip of South America highlighted the need for an isthmian canal.
Footnote 59: Telegraphy (including undersea cables) was an important means of communication at the time. The Navy did undertake a number of successful cable-cutting operations during the war.
Footnote 60: Handwritten comments in the left margin by an unknown person (possibly Kimball) and seemingly at a later date: “4-12 guns somewhere W of entrance to be considered May 97.” This left-side marginal notation indicated that Kimball’s plan was actively considered by the navy. Kimball was consulted by Theodore Roosevelt on a number of occasions regarding intelligence issues, in particular about Cuban defenses. In a letter dated 21 January 1898, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, for instance, requests clarification from Kimball about the number of batteries around Havana (DNA, RG 24). Seven months earlier (June, 1897) the Sicard Defense Board convened and Kimball’s ideas were incorporated. See: Plan of Operations Against Spain, 1897.
Footnote 61: A cable is a unit of distance; 1/10 of a nautical mile or 100 fathoms (600 feet).
Footnote 62: Kimball is referring to the Cuban insurrectionist forces.
Footnote 63: Maya Point is slightly east of Matanzas Bay and SabanillaPoint is located on the western side of this bay.
Footnote 64: Handwritten interlineation and in the right margin: “Cable from/Key West/to be cut off Habana/and spliced/to for lay to Matanzas.” The second version of the plan also has a handwritten interlineation that reads as follows: “Cable from K. West/to be cut off/Habana, and end/spliced to for/lay to Matanzas.”
Footnote 65: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “Appendix p 4.” Page 4 is missing.
Footnote 66: Kimball could mean either Guantánamo or Guanabacoa, but probably the former.
Footnote 67: A “cutter of the regular jaw pattern” or a “gun-cotton cutter” refers to different types of tools. Gun cotton is a highly explosive cellulose nitrate used mainly in smokeless powder.
Footnote 68: Cabellones Channel is south of Cuba between its outlying islands and the mainland.
Footnote 69: Handwritten comment in the right margin: “H.O.[Hydrographic Office] Chart.”
Footnote 70: Las Tunas is a city in central-eastern Cuba.
Footnote 71: The yellow fever season was from May to October.
Footnote 72: The first American invasion force totaled 16,000 men. Trask, War with Spain, 190.
Footnote 73: The first alternative scenario posited by Kimball.
Footnote 74: The Balearic Islands are located in the Mediterranean Sea and are part of Spain. In the second version a notation in the right margin appears: “Iurza/W. of Cape Falcon/Majorca/St. Ponza Bay/Puerto Cabrena/Zaffarino Isles/ Appendix pp. 35, 38, 40.” These names refer to places in the Balearics. Page 35 contains “Notes on Spanish Ports With A View To Cruiser Operations.” Pages 38 and 40 are missing from the original document
Footnote 75: In the second version the following notation appeared in the right margin: “Appendix p. 6.” Page 6 contained the “Spanish Waters...U.S. Squadron in European Waters.”
Footnote 76: In the second version the following notation appeared in the right margin: “Appendix pp. 31-47.” Pages 31 to 33 and 35 to 47 are missing from the original document. The existing pages contain: “Cruiser Operations On The Coast of Spain” and “Notes On Spanish Ports With A View To Cruiser Operations.”
Footnote 77: “Ministry” refers to the Spanish Conservative government of Antonio Canovas del Castillo.
Footnote 78: In the second version the following notation appeared in the right margin: “Appendix pp. 13-14.” These pages are missing from the original document.
Footnote 79: In the second version the following notation appeared in the right margin: “Appendix pp. 12-14.” Pages 12 and 12a contain the following: “Spanish Vessels Available for Cuba,” however, pages 13 and 14 are missing from the original document.
Footnote 80: The Canary Islands were colonial possessions of Spain.
Footnote 81: In the second version the following notation appeared in the right margin: “App. pp. 4 + 15-16.” Page 4 is missing from the original document, but pages 15 to 16 contain “Spanish Vessels In Philippine Waters.”
Footnote 82: Kimball is referring to the arsenal and fort at Cavité.
Footnote 83: Iloilo is a province located on Panay Island in the Philippines. Cebu, a province composed of many islands, is located in the central area.
Footnote 84: In the second version the following notation appeared between these paragraphs: “Subig Floating D. Dock./to be furnished in two years./To take 12,000 displacement./Attend to it if progress be made.” Kimball displays a keen desire to establish a coaling station and naval base in the Far East.
Footnote 85: In the second version the following notation appeared in the right margin: “Appendix p. 48.” Page 48 is: “Phillipine Islands. Statistics.”
Footnote 86: This section did not appear in the second version.
Footnote 87: Before the Spanish-American War there was widespread concern that American cities on the Atlantic coast would be bombarded. The Flying Squadron under the command of Captain Winfield S. Schley was formed to deal with a potential Spanish naval threat. On 14 March 1898, Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt wrote to Captain Alfred T. Mahan:



See: Roosevelt to Mahan, 14 March 1898.

Footnote 88: This section did not appear in the second version.
Footnote 89: A system of lookouts was established on the East and Gulf Coasts. A pigeon service had already been organized and served as an important means of conveying messages, although telegraphy became the key to communications.
Footnote 90: During the 1890s there was concern among American naval planners that there could be war with Great Britain. Friction with Canada over a number of issues and a territorial dispute between Venezuela and England generated the drafting of a series of war plans in the United States.
Footnote 91: The intended word is “recourse.”
Footnote 92: See, section “II – A AND C” on pages 29-32.
Footnote 93: One example follows this section. The war-plan version from RNN contains a partial list of cities with commentaries, however, this war plan, which is in DNA (RG 313, Entry 43) contains a complete list.
Footnote 94: These charts are to be found in the version of the Kimball war plan at DNA.
Footnote 95: Cadiz was the main port of the Spanish fleet.
Footnote 96: British and Dutch troops captured Barcelona in 1705 and the French-Spanish Bourbon troops took Barcelona in 1713, both during the War of the Spanish Succession. Napoleon annexed Barcelona in 1812.

Subic, Philippines

The Spanish Pacific Squadron departs Subic at 10:30 a.m. The Castilla being unpowered has to be towed by the transport ship Manila and as such is the last to arrive in Manila Bay at midnight.

General:

The cruiser CASTILLA was a wooden cruiser, named for a region in Spain, was built for service in the colonies by the provisional Spanish Government after the Revolution of 1868. She was sent to the Philippine Islands in 1890, to support the Spanish Army during the First Tagalog Revolt against Spanish Rule. She was lost in the Spanish American War at the Battle of Cavite/Manila Bay.

Background:

In 1869, the provisional Government ordered three armored corvettes with wooden hulls to be built for colonial service. The construction of the CASTILLA and her sisters NAVARRA and ARAGON started in 1869. However, their construction wase delayed by political events until 1876. Navy Minister, Admiral Antequera, finally ordered their transformation to unarmored cruisers in 1877.

The cruiser CASTILLA was built in the Naval Shipyards of La Carraca (Cadiz, Spain). As her wooden hull was impossible to transform into a iron hull, only her machines was updated to a more powerful system. As a result, she was already obsolete when she was completed in 1881.

The cruiser CASTILLA was commissioned in 1882 and served in the "Escuadra de Instrucción" (This squadron was used as the Home Fleet) until 1890. During this era, she was sent to several Mediterranean ports in courtesy visits.

On April, 1890 the Cruisers CASTILLA, ULLOA and JUAN DE AUSTRIA were sent to the Philippine Islands to reinforce the Asiatic Squadron.

During the first Tagalog Revolt, she was in action in anti-smuggling and contraband patrols along the Philippine coasts and as a support vessel for the Spanish Army at Cavite Province on the island of Luzon.

When the Spanish American War broke out, the CASTILLA and the other ships of Spanish Squadron were sent to Subic Bay. Because her machinery and boilers were almost unusable and her speed was low, this ship was towed by the cruiser REINA CRISTINA when the squadron went back from Subic to Cavite.

On May 1, at 4:00 AM, Admiral Montojo signaled his forces to prepare for action and, at 5:20 AM, all Spanish ships opened fire against the American Squadron as the battle of Cavite/Manila Bay began. At 6:30 AM, one gun of her 150 mm guns and one of her gun of 120 mm were disabled by American shells that also killed or wounded several men. At 7:15 AM the ensuing fires began to destroy the ship's deck and, at 8:30 AM, the ship was ordered to be abandoned.

During the action the Cruiser CASTILLA's crew lost 25 men killed and 80 wounded.

Her Captain was D. Alonso Morgado.

Advantages/Disadvantages:

The Cruiser CASTILLA with her wooden hull and poor machinery was obsolete and in no condition to take part in a modern naval battle. Her screw had been put out of action by the use of concrete around her shaft, in an effort to stop a serious leak.
TECHNOTES:
Classification...........................Unprotected Cruiser, first class
Launched:................................1879
Completed................................1881
Commissioned.............................1882
Hull.....................................Wood
Rig:.....................................3 masts (two fully, one schooner-rigged)
Armament:................................Four 150 mm guns
.........................................Two 120 mm (4.7") guns
.........................................Six 57 mm rapid-fire guns
.........................................Three 350 mm torpedo tubes
Contractor:..............................La Carraca Navy's shipyard (Cadiz, Spain)
Length:..................................74.45 m
Beam:....................................13.56 m
Draft:....................................6.35 m
Displacement.............................3,342 tons (as armored Corvette 3,650 tons)
Complement:................................360 men under the command of Capt. D. Alonso Morgado
Engine Type:.............................Engines generating 4,400 hp.
Boiler Type:.............................?
Speed:...................................15 knots
Coal bunker capacity:....................460 tons
Normal coal supply:......................?
Armor:...................................Unarmored
Cost:....................................?

United States 

Secretary of the Navy John Davis Long orders the lightly armed but fast auxiliary cruisers Harvard, Yale, and St. Louis, to patrol the waters off Cuba and Puerto Rico. They are instructed to locate the Spanish fleet. St. Louis is ordered to patrol the north coast of Cuba, Harvard the south coast, and Yale is sent to steam around Puerto Rico.

At sea - Commander William T. Swinburne To Rear Admiral William T. Sampson, Commander, North Atlantic Squadron

U.S.S.HELENA,3rd.rate,

At sea,Lat.22 04 N.;Long.86 W.,

April 29,1898.

Sir:

I have the honor to submit the following report of the circumstances connected with the capture of the Spanish steamer Miguel Jover, of Barcelona, bound from New Orleans to Barcelona, via Havana.

About I0 p.m., April 22, while awaiting orders from you at Key West I received a telegram from the Chief of Bureau of Navigation (1) sent me by the Commandant of the Naval Station, Key West, (2) a copy of which is enclosed. In obedience thereto I left Key West at 2.45 a.m. April 23.

Failing to find the Indiana off Sand Key I stood for the Yucatan Bank (3) At 3.45 p.m., April 23, in approximately Lat.23 43N Long. 83 28 W. a steamer was reported on the starboard bow standing to the S’d (4). When near enough for our colors to be seen she refused to show her nationality. I fired a blank charge, whereupon she stopped and hoisted the Spanish colors. I boarded her and after examining her papers took possession of her and placed a prize crew on board under the command of Ensign Cleland Davis, U.S.N., and ordered him to accompany me to Key West.

As I could not at that time spare any of my engine room force to work the engines of the prize and as I had lost so much time, I deemed it advisable in view of the value of the prize to abandon the search for the steamer mentioned in the telegram and returned to my station. I enclose the report of Ensign Davis the Prize Master (4).

The Miguel Jover is a fine steamer built in England for passenger service in I897; new boilers were put in her six months ago. Her dimensions are as follows: length, II 2.45 meters; beam,6.68 meters; registered tonnage 2500. She is loaded with cotton an and staves for Barcelona, the cargo being valued at about I30000 dols. She has large coal capacity and can steam thirteen knots on from thirty five to forty tons of coal per day. Her evaporatotors and distillers will make twenty four tons of steaming water and eight tons of drinking water per day.

Regarding the death of Axel Johansson, seaman, by the accidental discharge of his revolver, I beg to state that I regarded him as one of the most intelligent seamen in the ship, He was a man of fine physique, had been trained in the Swedish Navy and held a mate’s certificate. He was thoroughly familiar with firearms and was an excellent marksman. The accident cannot in any way be attributed to carelessness.

Very respectfully,

W.T. Swinburne

Commander,U.S.Navy,

Commanding U.S.S.HELENA.

Footnote 1: Commo. Arent S. Crowninshield, Chief of the Bureau of Navigation.
Footnote 2: Commo. George Remey, Commandant, Key West Naval Base.
Footnote 3: See: Map of Key West and Dry Tortugas.
Footnote 4: Southerly direction.
Footnote 5: Length of 112.45 meters = 368.93 ft. and beam of 6.68 meters = 21.91 ft.

General:

The fourteen thousand mile dash of the USS OREGON is a Spanish American War epic. The vessel steamed at high speed from the west coast of the United States, south around North, Central and South America to join the North Atlantic Squadron at the beginning of the war. This event was one of the most highly publicized events of the war, and had both national and international implications beyond the war itself.

(The engineering feat involved is the equivalent of an Apollo moon shot in 1898. Note that the USS Oregon is on the wrong side of the Rocky Mountains? Also, everything she needs has to be drawn from local US naval stores on the west coast. M.)

The USS OREGON was one the first United States battleships. The thirteen inch guns of her and her sisters, USS MASSACHUSETTS and USS INDIANA were the largest guns in the U.S. fleet. She was a new and controversial type of vessel for the U. S. Navy. Officially, the OREGON was a "seagoing coast-line battleship." She had to be called a coastal defense battleship since there was great opposition in the United States Congress to developing offensive weapons. However, most naval and some governmental planners had realized that the only way for the U.S. to expand economically was for it to develop a navy capable of engaging an enemy at sea or carrying the war to an enemy's borders. Ships were needed that had heavy armor, heavy armament, good speed and, importantly, large coal bunkers to allow for freedom from the coaling stations of the U.S. coast. The OREGON and her sisters met all of these requirements.

(The Indiana class battleships are metacentrically unstable. This is not unusual for top-heavy battleships of the era. The flotation reserve buoyancy calculation was thoroughly botched. USS Massachusetts, it is alleged, had been bulged to fix both problems and had bilge keels fitted. USS Oregon has not had this work done yet. The other Indiana Class defect, not yet addressed, is the unbalanced main gun turntables and gun houses. The guns, both 8 inch and 13 inch bore BLNRs when swung broadside caused the battleship to lean over in that direction. This aggravated the armor belt submergence problem caused by the flotation miscalculation and tended to noticeably cant the deck, making hoist and shell loading operations "extremely hazardous" as Captain  Charles Clark would remark with wry understatement. M.)

The Preparations:

After the loss of the USS MAINE in Havana harbor, and as tensions rose between the United States and Spain, it was realized that the OREGON should be concentrated with the other capital ships of the U.S. Navy, as suggested by the highly respected works of naval planner, Rear Admiral Alfred Mahan. The OREGON, however, was in Bremerton, Washington, on the west coast of the United States. She was needed with the U.S. North Atlantic and the "Flying" Squadrons, in the vicinity of Florida. The distance between these two locations was a formidable four thousand miles by land, but by sea the distance was closer to sixteen thousand miles! The Panama Canal had not yet been built, so the shortest route for the OREGON was south, along the west coast of the United States, Central and South America. She would have to travel through the dangerous Straits of Magellan, and then pass north along the same continents until reaching Florida.

(Notes:
--At the time A. T. Mahan is still a captain.
--There were no colliers or at sea coaling capacity for the Pacific fleet.
--In an unusual mistake, no one in the American state department arranged coal supplies and port accommodations in advance for the "speed run". Long had advised his counterpart William R. Day that it would be necessary. Day had failed to do due diligence and it was up to the US Navy War Board, acting extra-legally and outside State Department channels to hire its own agents and make those arrangements. Thi9s was another reason McKinley will fire his Secretary of State.
--The Straits of Magellan were extremely hazardous for the USS Oregon.

M.)

There was much doubt that the vessel could run that entire distance without being subject to crippling mechanical breakdowns and other misfortunes. The trip was made somewhat more difficult since the OREGON would frequently be out of contact with the United States government. The ships and crew would not be kept abreast of the status of relations between the U.S. and Spain. She would not know if war had been declared, and therefore not know how to react if a Spanish vessel was sighted. Neither would the OREGON know if the Spanish were searching for her or if she was steaming headlong into a trap.

(There was little the USN could do about the danger of USS Oregon running into the Spanish First Cruiser Squadron. There were no ships to spare as bodyguards for the USS Oregon. The best that could be expected or arranged was a forward deployed covering force rendezvous as the USS Oregon came within contact range of the North Atlantic Squadron in the Caribbean Sea, as soon as Clark could telegraph his arrival from a friendly port. Guess what Admiral Sampson did not arrange? M.)

Preparing the OREGON for her odyssey was no small task. Her ammunition had been unloaded at San Francisco, and coal was unavailable on short notice in Bremerton because of the demands of the Klondike gold rush. The vessel was finally coaled and steamed out of Bremerton harbor on March 3, 1898, arriving in San Francisco on March 6. Here the crew worked around the clock to load coal and ammunition. Orders were received to proceed to Peru on March 18. At this point fate intervened. The vessel's commanding officer, Captain McCormick, became seriously ill only days before the OREGON was to begin its voyage. He was replaced by Captain Charles Clark of the monitor USS MONTEREY. Clark was a stupendous choice for command of the vessel, as subsequent events would show.

(Captain Charles Clark was a fire-eater and probably the best ship handler in the USN. With a floating flatiron in danger of sinking every second (USS Monterey) it can be argued that he may have regarded the USS Oregon as a considerable seakeeping improvement. M.)

The Dash:

On March 19, 1898, the OREGON passed the Golden Gate and steamed out of San Francisco harbor. She soon was churning through the waters of the Pacific Ocean at a speed of twelve knots. Knowing that the vessel had an immense distance to travel, and that she may be forced into battle on or before her arrival in Florida, Chief Engineer Milligan of the OREGON made two major suggestions. Both were accepted by Captain Clark. Milligan pointed out that the fresh water supply for the boilers would not hold out long enough for refilling when the vessel stopped for coaling. However, if the OREGON was forced to switch to using seawater in her boilers, the boilers would suffer a loss in efficiency as the salt scale from the seawater built up in the boilers. To stretch the fresh water supply as far as possible, Milligan suggested that the men not be provided with cool fresh water, but rather with feed water from the boilers. This allowed for the supplies to be mixed, a reserve for drinking water not withheld, and the boilers given priority. This measure was rather drastic with the vessel steaming into the tropics. However, Clark took the matter before the men, explaining the need and the reasoning behind it. It was accepted quite cheerfully by the men, even though it meant that they would be drinking warm water, with the small amount of cool water and ice provided to the hard-pressed boiler and engine room crew. The temperature in the boiler and engines rooms averaged between 110 and 150 degrees Fahrenheit.

(THAT is the United States Navy. M.)

The second suggestion involved the vessel's coal supply. The best coal for use in the boilers was a "hard" bituminous coal. This would burn hotter and with less waste, ash and smoke than "soft" bituminous coal, and would result in greater speed with less coal and less work. Some of the best coal in the world came from Wales. The OREGON was lucky enough to have a supply, limited though it was, of Welsh "anthracite" (actually a hard bituminous coal, rather than a true anthracite. The vessel's chief engineer suggested that this coal should be saved for use in battle rather than for general steaming. For the Welsh coal to be of value in a time of need, it would have to be stored in close proximity to the boiler rooms. This meant that it had be moved from the more remote coal bunkers in which it was stored and placed in ready reserve in bunkers close to the boilers. This entailed much hot, dusty, and sweaty work for the coal passers while the vessel was at sea. Clark realized that speed was a necessity should the vessel meet with the Spanish fleet, and had his men complete this difficult task.

(This had the added burden of haul distance of the use-now coal fuel from the outer and more distant coal bunkers. There was no conveyor belt to those bunkers. The coal had to be scuttled by man forward past the ready-use bunkers. In the sweat box of the fire rooms, the "black gang" worked in extreme conditions that would have killed lesser sailors. Again, that is the United States Navy. M.)

During the run from San Francisco to Callao, Clark had another problem to deal with. Smoke was seen coming from one of the coal bunkers. This could mean but one thing - the coal bunker was on fire! Coal bunker fires, started by the spontaneous combustion of coal dust were a somewhat common problem aboard all steamships of this period; a problem accentuated by the practice of using coal bunkers as additional armor around the vital areas of a warship - engines, boiler rooms and magazines. An unchecked bunker fire could heat a magazine to the point where it could explode. The OREGON's crew worked furiously in ten-minute shifts to dig through the coal for four hours until the fire was located and extinguished. During this time, the vessel never slowed its progress.

(Does one think the USS Maine would have blown up under Clark's watch? M.)

The OREGON arrived in Callao on April 4, after traveling a distance of 4,112 miles in sixteen days. The only relaxation the crew experienced during this first leg of the dash was the traditional visit of King Neptune as the vessel crossed the equator. However, throughout the run, the ship's band was given permission to perform evening concerts to entertain the crew. At Callao, a friendly port, the crew worked furiously to replenish coal and supplies, with extra watches placed as a guard against any Spanish sympathizers who might attempt sabotage. The vessel was coaled from lighters in the safety of the center of the harbor rather than from the docks.

*(Callao was a Peruvian port. In general, South American nations on the west coast hated the Spanish for the 1866 War of the Pacific and were cheerful pro-American neutrals who could not wait for the Armada to get its comeuppance. This was of considerable help to the adhockery with coal, port security, messaging, etc., that was involved with the USS Oregon's speed run. The Russians would never get help like this when they tried their own version with the Russian 2nd Squadron's disastrous expedition to the Tsushima sink-ex. M.)

While in Callao, Clark was informed by cable from Washington that the Spanish torpedo boat, TEMERARIO had left Montevideo, Uruguay, and may be stalking the OREGON. Fear of torpedo boats ran high, since, for the first time in history, a small vessel with torpedoes could attack a large vessel and sink her through the use of the newly invented torpedo. The OREGON's crew would have to be on their guard against a torpedo attack, which could occur at any time and with little warning.

(In reference to this threat, we know, now, how miniscule it was. As Clark had no gunboat or cruiser escort, he had to worry about an unknown. This was an unknown to him because of poor intelligence work by ONI. For the record, the ARS Temarario's torpedoes did not function and it lacked the speed and seakeeping to pace USS Oregon to even try a torpedo attack. M.)

The OREGON next set a bearing for Rio de Janeiro. This leg of the journey would involve passing through the always dangerous Straits of Magellan. It was in the Straits that the OREGON would be most vulnerable to enemy attack, since there was little room to maneuver. She reached the entrance to the Straits late in the day on April 15, too late to begin the passage. Night was not a good time to attempt to enter the dreaded Straits. In addition, the OREGON found itself "in one of the severest gales of the season." The vessel pitched heavily, "with the jack staff sometimes disappearing under the solid seas that swept all but the superstructure deck," reported Clark. The vessel's commander took the OREGON into an anchorage at Tamar Island. With the fear that the vessel would run aground in the darkness nagging at Clark, he attempted to take soundings to determine the depth of the water. When that failed, he ordered an anchor dropped. Three hundred feet of anchor chain played out until the chain brakes could slow the fall. Eventually the anchor found the bottom. A second anchor was dropped also.

The next morning, the OREGON began the passage through the Straits with the aid of a Chilean pilot. By April 18, she had passed through the most treacherous portion of the Straits and put in at Punta Arenas for resupply and standard maintenance, leaving on the 21st. She was finally entering the Atlantic and was halfway toward her goal.

(The USS Oregon despite her design deficiencies had proved blue water capable in a TYPHOON. This was not true of many current British contemporary or ANY other foreign battleships. M.)

On April 30, OREGON entered Rio de Janeiro harbor. News was awaiting Clark from Washington. The United States and Spain were now at war, and the TEMERARIO was still unaccounted for. While in the Straits of Magellan, the OREGON was joined by the gunboat USS MARIETTA. At Rio, the two vessels were joined by yet another vessel, the recently purchased Brazilian dynamite cruiser NICTHEROY. Her dynamite guns were never installed, being replaced by more traditional guns. The vessel would eventually be renamed the USS BUFFALO. Both the MARIETTA and the NICTHEROY were quite slow.

(Useless escorts were better than no escorts. The War Board did what Sampson should have done. M.)

The Brazilians seemed to welcome the Americans. The OREGON anchored in mid-harbor, out of the typical travel lanes. Coal was brought out in barges and loaded aboard the vessel. Meanwhile, the Brazilian Navy aided the Americans by placing a cruiser to patrol outside of the harbor entrance, to combine her searchlights with those of the forts to spot any Spanish vessels attempting to make the harbor. Guards were placed on the coal barges since Spanish sympathizers with explosives were caught nearby.

(This was a surprise at the time and still a surprise today. One wonders who was bribed in the Brazilian government? M.)

It was while the OREGON was in Rio that the news of Dewey's victory at Manila Bay became known. The outcome was made even more spectacular when it was realized that Dewey's forces suffered no fatalities. The OREGON's crew went wild at the news. For Clark, the news was a relief. His son-in-law was serving with Dewey's squadron.

(Morale is to material as three to one. The Americans had Spain's measure. Dewey's victory included the intelligence detail that Montojo's gunners were terrible in their aim with shots passing over Dewey's ships. Clark knew that French telemeters (Lodzhou types) tended to make gunners shoot high as did the USN Fiske telemeters. Obviously, the Spaniards had not corrected for this rise error in azimuth. M.)

Also awaiting Clark at Rio were secret dispatches from the Secretary of the Navy. He notified the OREGON's commanding officer that four Spanish armored cruisers, and three torpedo-boat destroyers left Cape de Verde and went west. It was not known where they were headed...possibly toward the OREGON. Several messages passed between Clark and Washington, however Clark put an end to the exchange. First, the messages caused some confusion regarding the Oregon's orders. Secondly, Washington had more leaks than an old sloop! The newspapers hungered for information on the Oregon's whereabouts and the Spanish kept up with this source of information. Clark ended his conversations with the Department by stating "Don't hamper me with instructions. I am not afraid, with this ship, of the whole Spanish fleet."

(Clark's ship was in the same situation as Cervera's fleet. He had to hide until he reached a friendly port and avoid contact. Long, as SecNav, was a micro-manager and a loudmouth. This did not make Long as idiotic as Bermejo, but Clark was a seagoing W.T. Sherman in that he thought reporters should be shot, hung or fed to the sharks, whichever was conveniently handy at the moment. As for Long, whatever the SecNav did not know he could not pass on to the shark-bait... er reporters. As for...

"Don't hamper me with instructions. I am not afraid, with this ship, of the whole Spanish fleet."

Clark will prove it in battle. M.)

On May 4, Clark and the OREGON steamed out of Rio de Janeiro harbor, in company with the MARIETTA. Convinced that the vessels were headed toward certain death, the Brazilian government sent a cruiser out ahead of the ships to be sure that the expected fatal action did not take place in Brazilian waters. At the request of the Brazilian government, the NICTHEROY did not steam out in company with the OREGON and MARIETTA, but waited nearly a full day before making for the harbor entrance to join the waiting American vessels.

(Whoever took that bribe in the Brazilian government gave full value for the money spent. M.)

Clark now had a small flotilla which some considered to be more beneficial should the OREGON have to fight. Clark knew better. He quickly recognized that the two smaller vessels could not keep up with the OREGON. The MARIETTA could make ten knots in a smooth sea, but only eight in a rough sea. The NICTHEROY could only make seven knots! The OREGON would be better protected by her own speed than by the guns of the smaller vessels. He ordered the MARIETTA and NICTHEROY to proceed together, while on board the OREGON, the crew prepared for battle. The crew was notified that it was believed that a large Spanish force was looking for the OREGON. The vessel was cleared for action. Her woodwork was removed and thrown overboard, including much of the expensive mahogany paneling on her pilot house. The OREGON was repainted a wartime gray. The vessel and her crew were now prepared for war, either as part of Sampson's North Atlantic Squadron, or alone.

(Now Dewey did this work at anchorage at Mirs Bay. Clark did it at sea. M.)

On May 8, the OREGON steamed into the harbor at Bahia, Brazil, announcing that the vessel would be staying for several days. Instead, to keep any Spanish informants off guard, she left the very next day. Prior to his secret departure, Clark cabled Washington that "The OREGON could steam fourteen knots for hours and in a running fight might beat off or even cripple the Spanish fleet. With present amount of coal on board will be in good fighting trim and could reach West Indies. If more should be taken here I could reach Key West; but, in that case, belt armor, cellulose belt, and protective deck would be below the waterline." In other words, if he had to load enough coal for the long run directly to Key West, the weight of the coal would place much of his defensive armor below water where it could not help save the vessel in a fight. Also, the added weight would slow him down.

(There you see the flotation calculation error spelled out and the reason why it was a debacle. M.)

On May 14, Clark had a brief but interesting encounter. Famed sailor Joshua Slocum, with his small sailing vessel, SPRAY, was on his way to making the first solo circumnavigation of the world. His path crossed the Oregon's path. Basic information and pleasantries were exchanged. Slocum, on finding out that the United States was at war, jokingly suggested that the two vessels should travel together "for mutual protection." Clark didn't even take the time to respond. The OREGON was making headway toward Bridgetown, Barbados.

(Bridgetown, Barbados should have been a cruiser escort pickup port. M.)

The OREGON was very welcome in Barbados, where the general population had a dislike of Spain. However, neutrality laws were strictly enforced. The OREGON was allowed to stay in port no longer than twenty-four hours and was only provided with enough coal to make it to a U.S. port In a strange twist of events, the American Consul in Bridgetown managed to get a cable message through the censor stating that the OREGON had arrived before the censor could stop it the transmission. In accordance with neutrality laws, the Spanish Consul was allowed to issue a similar communiqué to his own government concerning the OREGON's presence. This was particularly dangerous since rumors had the Spanish fleet within ninety miles.

(Barbados was British territory. The help here was that British "wink and nod" neutrality almost made Barbados as secure as Key West as an anchorage.
Clark enjoyed some telegraphic and "commercially easy" logistic support for his layover. The downside, of course, was that the British, as far as telegraphy was concerned specifically, played both sides of the fiddle. HENCE why the USG was determined to destroy that British monopoly. M.)

During the night, the OREGON steamed out of the harbor with lights blazing. A few miles outside of port, she turned out the lights, abruptly took a radically different course for Florida. Clark took this action to confuse any Spanish sympathizers who were watching the course the vessel took on leaving the harbor.

On May 24, 1898, the OREGON steamed into Jupiter Inlet, Florida. She had completed her fourteen-thousand mile dash in sixty-six days, a remarkable achievement! The voyage was considered to be "unprecedented in battleship history," and a "triumph of American technology and seamanship..." Even more amazing was that OREGON and her crew were ready for battle without any major repairs. She had earned her nickname of "McKinley's Bulldog."

*("McKinley's Bulldog" came AFTER her incredible heroics at the Battle of Bahia de Santiago de Cuba. Nothing prepares a ship better for battle than rough passage and hard steaming. M.)

The Outcome:

The race of the OREGON had several important outcomes. The most immediate was that the vessel was present to serve with the North Atlantic Squadron. That she had survived the trek, with only very minor mechanical problems surprised many naval observers internationally. It was now obvious that the United States could produce a naval vessel capable of holding her own on the international stage of naval design.

(This was not obvious at the time until USS Oregon proofed out. Before this voyage, the British sneered at American shipwrights. After this voyage and the war, RN officers started to compare their own ships to an American benchmark. In Brassey, *(1900) one finds the British complain about how "inferior" their ships are to American ones. I suppose it is a grass is greener outlook over that hill, but it is there in print. It does warm the cockles of my heart. The Royal Sovereigns compared to the Indianas were actual floating garbage. M.

Secondly, and possibly more importantly, the OREGON's odyssey demonstrated the need for a canal across Central America to allow the American navy to pass easily between the oceans without having to undertake the enormous journey around South America.

Voyage of U.S.S. OREGON - Courses And Distances:
--The following are the main legs of the cruise of the OREGON in her fabled voyage from the west to the east coast of the United States by way of the ---Strait of Magellan. This information is derived from the official log of USS OREGON.
--San Francisco, California, USA to Callao, Peru - 4,112.0 nautical miles.
--Callao, Peru to Port Tamar, Chile (western end of Strait of Magellan) - 2,549.0 nautical miles.
--Port Tamor, Chile to Punta Arenas, Chile (eastern end of Strait of Magellan) - 131.4 nautical miles.
--Punta Arenas, Chile to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil - 2,247.7 nautical miles.
--Rio de Janeiro, Brazil to Bahia, Brazil - 741.7 nautical miles.
--Bahia, Brazil to Bridgetown, Barbados - 2,228.0 nautical miles.
--Bridgetown, Barbados to Jupiter Inlet, Florida, USA - 1,665.0 nautical miles.
--The average speed throughout the voyage was 11.5 knots.

Bibliography:
(As a service to our readers, clicking on title in red will take you to that book on Amazon.com)
Clerk of Joint Comittee on Printing, "The Abridgement of Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress", Washington: Government Printing Office, 1899. 4 vols. (all are documents relating to the war)
McCullough, David, Mornings on Horseback . (New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1981).
Naval History Department, Navy Department, "Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships", Washington DC: Government Printing Office, 1959.
Nofi, Albert A., The Spanish-American War, 1898 . (Conshohocken, PA: Combined Books, 1996).
Sternlicht, Sanford, McKinley's Bulldog, the Battleship Oregon . (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, Inc., 1977).