Dark Earth: A New Jerusalem

Steve,

That would be a logical move and I’m likely to adopt it. It just seems a little strange in its nomenclature to refer to troops operating from wheeled vehicles as mechanised, when for me, that has generally implied tracked APCs; a solution may come up in the form of broader international agreements on terminology.

In addition to the above notes, I’ll put together my customary commentary on the chapter directly.

Simon

Here is the first third of the next chapter as a teaser.

New Jerusalem 7

Whitehall
October 25th 1964

It had been a long night, but now, after a lengthy meeting of what he thought of as the de facto War Cabinet, there had been a full agreement on the Far East. British land forces in South Vietnam were to be doubled and the 9th Infantry Division would go to Australia to ward off Indonesian adventurism, the Far East Air Force was to be reinforced and two extra carrier task forces would be deployed to Singapore from the Mediterranean. The most contentious of these steps had been the increased ground troops in Indochina, but the decision to follow through fully with the commitments made under the Pacific Treaty was a clear matter of national honour. Just as in Korea, Britain also had a responsibility to stand for freedom and right against Communist aggression. Just as last time, this would be a war involving a veritable Imperial army, with forces not only from Britain and the Dominions, but also West African, Fijian, Ceylonese, Zulu, Iroquois, Gurkha and Sikh units. They would be needed, as this was a much larger war than any of the other brushfire conflicts that had flared up since 1956; the American military reports made for grim reading, speaking as they did about a five year war and a need for a minimum of 1 million troops.

Describing the whole region as a powder keg would have been understating its potential for escalation quite markedly. Even apart from Vietnam (not to mention the messes in Laos and Cambodia), they were in an undeclared shooting war with Indonesia in Borneo along with the uneasy stand off with Australia, Malaya was starting to brew up again, Burma had been a running sore since the war and Siam was facing a growing communist insurgency in its north. Farther afield, China was making increasingly threatening noises over Hong Kong and the Russians were trying to move into the Pacific in force. About the only bright spots were the steady recovery of unified Korea and Japan stepping up its share of regional defence, although the latter evokes mixed emotions from more than a few; old memories of the war died hard. Vietnam was the great crisis de jour, but for Barton, the more vexsome issue was that of Indonesia. It was the matter of it abutting at least three separate areas of immediate British interest - Borneo, Malaya and the southern front in addition to Sukarno building up the largest military force in the region. They could deploy over one million men under arms and had been receiving the most modern Soviet equipment hand over fist for the last decade, although they still lagged behind the collected Commonwealth forces. The presence of Soviet "advisors" and "volunteers" had been an extremely disturbing development that could potentially change that factor, along with their naval squadron. If Djakarta could not be handled firmly in order to deter further aggression, then it was one of the most volatile flashpoints that could set off a Third World War. There was some hope, though, in the unanimity of the stand of both the Commonwealth and the United States in defence of Australia; the murky situation of the rump Dutch possessions in Western New Guinea and the surrounding islands would take a bit more straightening out.

The Confrontation and Vietnam were just two of half a dozen problems across the world that they now had to face. In darkest Africa, the Congo was slipping bit by bit into utter chaos, abetted by the actions of various mercenary groups and Soviet backed guerillas. Something would have to be done, but at least the majority of Central Africa could be contained geographically due to the surrounding British and Portuguese possessions. Persia still simmered after the abortive uprising of a few years ago and presented many different challenges, but its economic importance as a source of petroleum made it an area of vital interest. To its west, something was brewing up in the Middle East again - that much was plain to all observers. It would really depend on how confident the Arabs would be as to their ability to outmaneuver Britain and the other outside powers with a stake in the region. The lessons of 1956 were fading somewhat and the shifting currents of world power and opinion made something on that level a very difficult measure to contemplate; failure would mean the loss of credibility and that would have disastrous flow-on effects.

That left Aden. Troubled, complex and increasingly bloody, yet sufficiently separated from any potential Soviet influence and intervention. The enemy was also fairly limited in numerical terms and there were distinctly different battlefronts in Aden proper and the hinterlands. This was a campaign that could be fought at a reasonably limited cost and intensity yet would clearly demonstrate the will and wherewithal of Britain to wage war. There were enough forces in the Sinai and Kenya to provide for a handy and very public reinforcement of the colony and some of the ship scheduled to deploy to the Far East could take part in a show of force operation to emphasise the power that the Empire could bring to bear. Up country, in the rough border terrain and interior deserts, they could really let their firepower do the talking in conjunction with a steady counter-insurgency campaign; Anderson had reportedly been keen on trying out some new barrier concepts. It did have some elements of a gamble to it, as the protracted French Battles of Algiers over the last few years had shown, but by escalating in a theatre of least risk, Barton aimed to dissuade any tests in more serious areas. He'd talk it over with Admiral Mountbatten in the morning.

Steve

They would face the same issues as French African and African-American troops in their times in Vietnam - some localised problems but nothing on the extreme level. I’ve based the British use of various Imperial troops on the experience of the Malayan Emergency and the Burma Campaign.

The target Commonwealth force level will be:

- A reinforced British “division” built around 4-5 brigades (Royal Marines, Commandos, Airborne, Infantry) all with supporting tanks, artillery, armoured vehicles and RFC helicopter squadron
- A reinforced Indian infantry division
- Anzac Division reinforced by a South Pacific brigade
- Canadian/New Avalon/Newfoundland/West Indian Division
- South African/Rhodesian/Kenyan/Zulu Division
- Ceylonese Brigade
- Nepalese Brigade
- A combined SAS brigade

And one of the following rotated in from Malaya
- A Gurkha or Sikh Division
- East African/West African Division

Simon

A New Jerusalem Part 7

Whitehall
October 25th 1964

It had been a long night, but now, after a lengthy meeting of what he thought of as the de facto War Cabinet, there had been a full agreement on the Far East. British land forces in South Vietnam were to be doubled and the 9th Infantry Division would go to Australia to ward off Indonesian adventurism, the Far East Air Force was to be reinforced and two extra carrier task forces would be deployed to Singapore from the Mediterranean. The most contentious of these steps had been the increased ground troops in Indochina, but the decision to follow through fully with the commitments made under the Pacific Treaty was a clear matter of national honour. Just as in Korea, Britain also had a responsibility to stand for freedom and right against Communist aggression. Just as last time, this would be a war involving a veritable Imperial army, with forces not only from Britain and the Dominions, but also West African, Fijian, Ceylonese, Zulu, Iroquois, Gurkha and Sikh units. They would be needed, as this was a much larger war than any of the other brushfire conflicts that had flared up since 1956; the American military reports made for grim reading, speaking as they did about a five year war and a need for a minimum of 1 million troops.

Describing the whole region as a powder keg would have been understating its potential for escalation quite markedly. Even apart from Vietnam (not to mention the messes in Laos and Cambodia), they were in an undeclared shooting war with Indonesia in Borneo along with the uneasy stand off with Australia, Malaya was starting to brew up again, Burma had been a running sore since the war and Siam was facing a growing communist insurgency in its north. Farther afield, China was making increasingly threatening noises over Hong Kong and the Russians were trying to move into the Pacific in force. About the only bright spots were the steady recovery of unified Korea and Japan stepping up its share of regional defence, although the latter evokes mixed emotions from more than a few; old memories of the war died hard. Vietnam was the great crisis de jour, but for Barton, the more vexsome issue was that of Indonesia. It was the matter of it abutting at least three separate areas of immediate British interest - Borneo, Malaya and the southern front in addition to Sukarno building up the largest military force in the region. They could deploy over one million men under arms and had been receiving the most modern Soviet equipment hand over fist for the last decade, although they still lagged behind the collected Commonwealth forces. The presence of Soviet "advisors" and "volunteers" had been an extremely disturbing development that could potentially change that factor, along with their naval squadron. If Djakarta could not be handled firmly in order to deter further aggression, then it was one of the most volatile flashpoints that could set off a Third World War. There was some hope, though, in the unanimity of the stand of both the Commonwealth and the United States in defence of Australia; the murky situation of the rump Dutch possessions in Western New Guinea and the surrounding islands would take a bit more straightening out.

The Confrontation and Vietnam were just two of half a dozen problems across the world that they now had to face. In darkest Africa, the Congo was slipping bit by bit into utter chaos, abetted by the actions of various mercenary groups and Soviet backed guerillas. Something would have to be done, but at least the majority of Central Africa could be contained geographically due to the surrounding British and Portuguese possessions. Persia still simmered after the abortive uprising of a few years ago and presented many different challenges, but its economic importance as a source of petroleum made it an area of vital interest. To its west, something was brewing up in the Middle East again - that much was plain to all observers. It would really depend on how confident the Arabs would be as to their ability to outmaneuver Britain and the other outside powers with a stake in the region. The lessons of 1956 were fading somewhat and the shifting currents of world power and opinion made something on that level a very difficult measure to contemplate; failure would mean the loss of credibility and that would have disastrous flow-on effects.

That left Aden. Troubled, complex and increasingly bloody, yet sufficiently separated from any potential Soviet influence and intervention. The enemy was also fairly limited in numerical terms and there were distinctly different battlefronts in Aden proper and the hinterlands. This was a campaign that could be fought at a reasonably limited cost and intensity yet would clearly demonstrate the will and wherewithal of Britain to wage war. There were enough forces in the Sinai and Kenya to provide for a handy and very public reinforcement of the colony and some of the ship scheduled to deploy to the Far East could take part in a show of force operation to emphasise the power that the Empire could bring to bear. Up country, in the rough border terrain and interior deserts, they could really let their firepower do the talking in conjunction with a steady counter-insurgency campaign; Anderson had reportedly been keen on trying out some new barrier concepts. It did have some elements of a gamble to it, as the protracted French Battles of Algiers over the last few years had shown, but by escalating in a theatre of least risk, Barton aimed to dissuade any tests in more serious areas. He'd talk it over with Admiral Mountbatten in the morning.

However it seemed sometimes over these first few weeks of his premiership, the lot of the PM wasn’t just a matter of the defence of the realm, jostling over grand economic strategy and dealing with world crises. For every one of those, there had been three or four meetings, briefings or papers on far more mundane matters that nevertheless merited his attention. This wasn’t to say they were not of complexity, import or interest and the business of the morning and afternoon. First up had been the Ministry of Food and Agriculture’s report on national food production and self-sufficiency. It had been an article of vital necessity for Liberal, Conservative and now Labour governments since the war that Britain should be able to feed itself, thus removing the dangerous spectre of another submarine campaign in any future war. That it would also increase the health of Britons, benefit the balance of trade and save shipping space in the event of war or crisis was icing on the cake, although the issue of atomic warfare made the matter rather more complex and nebulous; in any event, agricultural self sufficiency was something Barton viewed as a net good.

Prior to the Second World War, it said, the country had imported 93 million tons of food, or 60% of its total requirements, requiring 52 million tons of shipping a year. A total of 35% of meat, 50% of cheese and sugar, 60% of fruits, corn and cereals and 75% of butter was imported - beef and mutton from Australasia, Canada, Argentina and Prydain, butter and cheese primarily from New Zealand and Australia, fruits and sugar from the West Indies, tea and rice from India and Ceylon and corn, wheat and barley from Canada, Australasia and Argentina. In the near two decades since victory, new farming methods, yield enchantments, improved crop strains, arcane fertilizers and substantial mechanisation had dramatically increased production of meat and dairy to the point where imports in each category had dropped by two thirds, whilst cereal production now narrowly exceeded needs and the huge advances in egg, pork, chicken and potato production during the war had been further built upon.

With continuation of current subsidies and investment in emerging technologies, the report claimed, Britain would be functionally self sufficient by 1970, with the obvious exceptions of tropical crops and tea. The impact of increased availability of cheaper and improved quality foodstuffs on national health and wellbeing had built upon the advances made during wartime rationing, particularly with regard to the expanded provision of wholesome school meals and free milk and orange juice for all children. In addition, the Ministry of Food had built up considerable stockpiles of food from surplus British and Commonwealth production over the last decade, which, although sometimes criticised as 'butter mountains', 'milk lakes' and 'grain seas', gave the country sufficient supplies for up to one and a half years in some categories whilst also allowing food aid to be distributed to some allied states. A separate proposal called for the increase of emergency food stocks preserved by arcane stasis in deep underground storage to provide for wartime rationing in the event of a protracted conflict, but that question would need a more fulsome consideration in Barton's view.

The Department of Fisheries had submitted its own subsidiary report, outlining the increased catch rates and growth in the fishing fleet to the 1963 level of 36,532,749 tons from the nation's 110,000 fishermen. Further rises were forecast over the next decade from very long range expeditions to the Southern and Pacific Oceans, although these would be subject to clear quotas set by the League of Nations International Fishing Commission. A recommendation by pelagic sorcerers and oceanic druids for careful utilisation of the North Atlantic cod fishery in light of estimated stocks was fair (sea)food for thought and Barton had decided to have the matter properly examined. The Icelanders had not presented any substantial disruption to British fishing in their waters since the business of several years ago, although the Department raised the issue of French, Belgian and Dutch attempts to move in on British waters in the Channel and the Lyonesse Sea and recommended redeployment of vessels from the Fishery Protection Squadrons to deal with the matter.

The business of food and fishing was quite straightforward compared with the Home Office’s general report. Thankfully, there were no truly egregious challenges to internal security either at present or on the immediate horizon, with only a minor fringe of Communist sympathisers, fellow travelers and a smattering of silly radicals showing up as issues for the Security Service and Special Branch. There had been some occasional attempts by the equally fringe racialists to stir up trouble regarding the small coloured immigrant populace from the West Indies, India and the Far East that was concentrated in London and the major cities, but they had been quickly cracked down upon by the police. In any event, the numbers of immigrants were sufficient small and stable that there wasn't a basis for escalation. General standing plans for the unlikely event of civil disorder on a scale of the prewar Continent were due for their regular five-year update, with a proposal for a phased four level reaction involving local police forces, Special Patrol Groups, the Royal Constabulary and, at Phase 4, the Army, as well as an update of the Riot Act. That there hadn't been any incidences of such since the Cable Street affair of 1936 did not mean that it would never occur again, but Barton viewed some of the items as less than necessary - in the light of advances in crowd control spells as used in the field in Egypt in 1956 and the use of police lions, there wasn't a burning requirement for 'water-cannons' or the use of tear gas. This was Britain after all, not France or Italy! Still, the spectre of an armed outrage by the likes of the International Revolutionary Army or some of the other anarchist or communist terrorist group did nag at him, particularly in light of the events of 1960 that had been revealed to him as part of his initial Prime Ministerial secret briefing. Perhaps there would be some utility to form a special Scotland Yard unit for even the most remote of contingencies, such as this Special Wizardry and Tactics team.

General crime had been on a downward trend for six years, averaging 370,000 a year across the United Kingdom, and violent crime in particular had taken a sharp decline with the introductions of geases and the new wave of scientific policing; he did think that general affluence and the emphasis on internal security in the face of foreign threats since 1956 might have something to do with it as well. After all, when a young man has a good job, a wife or sweetheart and a family to think about and a decent home, he is less likely to get caught up in crime. Even if he did, there was less opportunity to get away with it when there were a lot of eyes watching. Murders had slightly risen in 1963 to 103, but that seemed more of a temporary aberration than a definite trend that would get Pierrepoint and his fellows dramatically busier. One always had to remember to tack on those certain crimes covered by the Office of the Witchfinder General and the Church Police to the general Home Office statistics, but they didn’t amount to much more than a thousand cases. Barton felt that law and order had always been one of Labour’s strengths in his time as Leader and he was determined to be tough both on crime and the causes of crime.

All in all, it had been a busy day and now, even though it was now late in the evening, he felt he had earned a little reward for the deeds of the day. His wife would have long since retired to their bed in the upstairs apartment at Number 10, but one of his first little achievements as Prime Minister had been to arrange for the secondment of a night cook from the Cabinet Office, given his penchant for burning the midnight oil. Time for home and a nice steak or two before bed.

Maybe three.



But no more; he wasn’t that peckish.