One-Hundred-Eleven Just because neither side was currently in the process of advancing across the Polish countryside, it did not make the fighting there any less violent. Constant artillery duels offered no respite, and patrols continued to skirmish all across the line as NATO reinforcements poured into the country. Tank battles went on at long-range; American, British, French, German, Polish and other NATO armour would hold off probing attacks by Russian and sometimes Belarusian tanks, with the only thing either side managed to achieve during this period being casualties. Hundreds on either side were killed by the day, albeit with less soldiers and airmen being killed than during the initial period of Russian advance; casualties were also projected to be extremely heavy once NATO launched its planned counteroffensive.
The British-led I Corps, a formation which barely resembled the pre-war Allied Rapid Reaction Corps, stood in the Masuria region of Poland. Troops were dug in deep, holding out against wave after wave of artillery fire and also under a diminishing number of enemy airstrikes. NATO air defences batteries at the tactical level – American Avengers & British Starstreaks and Rapiers – as well as at the strategic level – American & Germany Patriot missile systems – held off numerous attacks, and the ever-increasing number of Allied fighters present meant that Russian strike aircraft took heavier and heavier casualties as they tried to make their way through into enemy airspace.
Likewise, in southern Poland, the US V Corps was fighting a much similar battle.
With slightly better supply routes than their counterparts to the north, the US-led corps was in an overall better position. There was also more air support dedicated to its sector of the frontier, with NATO commanders suspecting that any renewed Russian offensive would be coming here rather than in the north. Casualties continued to mount as the war went on, again with so little of military significance being achieved. Many back home compared it to a high-tech stalemate, but in reality NATO was biding its time, allowing for more American units to cross the Atlantic and enter the battlefield. Thus far, to the relief of all, no chemical, biological or nuclear weapons had been used by either side.
Poland was effectively under martial law. Although the civilian government still technically ruled the country, the Armed Forces were calling the shots. This worry trend of military authoritarianism only worsened as the fighting went on. Everything from roads and railways to food and clothing factories was now under the control of the military. There was little the civilian government could do beyond giving rousing patriotic speeches and sending its members on morale-boosting visits to the troops. It was not that the Polish Chiefs of Staff wanted to take power any further, but rather that the situation made it simply inevitable.
The Chiefs of Staff were the ones planning and orchestrating military moves, and coordinating those with the rest of NATO; the government could merely approve what the generals asked for. With its own soil invaded, Poland, unlike most Western European nations, had begun the process of conscription amongst its civilian population, with men from seventeen to twenty-five being called up for military service. There had been some particularly disturbing criminal cases taking place near the frontlines as well, with the law being taken into military hands.
Under the European Convention on Human Rights, the death penalty was outlawed under all circumstances within Poland. However, the Armed Forces took it upon themselves to bring an end to this policy when desertions and refusals to obey orders occurred. Russian troops were marching across Poland, and there was no place for mutineers, it would be later be argued. When deserters were recaptured by military police units, they found themselves facing drumhead courts-martial in the field, organised at the divisional or brigade level. Most deserters – there were very few of them anyway – were young soldiers in their teens and twenties who just wanted to go home. There would also be a few cases of more senior NCOs and sometimes even officers deserting, but this were extremely rare.
However, those deserters who were captured once again would face a firing squad. This was not authorised by Warsaw but rather was done by military commanders on the ground, infuriated by seeing much of their homeland destroyed and then seeing their men running away in a tiny number of cases rather than standing alongside their comrades and fighting. There would be no prosecutions over the shooting of deserters, itself a fairly rare occurrence but an occurrence and an illegal one nonetheless.
A dozen or so Polish soldiers would end up being shot after abandoning their posts. This would be something that could be criticized later by human rights courts and European councils; the US government, itself a perpetrator of capital punishment, would have little to say about it. For now, the shooting of deserters did little to cause any real friction within NATO armies; many Europeans discretely supported it rather than condemning it, seeing it as a just punishment in times as dire as these.
However dire things on the continent were, they were about to get infinitely worse.
*
On the night of August 15th, the US Navy launched Tomahawk missiles at Russia once again. This was done by US Navy surface ships operating at the mouth of the Baltic Sea and also by a Royal Navy submarine in response to massive Russian raids against Scotland, with one-hundred-fifty-five missiles launched at targets within Russia proper. Several batteries of Grumble missiles were targeted, with a somewhat mismatched success rate for this operation. It was part of the tit-for-tat escalation in direct attacks both against the Russian and American heartlands since the US Air Force had struck St Petersburg earlier in the day. Targets near St Petersburg would again fall victim to attacks by the United States and Great Britain.
Within the city itself, building from which the Russian Baltic Fleet was headquartered was obliterated by Tomahawk missiles. Numerous airfields were likewise damaged by inbound Tomahawks, but none of those were totally destroyed in the same way that the Baltic Fleet HQ had been. More cruise missiles homed in on a heavily-defended target which had only been identified by NATO intelligence yesterday.
The facility, a cluster of buildings which appeared at first to look like a small college campus, was located outside of Gatchina, to the south of St Petersburg. NATO intelligence officers at first gave it no thought, but then the barbed-wire fencing was noticed. Troops were seen patrolling the area by reconnaissance satellites and even drones. There were machinegun nests identified and a pair of SA-15 missile batteries had been stationed in nearby farmland. Nearly a whole battalion of troops, soldiers who could have been of great use elsewhere, were guarding the buildings.
This was no college campus. What target would be so well-disguised and yet so heavily guarded? And why would something so secure be placed near to the border with Estonia? NATO analysts scoured the satellite photos for all they could find that might hint to the location’s purpose. They analysed things such as the type of cars being driven by those who appeared to frequent the fenced-off facility; they were expensive vehicles, those that were beyond the dreams of most people. This indicated that high-ranking officials and generals worked from the building. Helicopter flights took place to and from the area, with crated supplies being dropped off and picked up under heavy guard.
So what was the purpose of this facility?
NATO officers decided that it had to be some sort of secret command post for senior officers. The expensive, chauffeured cars were those driven in by generals. Its presence near Estonia meant that it was likely an alternate command post for the Baltic Front. The regular movement of supplies could mean that the Russians were preparing for nuclear war by stocking up some sort of bunker beneath the visible buildings. Some even suggested that President Putin himself resided at the facility; this suggestion was shot down as surely preposterous!
None of these suggestions would prove to be correct. A strike on the facility was authorised from the top down. So long as Putin himself wasn’t there, it was a legitimate target, and furthermore it would show the Russians that nowhere was safe from the reach of Allied air and naval power, perhaps serving to help break the Russians will.
Twenty-nine Tomahawk cruise missiles were launched at the facility. Some hit the barracks and others destroyed the two SA-15 batteries. The remainder targeted several buildings, levelling many and causing heavy damage to several more, but failing to totally destroy the facility. At first, the Alliance would briefly be triumphant – the alternate command centre for the Baltic Front had been destroyed or at least damaged severely enough to have bene rendered inoperable!
The facility was not an alternate command post. Neither was it a secret bunker for President Putin. It was a research facility run by a Kremlin-funded ‘pharmaceutical company’. This was all a cover for the bases’ true purpose. The facility was being used to manufacture and research biological weapons. The Soviet Union had signed the Biological Warfare Convention of 1972 and vowed to destroy its arsenal of biological weapons, but research had not been halted as the Cold War had gone on. Russia continued the legacy, despite protests from within, with its biological weapons programme stopping and starting at various eras during the 1990s before being continued under President Putin’s first tenure in government in the early 2000s.
Here, at this facility, a type of virus known as a Haemorrhagic Fever was being researched. Variant ‘U’ of the Marburg Virus had been seen as a potential weapon for many reasons; it had a mortality rate of near one hundred percent, and it killed its victims in a truly horrifying way. Organs shut down and victims would haemorrhage from eyes, mouths, noses and even the pores of their skin. One man had died from the weaponised variant of the virus decades ago after accidentally injecting himself with a needle that was meant for guinea pigs. He had died within a week, slowly and in unimaginable pain.
The destruction of this facility meant that an accidental leak of Marburg Variant U had now taken place. Troops and workers at the facility had become infected in the chaos as buildings burned and glass vials were knocked over or otherwise leaked. Nobody would be insane enough to use such a weapon deliberately, but not its horrors had been unleashed by accident. By the time President Putin was made aware of the disaster, it was early the next morning. Something had to be done to prevent this virus from spreading farther and farther. The fact that NATO and Russia were at war would help, as air travel would be severely limited, but thousands of troops were rotating through the countryside and already individuals who had been infected when the facility had been struck by Tomahawks had come into contact with others.
What could be done now?