Dan
Warrant Officer
Posts: 258
Likes: 185
|
Post by Dan on Mar 12, 2019 8:07:15 GMT
I would say Chicago - her place of birth with a monument in Little Rock.
|
|
|
Post by redrobin65 on Mar 12, 2019 8:10:05 GMT
Good update James, and it looks like the Helge Ingstad escapes destruction again, though in different circumstances.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Mar 12, 2019 9:38:37 GMT
Interesting takes on the Clinton issue. Thanks lordbyron and Dan . Anyone else? I did think of that ship's recent sinking when I wrote that redrobin65
|
|
forcon
Lieutenant Commander
Posts: 988
Likes: 1,739
|
Post by forcon on Mar 12, 2019 15:07:48 GMT
My update today will be a bit later because of work. Around half five or so.
|
|
forcon
Lieutenant Commander
Posts: 988
Likes: 1,739
|
Post by forcon on Mar 12, 2019 18:45:09 GMT
Eighty-Five
The United Nations had failed in its task. The ultimate purpose of the organisation, headquartered in New York and established in the aftermath of the Second World War, was to prevent a third global conflict from breaking out through diplomacy. The run-up to the war had seen a curious lack of international cooperation, with few attempts made to prevent the coming catastrophe by the international community. Though many world leaders in neutral-leaning nations had called for a summit to calm things down before it was too late, neither NATO nor Russia and her CSTO allies had heeded these warnings. When Russia had launched its offensive back on August 7th, assassinating President Obama in the process of doing so, the international community had reacted with a mixture of emotions; there had been horror, utter shock, and outrage from many, but others reacted with cynical acceptance, while there were a few countries that stood by Russia diplomatically. The world order, one that hadn’t known the horror of global conflict since 1945, was being shaken up to the core by ongoing events, with everything from religious beliefs to territorial integrity being questioned.
Nations that were normally fairly pro-Western found themselves in a difficult position during NATO’s darkest hours on the 9th and 10th of August, when Russian forces repeatedly bombed European cities and broke through Allied lines in Poland. Though most intelligence services did not believe that Russia could win the war, the events of those two days challenged that perception. A Russian victory against NATO would likely result in the total reversal of the current world order, with the United States perhaps losing its place as the dominant world superpower. Through sheer pragmatism, many governments in Africa and Latin America began making plans for a scenario which saw a Russian victory. They would, in that case, be put in a tough position where they would need to warm up to Moscow as Russia took a more prominent place on the world stage. It seemed as though smaller regional wars were becoming a part of World War III even with the combatants not wishing for this to be the case. The struggle between the Taliban and ISAF in Afghanistan had, for example, erupted into full-scale war with three sides; NATO on one, the Taliban on the other, and Russia as the third combatant. Throughout Africa and the Middle East, civil wars and political unrest continued, but those fights now seemed as though they were part of a larger global conflict. The insurgency in Iraq rapidly picked-up pace, with US forces coming under heavier attacks that at any time since 2004 from militias that some suspected were being armed by Russia using routes through Iran. Libyan forces had clashed with the US Navy in the Mediterranean and there had been violent clashes between Syrian and Israeli forces in the Golan Heights. US Special Forces training teams in Mali and Niger, operating as trainers and advisors, repeatedly fought with insurgents who were believed to be Libyan infiltrators coming in after the battle in the Med. Nations picked sides or cowered away, trying to stay out of the line of fire.
A meeting of the UN Security Council was called by the United States on August 11th. It had taken time for this to become a priority, with the Administration focused on winning the war and replacing the slain cabinet members over anything else. President Biden finally authorised the calling of the session, which both the United Kingdom and France had also wanted to do, but had held off until a consensus could be reached on when it was to happen to show international unity between the three major NATO players. The Security Council had five permanent members – the US, UK, France, China, and Russia – and several non-permanent members which changed on a yearly basis, with only the permanent Security Council members having the power to veto any resolution. In itself, this made many believe that the calling of a UN Security Council meeting was in practice rather pointless. Surely, Russia would just veto any international resolution passed against them? To the surprise of all those who attended, the Russian representative was nowhere to be seen. Moscow had simply chosen not to attend the vote; it had not officially abstained, but rather had just failed to appear. Though no explanation would be offered to the other powers from Russia through official channels, Russian state television would the next day claim that their representative’s vehicle had been sabotaged, with the implication that the CIA or MI6 had been responsible. This was a total fabrication, with Western intelligence services having given no instructions to do such a thing. The ambassador himself was alive and well too, ruling out the idea that he had been killed or had died of natural causes. The failure of Russia to attend the vote was chalked up to spite in most Western capitals, although an official explanation has never been given; the circumstances behind this event (or lack thereof) would remain a mystery.
The Security Council held a vote to formally condemn Russia on the floor of the UN. Of the five permanent security council members, the US, UK, and France naturally voted in favour of the motion, while the People’s Republic of China abstained. From the non-permanent members, there was a little more dissent. Lebanon voted against the motion, while Turkey opted not to take part in the vote. Croatia, as a NATO member, voted in favour, as did Japan as a major US ally. Mexico, Brazil, Nigeria, Gabon, Uganda, and Austria all voted to condemn Russia. There was something of an anti-climax when the motion passed; nobody had really thought it could fail without Russia’s representative there to veto the measure, or possibly a surprise veto by China. Further thought was put into the idea of putting forward a motion to remove Russia from the Security Council, but it was felt that this would lead to a humiliating defeat by way of a potential Chinese veto, or through Russia deciding to actually take part in this vote.
With the fighting continuing in Europe, relations between the majority of NATO and its members that had yet to fire a shot were extremely strained. Turkey had formally left the Alliance and so there was actually somewhat less resentment there because at least the Turks had been honest about their intentions. Its forces had not decided to contest the Bosporus even though Ankara had made veiled threats to use military force against NATO – and Russian too – military shipping that tried to pass through in or out of the Black Sea. Greece was keeping its head down. Like Turkey, Greece was not going to contest NATO use of its skies, but it would frown upon such a thing. Diplomatically, Greece had not made it clear to NATO that this was the case; the Greek government was content to let NATO think its airspace was off limits to the Allies, hoping that both Russia and NATO would see this as a sign of true neutrality but not wanting to risk its pilots being put into a position where they might be forced to shoot down jets from either side in defence of Greek sovereign airspace.
Italy was a somewhat more complicated issue. There were investigations going on there in secret with regards to Prime Minister Berlusconi’s intentions. The CIA and French DGSE too were conducting some operations in support of internal Italian investigations. Berlusconi’s government was facing criticism both from within Italy and from other nations for forgoing its obligations when faced with Russian atrocities such as the assassination of an American President. American warplanes were still flying from Aviano Air Base in Italy, and US Army paratrooper stationed at Vicenza were preparing to deploy to the Middle East from there should the confrontations with Syria and/or Libya escalate further than they already had. Several days ago, a damaged American aircraft had landed at Sigonella Naval Air Station. There were concerns here with whether the Italians would want to intern the pilot and aircraft in order to maintain its appearance of neutrality. Such worries were countered by the fact that US personnel weren’t being threatened with internment when they returned to Aviano from sorties flown over the frontlines. The Italians weren’t thrilled about the damaged aircraft landing there, but they ultimately refused to take any action; the Italian Armed Forces were still quietly providing NATO with whatever information and support they could, and it wasn’t as if the Italian government was going to send policemen to force their way onto an American military base to detain a lone Navy pilot.
One particular area of concern for the Pentagon was the Korean Peninsula. The North Korean People’s Army (NKPA) had a huge number of commandos which could be used as a means of striking deep into South Korea and possibly Japan too. The Korean Central Intelligence Agency was claiming it had detected the beginnings of a North Korean mobilisation, at least of the DPRK’s special operations regiments. Though both the US and the ROK felt that a North Korean offensive could be held off by what forces were readily deployable in the region, the prospect of Russian forces getting involved on the North Korean’s side was troubling. The US Army had its 2nd Infantry Division in South Korea, but this unit was understrength and needed reinforcement brigades to come in from Fort Lewis up in Seattle to boost its strength. There were Marines in Okinawa who could come into South Korea and reinforce the ROKA and the US 2nd Infantry Division as well. Nobody in the DOD really knew what Pyongyang was planning; if North Korea wanted to take the opportunity to go south, it was taking its sweet time in doing so. It was clear that the North Koreans were planning something, and so the orders were given for the 2nd Division to receive its reinforcements and for the 3rd Marine Division to ship out from Japan; the resources needed for this large, but not excessively daunting, task however would not be dedicated immediately; PACOM was bluntly informed that the fighting in Europe was taking a front seat and that its reinforcements would come in as the assets to move those troops became readily available. Until then, soldiers and Marines would be coming in to defend South Korea at a snail’s pace.
The prospect of a two-front war was much more daunting than that of deploying a couple of divisions to the Korean Peninsula. Already, the US Armed Forces had taken a huge number of casualties; some reports placed the number of dead American soldiers, sailors, airmen, marines and civilians at over eight thousand so far, with five thousand or so more missing and believed to be POWs. Huge numbers of tanks, armoured vehicles, ships and aircraft had been destroyed or badly damaged. Those personnel lost needed replacing and so too did their equipment. On the first night of the war, President Biden had called up hundreds of thousands of recently-retired servicemen and women. Most of those personnel, people who had retired or otherwise been discharged within the last three years, were in the middle of hasty ten-day refresher courses where that was possible; infantrymen, tank crews and similar types would have only their original training and experience along with this brief re-training course to go on before being assigned to one of the newly-forming US Army divisions. The 7th & 24th Divisions would be the first to be stood up, followed by the 5th, 6th, 8th, 9th & 23rd Infantry Divisions. Many personnel in more technical fields who were called back to service would need longer retraining periods, but even then the Department of the Army was only willing to extend that to six weeks at most. Pilots and aircrews were the only group that was allowed longer.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Mar 12, 2019 19:50:56 GMT
Eighty–Six
The Italian foreign minister was in attendance at the meeting in New York of the UN. Franco Frattini had no significant role to play in proceedings. His instructions from his prime minister back home were for Italy to abstain from the vote and this was done though with the public face of that presented by Italy’s ambassador to the United Nations. The decision, one of the biggest matters of foreign policy for his country, wasn’t one that Frattini agreed with. However, for many months now, Frattini hadn’t agreed with the maters of foreign policy which his country had been following. Friends and colleagues had told him that he should resign from the government of Silvio Berlusconi. Why stay? Frattini had replied that he was doing the best that he could for his country at a difficult time. Berlusconi had sent him here to the United States. Attending the meeting at the UN was only one item on Frattini’s itinerary. He would be having other meetings while in New York with several foreign ministers from across the world and then be attending the funerals of both the deceased US secretary of state and American president too. Clinton’s service was on Thursday while Obama’s was on Friday. For that second service, Frattini would be alongside the Italian president – Italy’s head of state though someone whose powers of office were significantly limited; the prime minister was head of government and had most of those – who was due to arrive in New York tomorrow. Giorgio Napolitano came early though. The president turned up late on the Wednesday and requested a meeting with Frattini.
Frattini was once an ally who’d fallen out with Berlusconi yet Napolitano had never had a good relationship with the prime minister. Napolitano was a former communist, never a friend to someone like Berlusconi. He had made his position clear to the prime minister when it came to Italy breaking its NATO treaty obligations and also chastised him for sending Frattini to America rather than coming himself. Napolitano had got nowhere with that that. Before he left Rome, he had met there with other members of the Italian government and now did so here in a New York hotel room. The two of them spoke alone with the belief that they had privacy. They were mistaken: the room was wired for sound by the Americans. The NSA bugged the conversation between these two senior Italian politicians. Transcripts of what was discussed would find their way to the very top tier of the US Government and there would be some selective sharing among the closest allies of the Americans too. What was discussed was the belief that Napolitano had which he shared with Frattini that Berlusconi had been blackmailed with kompromat by the Russian state to keep Italy out of the war. Details of a meeting which had taken place between the Russian ambassador and Berlusconi right before the war commenced were only speculated upon because that had been private yet Napolitano let Frattini know that back home there was a firm belief that the ambassador had delivered a threat to the prime minister concerning his private life. There was apparently a young woman, under the legal age of consent for sexual contact, who’d been arrested some time beforehand and then released with Berlusconi’s interference, and their colleagues back in Rome believed that this was the root cause of the blackmail. Italy had been kept out of the war which its allies was in due to one man’s folly. Frattini replied that that was something similar to what he already suspected; moreover, Italy’s supposed NATO allies were already saying that they too had this suspicion. Listening-in live to the recording, those bugging the conversation hoped that Napolitano would provide something more. He didn’t do so though. There was no talk between the two men of how to act or of anything else going on back home already not known about. The NSA was left frustrated. The US Government would be too. There had been the hope that Berlusconi’s government would turn against him and depose him before then bringing Italy into the war. None of this was happening though by what was being said. Things had yet to move to that stage.
Berlusconi was in Brussels at the time. The UN vote was occurring and there were those upcoming funerals in the United States which many national leaders were planning to attend yet the EU was meeting in the Belgian capital tonight. Security in the city was heavy. Belgium was at war and to open that war there had been Russian commandos in the government quarter shooting and throwing grenades. Such a thing wouldn’t be happening again: that was the attitude taken here with all of the armed soldiers present. The EU had many things to discuss. Many member states were at war and this had thrown the continent into chaos. There were tens of thousands dead and armies at war with each other. Territory of member states, including the whole of three nations, was under foreign occupation. The economic hit was worse than anything seen before. Refugees fleeing from Poland but also internally within other countries were on the move. The trade disruption was immense. The danger of nuclear conflict hung over their heads line a sword strung by a fine string. Not all of those who had planned to come to Brussels for this meeting turned up due to ongoing events too.
Italy remained one of the most important members of the EU. Berlusconi’s attendance here was something which expected. He arrived with his usual flair and his brash behaviour was apparent at once. In response to remarks made about Italy abandoning its allies, he blurted out that that wasn’t the case at all. Italy would help its friends in the EU. War orphans? Italy would take them. Disruption to international trade? Italy’s ports were open. And so on. Berlusconi the dropped his bombshell. He told the heads of government and foreign ministers here in Brussels – the latter here in the absence of presidents and prime minister – that he was aiming to seek for a peaceful end to the war which was raging elsewhere. He wanted to see the countries of his friends across Europe have peace return to them like it had remained in Italy. Berlusconi offered the services of Italy and its diplomatic services in this. Several of those present had a lot of strong objections to what he said. He was told that this was a matter for NATO and the Coalition, not the EU. Berlusconi tried to cut them off. He pointed to EU countries not part of NATO and thus not currently at war: those such as Ireland, Finland and Sweden. This war was affecting them like it was affecting everyone else. This was a matter which he would like to see the EU solve. Here in Brussels they could bring to an end the conflict raging across the continent.
In public, none of those present openly took up Berlusconi’s offer. It looked rather promising because Berlusconi could argue that Italy was still a member of NATO but also part of the EU too and thus had a good position to bridge the gap. However, the immediate opposition was immense. Remarks were made that Berlusconi was a stooge of the Kremlin and he was doing this at the behest of Putin. Siding with Italy’s leader on this wasn’t something that promised anyone present any goodwill from their partners: so many EU countries were at war as victims of Russian aggression with a war machine which had struck far & wide across the continent. Everyone, including those neutral nations, was hurting from the raging war even if it hadn’t directly touched their soil. Europe was so interlinked and what affected one affected them all. Maybe privately there might have been a few countries who were willing to explore this idea yet it had come from Berlusconi and this poisoned it completely. It wasn’t going to go anywhere.
Across the North Atlantic, Frattini and Napolitano were informed of what Berlusconi had just done. It was the same back in Rome. Conclusions were arrived at similar to those reached in Brussels: Berlusconi was acting in the interests of the Kremlin, not for Italy anymore. It was they who must have put him up to this to sew division within Europe.
Now there were going to be different conversations than what were being had before.
|
|
|
Post by redrobin65 on Mar 12, 2019 23:59:04 GMT
Interesting to see what's happening diplomatically. The US can raise hundreds of thousands of troops, but equipping all of them might be an issue, even with all of their production and stored reserves.
It seems that Berlusconi is in trouble.
|
|
|
Post by redrobin65 on Mar 12, 2019 23:59:26 GMT
Interesting to see what's happening diplomatically. The US can raise hundreds of thousands of troops, but equipping all of them might be an issue, even with all of their industrial power and stored reserves. It seems that Berlusconi is in trouble.
|
|
ricobirch
Petty Officer 2nd Class
Posts: 32
Likes: 26
|
Post by ricobirch on Mar 13, 2019 0:27:02 GMT
Equipping all of them might be an issue, even with all of their production and stored reserves. For small arms I'd imagine production wouldn't be the bottleneck. The American arms industry could probably kit out every adult American within 18 months if it wanted to. Replacing all of the vehicles is going to take a while though.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Mar 13, 2019 7:59:15 GMT
Interesting to see what's happening diplomatically. The US can raise hundreds of thousands of troops, but equipping all of them might be an issue, even with all of their production and stored reserves. It seems that Berlusconi is in trouble. I agree on the troops numbers especially. There is a lot of US gear in storage yet it depends whether it is more than than basic stuff: they need the pricy complicated gear too. For small arms I'd imagine production wouldn't be the bottleneck. The American arms industry could probably kit out every adult American within 18 months if it wanted to. Replacing all of the vehicles is going to take a while though. Plenty of AR15s can easily be turned into M16s but there is just the one tank plant. Then there is so much more as well.
|
|
Dan
Warrant Officer
Posts: 258
Likes: 185
|
Post by Dan on Mar 13, 2019 8:11:06 GMT
Interesting to see what's happening diplomatically. The US can raise hundreds of thousands of troops, but equipping all of them might be an issue, even with all of their production and stored reserves. I don't think the problem will be small arms, or even when it comes to it, heavier personal weapons. Trucks - not an issue. Armoured vehicles will come along after a pause, and Boeing will be working 24/7 to replace lost aircraft. So once that production ramps up, America will simply out produce the Russians, (nearly called them Soviets - oops), with ease. The bottleneck is likely to be things like Boots, webbing and uniforms. A lot of this stuff is made in China, (who will be the ultimate winners in this war, I for one welcome our new Chinese economic overlords), and will need to be shipped, this could produce an interesting bottleneck and shift the balance of power considerably. Especially when it comes to rebuilding the world post war. It will be like Africa on a much larger scale. It seems that Berlusconi is in trouble. If he's lucky he'll be forced to resign then prosecuted. If he's unlucky... Let's just say that certain Italian stereotypes regarding "Gentleman's clubs for honest businessmen" may be given some substance again. Worst case, years later there will be Berlusconi pinatas in the same way we in Britain have the Guy on a bonfire...
|
|
forcon
Lieutenant Commander
Posts: 988
Likes: 1,739
|
Post by forcon on Mar 13, 2019 16:15:15 GMT
Eighty-Seven
The Russian Army wanted the release authorisation for its huge but clandestine stockpile of chemical weapons.
They wanted better supply lines running through Belarus and the Baltic States.
They wanted for the Air Force to put a stop to the NATO bombing campaign, and for the FSB to wipe out those resistance groups operating behind their lines.
These were all things that Russian Army commanders wanted, but that they were not going to get. The stunning success they had achieved two days ago with the crossing of the Narew had been smashed by those US Air Force Lancer bombers; the breakthrough in I Corps lines had been contained by a French armoured brigade and then the Americans had sent a whole mechanized infantry division to reinforce the French. The German Army had its entire 1st Panzer Division, with all its men and tanks and fighting vehicles within a day’s travel of I Corps lines and the arrival of those men on top of the Americans who had gotten into the fight would mean the end of 20th Guards Army’s offensive capabilities.
Efforts to keep up the pace of the previous few days by the Russian Air Force were, in a word, underwhelming.
During the last week, the Russian Air Force had lost almost two hundred combat aircraft and had seen its bases bombed time and time again, with each NATO airstrike growing more effective. Last night’s raid on targets around St Petersburg caused fury in Putin’s inner circle, and more fighters and interceptors were diverted away from the frontlines to defend the airspace of the Rodina. Su-25s and Su-24s still flew sorties over the frontlines, bombing NATO ground units and attempting to repeat the accomplishments of August 9th, when NATO’s supply efforts throughout Poland and Germany had been severely hampered by effective enemy air power. This time, NATO fighters, arriving in ever more impressive numbers, were able to repulse the major attacks mounted on Poland, although some squadrons took heavy losses to powerful Russian SAM systems. By the time the day was out, dozens of burning wreckages littered the Polish countryside and the bottom of the Baltic Sea as well, but 1ATAF commanders in Germany certainly felt that they had gotten the better of the fighting in the air that day. There also drones from the USAF & the Royal Air Force providing surveillance footage of Russian troop movements; one of these aircraft was downed but many more, including several MQ-9 Reaper aircraft, continued to operate effectively.
There had been some successes achieved by Russian units; in particular, the two divisions on the northern flank of 20th Guards Army’s line of advance had made some noteworthy gains overnight. The British 1st Armoured Division had initiated yet another fighting withdrawal across a line which stretched from Szczytno to Ostroleka. Outgunned and thoroughly outnumbered, Lt.-General Shirreff’s premier division had fought the good fight for the past five days of war. Nevertheless, the battles that took place today would be the heaviest that the British Army had been involved in so far.
Challenger-2 tanks, supported by infantry riding aboard Warrior infantry fighting vehicles, halted the Russian advance for several hours before one of its units was annihilated. The 1st Battalion of the Yorkshire Regiment had formed a battlegroup with tanks belonging to the Queen’s Royal Hussars; Russian T-90s overwhelmed their defensive positions and killed or captured over eight hundred British soldiers. The French Army plugged the gap with men from their 2nd Armored Brigade but it was a stunning loss nonetheless. Throughout the early afternoon the 1st Armoured Division continued to fall back, trading land for time until additional air support arrived. Diverted away from southern Poland, the US Air Force F-16s and some Spanish F/A-18s and RCAF CF-188s covered the British withdrawal with massive airstrikes. Shirreff would have preferred for a B-1B strike to be launched in similar vain to the one made yesterday, but doing such a thing would take hours.
The failed attack yesterday by the 4th Guards Tank Division was going to be repeated today. Russian officers were still reeling from the defeat yesterday but while losses had been heavy they had not been critical, and they now had a better idea of the Americans positions and tactics. Confident that they had a good chance of success, the command staff of 20th Guards Army sent its premier tank division towards American lines. A horrendous fight took place here with the ground around Olsztyn slowly being ceded to the Russians at a murderous cost. US Army AH-64D Apache gunships and some similar aircraft from the British Army Air Corps went low over the battlefield and obliterated Russian advance forces, however, before pulling back and hovering behind trees and low hills to guide in effective artillery. Success was met here with the firepower being brought to bear by the helicopters and artillery being too much for Russian units to take.
The 4th Infantry Division’s commanding officer, Maj.-General David Perkins, then took his division forwards in one of NATO’s first counterattacks of the war. It was only a slight advance but a morale boost nonetheless, with much of the ground that had been fought over today and yesterday coming back under Allied control as the M1A2s and Bradleys of the 4th Infantry pushed up along Highway-3, meeting heavy resistance and in reality only regaining a couple of miles of battle-scarred territory. Another victory was achieved when the 1st Motorised Rifle Division was thoroughly beaten by the harried but determined Polish 16th Mechanised Division outside of Malbork, with that Russian division stopped within sight of Gdansk. The effective halting of the Russian advance in the northernmost sectors of Poland dramatically improved the morale of NATO troops, but in reality it was a tiny achievement in comparison with the gains that Russian forces had made so far in Poland.
General Ryan’s V Corps had similarly mixed results throughout the day’s fighting. Bloodied and beaten by days of constant warfare, the 3rd Mechanized Infantry Division continued to pull back away from the lines to grant its personnel some rest and to allow for equipment to be serviced. That formation, once consisting of over twelve thousand soldiers, had barely seven thousand men and women left in its ranks by August 12th. Their position along the defensive line was filled by the German 10th Panzer Division, with a Bundeswehr heavy brigade and a Dutch mechanised unit, as well as well-trained German mountain troops. The Russians had seen their bridgehead obliterated by the US Air Force and with it, much of the 5th Guards Tank Division. Behind that division, their remained some scattered Belarusian units along with the 2nd Guards Motorised Rifle Division, a unit which had become almost permanently engaged with the Polish 11th Cav, and the fresher 3rd Motorised Rifle Division. New troops arriving at the front to come under V Corps command came from the British Army’s 3rd Mechanised Division. Eager to get into the battle after days of sitting in airplanes, trains and trucks, the men of the British division had heard stories of the Russian missile and commando attacks back home and were eager for vengeance.
With the 3rd Mechanised Division on their northern flank, the Poles no longer had to keep withdrawing; the numbers here were even and with the Russians breakthrough on the Narew not just contained but obliterated there was no reason to worry about attacks from the south. When the British 3rd Division clashed with the Russian Army’s unit of, ironically, the same name, successes and failures alike were met. There was to be a Canadian brigade group attached to 3rd Div. within the next week, but those troops would miss the fight that was about to occur.
Certain of a victory, if a costly one, when up against light infantry, the Russian 3rd Division sent its lead regiment right into a series of ambushes mounted by the 19th Light Brigade.
Heavy artillery units and RAF & Luftwaffe Tornados unleashed hell on the motorised rifle regiment that advanced towards the 19th Brigade, effectively destroying two of its battalions and sending the third back with its tail between its legs. The mistake made by the British troops was to pursue them. Passing through the 19th Brigade’s lines, the British 1st Mechanised Brigade launched a counterattack in the wake of the victory, hoping to chase the Russians back and perhaps even pocket some of their units on the banks of the River Bug. The British advanced eastwards from Kolno before running into the two remaining regiments of 3MRD, with a ferocious fight breaking out between the two formations. The 1st Mechanised Brigade slowly pushed forwards, taking increasingly heavy casualties before Lt.-General Mike Ryan intervened personally and ordered the brigade to get the hell out of there! For the pair of divisions, both with good equipment and troops, a high-tech stalemate occurred just east of Kolno with the occasional Russian patrol pushing through British lines and then being wiped out. Troops and tanks still fought bitterly, but neither side could make any real progress; they lacked the number, the support, and the geography to avoid advancing without being outflanked.
The Poles with their 11th Cavalry Division, now supported by the 12th Mechanised Division, also a Polish unit, kept 2GMRD at bay yet again in the farmland that lay between the British 3rd Division and the southernmost flanks of I Allied Corps. Like in the fighting to the north and south, so much blood was spilled and for practically no gain at all. This time, the Poles weren’t falling back at anything other than the tactical level when a few hundred metres of real estate would be given up to save a company or a platoon. V Corps had the numbers now to almost eliminate the risk of a real Russian breakthrough, but the situation was still quite dire, with much of V Corps area of operations under enemy occupation and thousands of men and vehicles being lost by the day. More worryingly to Mattis and Petraeus further up the chain of command, NATO intelligence had detected the movement of the Russian 2nd Army through Belarus, towards the frontlines in Poland.
In the coming days, huge numbers of warplanes as well as many commandos from countless nations would be directed against the 2nd Army to stop it from reaching the frontlines, where NATO units were already bloodied but were now firmly clinging onto their positions. Those troops couldn’t be allowed to reach the combat zone.
|
|
lordroel
Administrator
Posts: 68,066
Likes: 49,462
|
Post by lordroel on Mar 13, 2019 16:20:21 GMT
Eighty-SevenThe Russian Army wanted the release authorisation for its huge but clandestine stockpile of chemical weapons. They wanted better supply lines running through Belarus and the Baltic States. They wanted for the Air Force to put a stop to the NATO bombing campaign, and for the FSB to wipe out those resistance groups operating behind their lines. These were all things that Russian Army commanders wanted, but that they were not going to get. The stunning success they had achieved two days ago with the crossing of the Narew had been smashed by those US Air Force Lancer bombers; the breakthrough in I Corps lines had been contained by a French armoured brigade and then the Americans had sent a whole mechanized infantry division to reinforce the French. The German Army had its entire 1st Panzer Division, with all its men and tanks and fighting vehicles within a day’s travel of I Corps lines and the arrival of those men on top of the Americans who had gotten into the fight would mean the end of 20th Guards Army’s offensive capabilities. Efforts to keep up the pace of the previous few days by the Russian Air Force were, in a word, underwhelming. During the last week, the Russian Air Force had lost almost two hundred combat aircraft and had seen its bases bombed time and time again, with each NATO airstrike growing more effective. Last night’s raid on targets around St Petersburg caused fury in Putin’s inner circle, and more fighters and interceptors were diverted away from the frontlines to defend the airspace of the Rodina. Su-25s and Su-24s still flew sorties over the frontlines, bombing NATO ground units and attempting to repeat the accomplishments of August 9th, when NATO’s supply efforts throughout Poland and Germany had been severely hampered by effective enemy air power. This time, NATO fighters, arriving in ever more impressive numbers, were able to repulse the major attacks mounted on Poland, although some squadrons took heavy losses to powerful Russian SAM systems. By the time the day was out, dozens of burning wreckages littered the Polish countryside and the bottom of the Baltic Sea as well, but 1ATAF commanders in Germany certainly felt that they had gotten the better of the fighting in the air that day. There also drones from the USAF & the Royal Air Force providing surveillance footage of Russian troop movements; one of these aircraft was downed but many more, including several MQ-9 Reaper aircraft, continued to operate effectively. There had been some successes achieved by Russian units; in particular, the two divisions on the northern flank of 20th Guards Army’s line of advance had made some noteworthy gains overnight. The British 1st Armoured Division had initiated yet another fighting withdrawal across a line which stretched from Szczytno to Ostroleka. Outgunned and thoroughly outnumbered, Lt.-General Shirreff’s premier division had fought the good fight for the past five days of war. Nevertheless, the battles that took place today would be the heaviest that the British Army had been involved in so far. Challenger-2 tanks, supported by infantry riding aboard Warrior infantry fighting vehicles, halted the Russian advance for several hours before one of its units was annihilated. The 1st Battalion of the Yorkshire Regiment had formed a battlegroup with tanks belonging to the Queen’s Royal Hussars; Russian T-90s overwhelmed their defensive positions and killed or captured over eight hundred British soldiers. The French Army plugged the gap with men from their 2nd Armored Brigade but it was a stunning loss nonetheless. Throughout the early afternoon the 1st Armoured Division continued to fall back, trading land for time until additional air support arrived. Diverted away from southern Poland, the US Air Force F-16s and some Spanish F/A-18s and RCAF CF-188s covered the British withdrawal with massive airstrikes. Shirreff would have preferred for a B-1B strike to be launched in similar vain to the one made yesterday, but doing such a thing would take hours. The failed attack yesterday by the 4th Guards Tank Division was going to be repeated today. Russian officers were still reeling from the defeat yesterday but while losses had been heavy they had not been critical, and they now had a better idea of the Americans positions and tactics. Confident that they had a good chance of success, the command staff of 20th Guards Army sent its premier tank division towards American lines. A horrendous fight took place here with the ground around Olsztyn slowly being ceded to the Russians at a murderous cost. US Army AH-64D Apache gunships and some similar aircraft from the British Army Air Corps went low over the battlefield and obliterated Russian advance forces, however, before pulling back and hovering behind trees and low hills to guide in effective artillery. Success was met here with the firepower being brought to bear by the helicopters and artillery being too much for Russian units to take. The 4th Infantry Division’s commanding officer, Maj.-General David Perkins, then took his division forwards in one of NATO’s first counterattacks of the war. It was only a slight advance but a morale boost nonetheless, with much of the ground that had been fought over today and yesterday coming back under Allied control as the M1A2s and Bradleys of the 4th Infantry pushed up along Highway-3, meeting heavy resistance and in reality only regaining a couple of miles of battle-scarred territory. Another victory was achieved when the 1st Motorised Rifle Division was thoroughly beaten by the harried but determined Polish 16th Mechanised Division outside of Malbork, with that Russian division stopped within sight of Gdansk. The effective halting of the Russian advance in the northernmost sectors of Poland dramatically improved the morale of NATO troops, but in reality it was a tiny achievement in comparison with the gains that Russian forces had made so far in Poland. General Ryan’s V Corps had similarly mixed results throughout the day’s fighting. Bloodied and beaten by days of constant warfare, the 3rd Mechanized Infantry Division continued to pull back away from the lines to grant its personnel some rest and to allow for equipment to be serviced. That formation, once consisting of over twelve thousand soldiers, had barely seven thousand men and women left in its ranks by August 12th. Their position along the defensive line was filled by the German 10th Panzer Division, with a Bundeswehr heavy brigade and a Dutch mechanised unit, as well as well-trained German mountain troops. The Russians had seen their bridgehead obliterated by the US Air Force and with it, much of the 5th Guards Tank Division. Behind that division, their remained some scattered Belarusian units along with the 2nd Guards Motorised Rifle Division, a unit which had become almost permanently engaged with the Polish 11th Cav, and the fresher 3rd Motorised Rifle Division. New troops arriving at the front to come under V Corps command came from the British Army’s 3rd Mechanised Division. Eager to get into the battle after days of sitting in airplanes, trains and trucks, the men of the British division had heard stories of the Russian missile and commando attacks back home and were eager for vengeance. With the 3rd Mechanised Division on their northern flank, the Poles no longer had to keep withdrawing; the numbers here were even and with the Russians breakthrough on the Narew not just contained but obliterated there was no reason to worry about attacks from the south. When the British 3rd Division clashed with the Russian Army’s unit of, ironically, the same name, successes and failures alike were met. There was to be a Canadian brigade group attached to 3rd Div. within the next week, but those troops would miss the fight that was about to occur. Certain of a victory, if a costly one, when up against light infantry, the Russian 3rd Division sent its lead regiment right into a series of ambushes mounted by the 19th Light Brigade. Heavy artillery units and RAF & Luftwaffe Tornados unleashed hell on the motorised rifle regiment that advanced towards the 19th Brigade, effectively destroying two of its battalions and sending the third back with its tail between its legs. The mistake made by the British troops was to pursue them. Passing through the 19th Brigade’s lines, the British 1st Mechanised Brigade launched a counterattack in the wake of the victory, hoping to chase the Russians back and perhaps even pocket some of their units on the banks of the River Bug. The British advanced eastwards from Kolno before running into the two remaining regiments of 3MRD, with a ferocious fight breaking out between the two formations. The 1st Mechanised Brigade slowly pushed forwards, taking increasingly heavy casualties before Lt.-General Mike Ryan intervened personally and ordered the brigade to get the hell out of there! For the pair of divisions, both with good equipment and troops, a high-tech stalemate occurred just east of Kolno with the occasional Russian patrol pushing through British lines and then being wiped out. Troops and tanks still fought bitterly, but neither side could make any real progress; they lacked the number, the support, and the geography to avoid advancing without being outflanked. The Poles with their 11th Cavalry Division, now supported by the 12th Mechanised Division, also a Polish unit, kept 2GMRD at bay yet again in the farmland that lay between the British 3rd Division and the southernmost flanks of I Allied Corps. Like in the fighting to the north and south, so much blood was spilled and for practically no gain at all. This time, the Poles weren’t falling back at anything other than the tactical level when a few hundred metres of real estate would be given up to save a company or a platoon. V Corps had the numbers now to almost eliminate the risk of a real Russian breakthrough, but the situation was still quite dire, with much of V Corps area of operations under enemy occupation and thousands of men and vehicles being lost by the day. More worryingly to Mattis and Petraeus further up the chain of command, NATO intelligence had detected the movement of the Russian 2nd Army through Belarus, towards the frontlines in Poland. In the coming days, huge numbers of warplanes as well as many commandos from countless nations would be directed against the 2nd Army to stop it from reaching the frontlines, where NATO units were already bloodied but were now firmly clinging onto their positions. Those troops couldn’t be allowed to reach the combat zone. Another great update forconGreat to see Germans, British and Polish forces side by side fighting the Russians.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Mar 13, 2019 16:50:47 GMT
Nearly stopped them now. Nearly.
|
|
hussar01
Chief petty officer
Posts: 104
Likes: 60
|
Post by hussar01 on Mar 13, 2019 18:56:18 GMT
|
|