forcon
Lieutenant Commander
Posts: 988
Likes: 1,739
|
Post by forcon on Feb 26, 2019 12:11:28 GMT
Part Four
Sixty-One
Throughout August 8th, First Guards Tank Army (1GTA) kept up the pressure on V Corps’ lines all along the Polish-Belarusian frontier.
The immediate of objective of 1GTA, with their comrades further north and east having virtually secured the Baltic States, was to drive westwards to Siedlce and secure the major highway intersections between Bialystok and Biala Podlaska. Ultimately, as only the headquarters staff new, the tank army’s objective was drive on a northwards axis towards Gdansk, thereby eventually forming a large buffer zone between NATO’s second echelon of forces moving up through Europe, and the Russian-occupied Baltic republics. It would take many days and nights of warfare for 1GTA to achieve that latter objective, if it could be achieved at all. Bialystok was left to the Belarusian’s 6th Guards Mechanised Brigade to peel out of the hands of Polish forces defending the city; they would successfully take that Polish settlement but only after hours of intense fighting and the literal decimation of the Belarusian brigade.
First Guards Tank Army was considered an elite unit, armed with all the latest weapons and equipment that was available to the Russian Armed Forces. There we T-90 main battle tanks, BMP-2 & -3 IFVs and BTR fighting vehicles, an extensive arsenal of artillery weapons ranging from MLRS launchers to 2S3 howitzers. Last night the 5th Guards Tank Division (5GTD) had bypassed Biala Podlaska and routed the Polish 1st Mechanised Division when those Polish troops had tried to fight head-on with the advancing Russian tanks. After this the 5th Divisions’ successes had been mitigated by an enormous surge of NATO airpower towards that sector of the fighting, eventually forcing 5 GTD to halt its otherwise successful drive. To counter this defeat, Russian commanders did what they were not supposed to do; they improvised. Back in the eighties those officers would likely have been shot for making such a decision even if it lead to military successes. This was the new Russian Army though, a force that was meant to fight in the Twenty-First Century. It was ultimately a risk that 1GTA’s commanders were willing to take.
The 5th Guards Tank Division was sent swinging northwards to link up with the Taman Guards Division. The Russians moved up across the fields and farmland west of Highway 19, leaving the Belarusians to deal with resistance inside Biala Podlaska. A massive amount of artillery preceded the tanks and light armour of both Russian divisions, saturating the positions where the US 3rd Infantry Division waited. Airstrikes from Su-25 Frogfoot attack aircraft took place as well, while Hind & Havoc attack helicopters made several less successful attempts to strike at the American positions. The American corps commander, Lieutenant-General Mike Ryan, was a Cold Warrior who had spent the majority of his career with armoured and mechanised units in West Germany. He knew exactly how the Russians would begin their offensive and yet there was little he could do to counter it.
M2A3 Bradley scout vehicles belonging to the 1st Armored Brigade Combat Team of the 3rd Infantry were the first to meet the Russians. A whole regiment of Russian armour and mechanised infantry crashed into the American scouts. The American vehicles were armed with TOW anti-tank missiles and used these in an abundance, knocking out some T-90s but suffering far greater casualties themselves. Even the presence of the AH-64D attack helicopters of the US Army’s 12th Combat Aviation Brigade wasn’t enough to offset the Russian’s superiority, although those aircraft did destroy numerous enemy tanks and reconnaissance vehicles at heavy cost to themselves from mobile SAMs.
Within twenty minutes of first contact with Russian armoured units, 6/8th Cavalry was effectively destroyed as a fighting force, suffering in excess of seventy percent of its personnel killed, wounded or captured.
5GTD met far more stubborn resistance upon running into the main bulk of the 3rd Infantry Division’s personnel. US Army M1A2s & M2A2 Bradleys were positioned in fields that lay just south and west of Bialystok. This farmland was interrupted by several smaller forests which correspondingly acted as natural barriers to slow the Russian advance. Dismounted infantrymen were also dug into foxholes and shattered buildings, armed with Javelin missiles to complement the firepower of the tanks. It was a literal clash of the titans, a fight that had been anticipated for decades before now.
The results of such high-intensity warfare were devastating for anyone unlucky enough to be caught in the thick of it. Explosions rocked the sundried ground and buildings collapsed under the ferocity of the preceding aerial and artillery bombardments. It was a humanitarian and an ecological catastrophe, but military commanders on either side cared little for these unfortunate results of modern day warfare. The grass and trees, already made flammable by the summer heatwave, were ignited into a cauldron of fire by both sides’ weapons. The fighting was fast-paced and incredibly brutal as the world’s most advanced tanks and armoured vehicles clashed with one another. In the woodlands, infantrymen from the 3rd & 4th Brigade Combat Teams of the 3rd Infantry Division had dug in and after sweating out the worst of the artillery strikes they found themselves under heavy attack by enemy infantry supported by BTR-80s and BMP-3s.
Despite putting up a valiant fight, however, the 4th IBCT was overwhelmed when a whole motorised rifle regiment was thrown at its lines. It was here that 5GTD would achieve a breakthrough. Some massacres occurred when H&S units of the 4th Brigade were caught up in the retreat and those rear-echelon troops tried to fight back with small arms, but many prisoners were taken as well. The 3rd Infantry Division had to pull back for fear of being cut off in a pincer movement between the River Narew and the city of Bialystok. Fighting continued as the Americans withdrew, and A-10s repeatedly bombed with advancing Russian spearheads to buy time for the ground forces to get away. As expected, the Americans made it out of the potential pocket.
Further north, the 2nd Guards Motorised Rifle Division (2GMRD) made its own westwards push.
Polish forces holding onto the countryside north-east of the Americans gave an excellent account of themselves.
Russian intelligence officers assigned to 1GTA headquarters didn’t expect much of the Polish 11th Armored Cavalry Division after the performance the 1st Division had given last night. Prisoners-of-War from that unit were being interrogated (mercilessly) by GRU personnel and but they knew little that would be of use to Russian forces by this point; only a few of those POWs had known things such as radio codes, and they had largely managed to hold out long enough for information such as that to go ‘stale’ overnight. This was a mistake that would cost 1GTA dearly in terms of lives and equipment lost. The Polish 11th Division engaged Russian forces on the northern side of the Narew and outside of Bialystok itself. They were in good shape despite near constant air and artillery bombardments throughout the night, with the majority of their tanks and armoured vehicles still in working order despite having sustained some damage. Equipped with Leopard-2 tanks purchased from Germany several years earlier, the 11th Division was a force to be reckoned with. Some of the division’s equipment was old Soviet-standard gear, but even these systems were deadly in the hands of determined troops who knew how to use them.
The Taman Division – 2 GMRD – hit the 11th Division head-on rather than in their flanks as they had expected. Polish counter-battery fire was not as effective as the Americans were, but their guns didn’t let up for a moment, forcing Russian artillery units to keep moving from location-to-location to avoid destruction. At first, for the Russians it was like slamming one’s head against a concrete wall as wave after wave of tanks hit the dug-in 11th Armored Cavalry Division.
The Poles didn’t have the manpower or ammunition to last forever though, despite the staunch defence they mounted throughout the first half of the day. Gradually, inch-by-bloody-inch, the 11th Division was dislodged from its positions and pushed back slowly along the S-8 Highway, moving from one pre-planned defensive position to the next. Time and time again the Taman Guards Division was forced to halt by steadfast resistance, but each time the Poles fell back after brief halts. Some POWs were taken when Russian troops overran Polish company and platoon-sized units that were left behind during the retreat. The US Air Force as well as the Polish Air Force and the Luftwaffe provided much needed air support. F-16s, A-10s and Tornados were the principal aircraft flying these close air support missions. Every such sortie was fraught with danger when Russian SAMs and fighters entered the equation, but NATO aircrews fought determinedly to slow the Russian advance from the air. Jets from both sides’ air forces spiralled out of the sky in flames as missiles and vapour trails criss-crossed the deep blue sky. A constant rumbling echoed over the countryside from all of the explosions caused by the fighting. Civilians caught up in the combat zone often captured video footage of the engagements between Twenty-First Century armies as they cowered in basements converted into ad hoc bomb shelters.
Though no chemical or nuclear weapons were used that day, the sheer violence that took place across the Polish countryside lead to thousands of deaths, both military and civilian. Nobody had seen well-equipped and well-trained units like these clash in such a manor before today. The full effects of airstrikes, artillery, guided missiles and high-powered cannon rounds were shown to be truly shattering. It wasn’t even over yet. V Corps slowly fell back, giving up ground inch-by-inch against 1GTA as the sun set to the west.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Feb 26, 2019 12:24:31 GMT
Two very minor quibbles about the gallantry citations in this excellent alternate history; 1. A citation will start with the following words The QUEEN has been graciously pleased to approve the award of the [Insert Award] to the undermentioned: 2. The timeframe shown is somewhat unrealistic. If we use the example of LCpl Leakey who was awarded the Victoria Cross for gallantry in Afghanistan, he committed the act he won the VC for on the 22 August 2013 but the award was not gazetted in the London Gazette until 26 February 2015. A recommendation for the VC is normally issued by an officer at regimental level, or equivalent, and has to be supported by three witnesses, although this has been waived on occasion. The recommendation is then passed up the military hierarchy until it reaches the Secretary of State for Defence. The recommendation is then laid before the monarch who approves the award with his or her signature. Victoria Cross awards are always promulgated in the London Gazette with the single exception of the award to the American Unknown Soldier in 1921. As I said these are just minor quibbles. This is a absolutely cracking alternate history and I am always in awe of you guys who write these histories. I look forward to the next instalment. Thank you for your kind words. Much more of the story to come.
|
|
|
Post by redrobin65 on Feb 26, 2019 15:07:58 GMT
Casualties on the first day must be above ten thousand as a LOW estimate.
|
|
lordroel
Administrator
Posts: 68,086
Likes: 49,472
|
Post by lordroel on Feb 26, 2019 16:20:14 GMT
Casualties on the first day must be above ten thousand as a LOW estimate. What would be your high estimate.
|
|
|
Post by elfastball7 on Feb 26, 2019 18:44:13 GMT
Any chance of a map with all the territory being taken over etc?
Thanks
|
|
lordbyron
Warrant Officer
Posts: 235
Likes: 133
|
Post by lordbyron on Feb 26, 2019 19:01:16 GMT
Though no chemical or nuclear weapons were used that day, That just sounds ominous; good update, BTW...
|
|
crackpot
Petty Officer 1st Class
Posts: 89
Likes: 71
|
Post by crackpot on Feb 26, 2019 19:09:18 GMT
Though no chemical or nuclear weapons were used that day, That just sounds ominous; good update, BTW... Yeah that’s pretty ominous
|
|
|
Post by redrobin65 on Feb 26, 2019 19:17:09 GMT
Casualties on the first day must be above ten thousand as a LOW estimate. What would be your high estimate. Maybe twenty thousand.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Feb 26, 2019 20:16:20 GMT
Any chance of a map with all the territory being taken over etc? Thanks If I can, I will knock up a basic map of the frontline in Poland: tonight or tomorrow. The ground taken isn't much at the moment and all in the northeast. The Baltic States are mostly taken. In Norway, the invasion has yet taken much ground but the situation is still developing (I'lll be covering Norway tomorrow) while in Denmark the area of occupation is small too. I'll try on a map though. That just sounds ominous; good update, BTW... Yeah that’s pretty ominous As to NBC weapons, we shall have to see. Nothing is on or off the table. That isn't a number I will dispute as it will include injuries rather than just deaths.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Feb 26, 2019 20:17:38 GMT
Sixty–Two
In a strategic sense, Russia had lost the Battle of Copenhagen. They had come to Denmark to seize control of the Danish Straits at an identified weak point. To gain that control, to deny use of the Straits to NATO and open them for their own use, a base of operations needed to be held around Copenhagen. Aircraft needed to be flown from here and even use made of port facilities; NATO needed to be driven away with no chance of restricting Russian operations. Failure had come though. The immediate – and somewhat foolhardy if successful – quick NATO response had seen the Russians take a beating. Their landed forces were unable to link up with each other and heavily engaged. The sea link back home was cut when the major warships of their Baltic Fleet had suffered grievous losses. Copenhagen International Airport was a ruin and much of the port area was smashed up by artillery, air strikes and infantry fighting. What Russian forces had made it to Copenhagen weren’t going home and no one was coming to support them. However, the loss which they had suffered wasn’t known to those on the ground involved in the continued fighting on the island of Zealand. No one told them that they were doomed. They had orders to fight and did so. Offshore, several amphibious ships which could have in theory lifted them off the island and tried to make a run back home – a dangerous proposition indeed – had no orders to do that. Should they had received them to do that, it wouldn’t have mattered. In the early hours of the war’s second day, what should have been a pleasant Sunday if it wasn’t for this growing conflict, NATO aircraft attacked them. They had no cover of their own and were massacred with four of the Ropucha-class amphibious ships hit by bombs and missiles. Further air attacks over Denmark by NATO forces today had been planned yet were unable to take place with yesterday’s intensity: aircraft were directed elsewhere, over Poland, leaving very few to fill the skies above. As to the fighting men down on the ground below what aircraft there were above, those Russians, Danes and other NATO troops, they fought on. The Russian Naval Infantry were unable to link up from their two separate landing sites. They also failed to take control of Copenhagen’s second airport – the one at Roskilde – yet did manage to get men to the disused former airfield at Værløse though. Neither the international airport nor either of the two smaller ones were any use though. Russia’s marines died fighting for them yet no more aircraft were coming to make use of such places. Like NATO, Russia now had its aircraft active elsewhere as they too focused on Poland rather than the distant Denmark. British and Danish troops fought close up with the Russians. Fighting men dug-in and exchanged fire from sheltered positions. Mines were laid and more shelter created where possible. Armour operated by both sides was now unable to make forward leaps like the day before and so the fighting became static in terms of mass movement forward to take or retake territory. Just because the frontlines weren’t moving greatly today, it didn’t make the day’s fighting any less deadly. Gunfire continued all day. There was shelling, rocket attacks, missiles strikes and even hand-to-hand fighting in-places. Those fighting were fighting for their lives and giving it their all… while ignorant of the grander strategic situation.
Around this fight there remained civilians. Danes in their thousands were trapped behind the lines. Those on the NATO side of the frontlines were increasing moving away. Yesterday, amidst the initial confusion and terror, many people had stayed put. There were official announcements telling them to do so and many had. Others who had risked going outside had run the gauntlet of gunfire and the fatal lessons which they learnt was witnessed by others. Today though, they were instructed to leave. Take only what you need, the message came, and leave only when evacuated under official instructions. As can be expected, this didn’t go to plan and there was chaos everywhere. People tried to take too much with them, others wouldn’t leave and there were those who left only to soon want to go back to their homes. People were people, individuals overcome by emotion. Those on the other side, trapped in an occupation zone, were left alone by the Russians inside their country. There was little molestation of civilians from the Naval Infantry soldiers. Some did misbehave – again, people were individuals – yet that was rare. They were too busy to commit large instances of robbery, rape and murder. Some civilians were removed form their homes were those buildings were needed but others were just in the way with efforts made to ignore them. There were approaches made to the Russians from self-appointed representatives who wanted to talk about access to food, shelter and medical care but the Russians just didn’t have the time nor inclination to bother with them at this time. Elsewhere on Zealand and throughout Denmark there were more civilians caught up in this war. Their response to it was once more a patchwork of reactions. Many stayed in their homes while many more fled. Roads were jammed by broken-down cars and others which had run out of petrol. People fled with no idea of where they were going and ended up stuck. This included access to and from (on both sides) the Great Belt Fixed Link, the bridges and tunnels which ran from Zealand across to the Jutland mainland through the middle of Denmark; the Øresund Bridge, which linked Copenhagen to Malmo in Sweden, wasn’t jammed with cars but rather closed at each end by Russians and Swedes respectively (not cooperating in this though!). The blocking of roads didn’t affect the rail links throughout the country. These were open. Russia had planned to bomb them from their air yet had taken those heavy air losses and were unable to. Danish troops mobilised from the reserves were using these now as they converged upon Copenhagen. In addition, more NATO troops to join the British, this time the Franco-German Brigade coming up from its pre-war staging post in eastern Germany, were making use of the rail connections as well. They were coming to the Danish capital to fight for it. The intention was that tomorrow, on Monday August 9th, the fight would be reignited with a counteroffensive to liberate the city.
The Baltic remained a battlefield throughout the Sunday. Russia’s warships had suffered heavily yesterday yet NATO losses had occurred too, especially among those which were east of the Danish Straits. There was a gathering of warships on the western side in the Kattegat & Skagerrak and plans were afoot to bring them through in the coming days: having several firing their guns to influence the Copenhagen fight, as the Russians had done during the opening assault, was something greatly sought. There were too all of those ports east of the Straits too. The Eagle Guardian war plan called for their use though Russia had stopped this by assaulting Denmark. NATO still wanted to open them up. In the skies above the sea, each side had seen a reduction in available air power due to the fighting in Poland. Some aircraft were still flying on Baltic missions though. This included a flight of three MiG-31 interceptors which launched a lone missile each on the Sunday afternoon while just off the Latvia coastline. They turned for home without ever having come anywhere near those they engaged. The missiles flew onwards, crossing Sweden as they did so – their airspace had been repeatedly violated – before coming out over the water where the Kattegat was. One missed its target, the other two struck home. The pair of NATO aircraft hit were aircraft whose losses would really hurt. One was a French E-3 Sentry and the other was a RAF Nimrod R1. They were blown out of the sky by missiles undetected from aircraft not on their threat board. The third target, a NATO-crewed E-3 aircraft on the AWACS mission as well, only escaped destruction and complete crew loss through luck. This was the second attempt by the Russian Air Force to use its KS-172S long-range air-to-air missiles against high-value NATO aircraft: their overnight attempt to hit others had failed completely but their opponents hadn’t seen those missiles either during their misses. This time though the targeting was better and the big, irreplaceable aircraft targeted were brought down. NATO panic in the aftermath affected their air operations as they had no idea of what occurred. Advantage was sought here with a flight of Tupolev-22M bombers showing up over the Kattegat not long afterwards. They had come the long way around – unable to take the shortcut over Sweden – and been detected even when flying low, fast and behind what was hoped was undetected silent jamming. A Danish F-16 got one and brought it crashing down above Zealand (it erupted in a fireball over a small Danish town when doing so) yet the other made a high-speed dash to get away from that NATO fighter and others in the sky, all of whom were directed by the surviving AWACS aircraft. The Tu-22M went over Sweden whilst doing so and this allowed it to escape. There’d be recriminations from this for sure.
Northern Poland was a battlefield like Eastern Poland was. There was a different kind of fighting currently ongoing here though. Masses of armour where huge mechanised armies crashed into each other was yet to happen here. That was soon to occur, just not today. Instead, there was what could best be described as ‘skirmishing’ for the time being. The NATO-organised Allied Rapid Reaction Corps was waiting for those Russian heavy forces which had invaded Latvia and crossed into Lithuania to arrive. There was fighting on the border between Poland and Kaliningrad in the meantime as well as in the Suwalki Gap. Those involved fought a furious fight and would decry the idea that it was ‘just skirmishing’ when they fought and died in great numbers.
When the Russian Twentieth Guards Army showed up after coming down through the Baltic States, the Eleventh Corps was be subsumed into that command. For now, they fought on the Polish frontier. Shelling and missile attacks came along with border incursions. The 1st Guards Motor Rifle Division (that ad hoc formation formed from two independent brigades) crossed over into Poland where it could. The Poles on the other side, their 16th Mechanised Division, hadn’t taken that ‘step back’ yesterday that others had. They were instructed to hold ground and that they did. This resulted in multiple engagements taking place with the majority on the Polish side of the frontier. However, in other places, the Russians were stopped cold. Neither their 7th nor 79th Brigades could overcome resistance and get forward to any serious depth. Battles of manoeuvre were fought alongside static fights yet, when all was said and done, the lines ended up at the end of the day where they had first started. A huge expanse of firepower had been exchanged and casualties occurred at an horrific rate all for what could arguably be considered nothing if one was to look at the fight in terms of territory taken (or not taken to be precise). Yet it was important. The Russians made sure that the fight was on Polish soil and also kept the Poles busy before the Twentieth Army arrived. As to the ARRC, they knew that the Russians were bringing down their tank divisions plus all of those army-level attachments. They wanted to make sure that the Russians started from as far back as possible. Polish views within NATO were that this was their sovereign soil which they were fighting for. Their senior officers understood the big picture and were mentally prepared to be forced to withdraw to fight the bigger battle with space, yet before then their business was killing Russian invaders. Behind them, they knew that they had much support waiting there. The corps commander, Lt.-General Shirreff, had significant forces position to the south of the Poles. There was the 1st Armoured Division from the British Army along with a brigade from both the French Army and the US Army too. Further reinforcements in the coming days were promised to Shirreff in the form of a division each from his own country’s army and the US Army (the 3rd UK Mechanised and 4th US Infantry) plus there was also another Polish division in the rear so far uncommitted to battle that he hoped to get his hands on as well. With other smaller reinforcements, brigade-sized units from many countries all promised to Poland, the ARRC should be able to hold back the Russians. However, the right flank, facing eastern Poland became more and more of a concern throughout the day. The Russians were advancing there from out of Belarus and Shirreff worried that reinforcements promised to him would be diverted to that fight. His staff still had unfulfilled plans to advance north, bypassing Kaliningrad, and go up into the Baltic States. Those were looking like they never going to see the light of day due to what was happening over on the flank. Moreover, that supposed delayed – surely cancelled? – advance into Lithuania and onwards was meant to go through the Suwalki Gap.
American and Polish forces in that area at the north-eastern corner of Poland started the Sunday like they spent the Saturday: keeping the Russians and Belorussians out of this access route which ran north-south. However, as the war’s second day wore onwards, they became increasingly surrounded. A noose was tightening. The Americans with their 2nd Cavalry Regiment had mounting casualties where their Stryker armoured vehicles were knocked out in larger numbers than before. These became ‘missile magnets’ in the words of their regimental commander where Russian attack helicopters and dismounted infantry focused firing on them. Faced with a modern anti-tank missile fired by professionals, not a roadside bomb or a hand-me-down RPG in the hands of an insurgent, the losses to these vehicles, and thus their crews, became too many to bare. Both the Belorussians with their 11th Guards Mechanised Brigade and Russia’s 3rd Motor Rifle Division squeezed them at the front and sought to get behind them. Polish forces with their 6th Airborne Brigade and 18th Reconnaissance Regiment were unable to stand up to the invaders of their country once those could concentrate. It had taken them time to do so, to get enough forces on Polish soil to make it matter, but once they did, the situation became impossible. Most of that Polish regiment – another light force and half-manned by reservists – was lost and then the paratroopers were forced to start edging back. The Russians had brought forward their heavy guns while the Belorussians had moved in infantry in number. The Russians had their armour looping around the back and the Americans couldn’t stop this. That armour was mostly older equipment, T-72 tanks and BTR-70 infantry vehicles, but the 2nd Cav’ had no tanks of their own. There was a company of Stryker M1128 versions with 105mm cannons yet these weren’t tanks. Time ran out. Shirreff and the AARC took command of the forces in the Suwalki Gap when CJTF-East finally released them from its own direct control and the order came to withdraw. A fighting withdrawal was attempted but it was too late. The invaders had the numbers and NATO forces were too worn down. Almost of the Poles were lost before the way out was finally shut. As to the Americans, the 2nd Cav’ got away generally intact… apart from earlier inflicted casualties. This was a reason to celebrate yet it wasn’t done so. The American soldiers knew they had escaped with their lives and were silent. AARC didn’t celebrate because overall, they had met defeat. And the Poles weren’t happy either with so many more of their soldiers, elite troops too, not making it out when the Americans did. Of course, no one would have wanted to see them all lost and every man who got out was a fighting man ready to fight again elsewhere, yet the Suwalki Gap was a fight which was going to be remembered for all the wrong reasons. What had really been achieved apart from all of those casualties?
|
|
Dan
Warrant Officer
Posts: 258
Likes: 185
|
Post by Dan on Feb 27, 2019 10:41:16 GMT
The QUEEN has been graciously pleased to approve the award of the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross to the undermentioned: Captain Robert Munroe Davidson - 3rd Battalion, The Parachute Regiment 8th August 2010 Havdrup, Denmark
Capt Davidson led 1st Company in the main parachute drop into Havdrup ahead of the main command element. As the drop took place, the men of 3 PARA soon found themselves under increasingly effective enemy fire. Capt Davidson took the initiative and began organising the available forces into defensive positions to effect effective action against the enemy. As the day continued, enemy action began taking a toll on the men and casualties began to mount, it soon became apparent that maintaining such a position would not be tenable. Capt Davidson made repeated visits under sustained and heavy enemy fire to the various positions giving orders and coordinating the break out from the drop zone with the men of his, and the nearby 2nd Company. At approximately 2:30pm, as the situation worsened, Capt Davidson made the command decision to begin the break out and gave orders for the men to Fix Bayonets. Leading from the front, Capt Davidson began the charge of 1 & 2 Coy, 3 Para onto the hills to the north of the drop zone and securing a stronger defensive position. During the charge and the subsequent fighting, Capt Davidson found himself engaging the enemy at close ranges, including hand to hand combat, providing an inspiring example to the men under his command, despite suffering numerous minor injuries in the process, and his actions led directly to the victory of 3 PARA at Havdrup that day.
Capt Davidson's actions during the battle, and the leadership he displayed, before, during and after the battle, uphold the very highest traditions of the British Army, reflecting greatly on the Parachute Regiment.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Feb 27, 2019 10:49:14 GMT
The QUEEN has been graciously pleased to approve the award of the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross to the undermentioned: Captain Robert Munroe Davidson - 3rd Battalion, The Parachute Regiment 8th August 2010 Havdrup, Denmark Capt Davidson led 1st Company in the main parachute drop into Havdrup ahead of the main command element. As the drop took place, the men of 3 PARA soon found themselves under increasingly effective enemy fire. Capt Davidson took the initiative and began organising the available forces into defensive positions to effect effective action against the enemy. As the day continued, enemy action began taking a toll on the men and casualties began to mount, it soon became apparent that maintaining such a position would not be tenable. Capt Davidson made repeated visits under sustained and heavy enemy fire to the various positions giving orders and coordinating the break out from the drop zone with the men of his, and the nearby 2nd Company. At approximately 2:30pm, as the situation worsened, Capt Davidson made the command decision to begin the break out and gave orders for the men to Fix Bayonets. Leading from the front, Capt Davidson began the charge of 1 & 2 Coy, 3 Para onto the hills to the north of the drop zone and securing a stronger defensive position. During the charge and the subsequent fighting, Capt Davidson found himself engaging the enemy at close ranges, including hand to hand combat, providing an inspiring example to the men under his command, despite suffering numerous minor injuries in the process, and his actions led directly to the victory of 3 PARA at Havdrup that day. Capt Davidson's actions during the battle, and the leadership he displayed, before, during and after the battle, uphold the very highest traditions of the British Army, reflecting greatly on the Parachute Regiment. Captain Robert Munroe Davidson is awarded by order the QUEEN, the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross, this day, 28th February 2012. When you hear the other side shout "fix bayonets", that's when you know your day has gone to s@@t.
|
|
forcon
Lieutenant Commander
Posts: 988
Likes: 1,739
|
Post by forcon on Feb 27, 2019 13:10:07 GMT
Sixty-ThreePresident Biden felt it was his duty to return to Washington DC as soon as possible. The Secret Service and the Pentagon argued back vehemently against this decision. The President had been orbiting above the United States since late on August 6th, with only a short pit-stop outside Las Vegas to transfer him to the Night Watch aircraft. The best efforts of the FBI, the Marshal Service, and the Joint Special Operations Command, as well as countless state and local police departments, had failed to locate the Spetsnaz team responsible for President Obama’s assassination. The FBI had reason to believe that those commandos had left Washington itself though, having found the bodies of four civilians at the side of the road just outside the capital, with the prints of Russian-made boots in the dirt beside them. DC itself was perhaps the most heavily-guarded city in the world, even more so than Moscow at that moment. Soldiers, Marines & National Guardsmen were present all over DC, with whole rifle companies guarding places like the White House, the Capitol Building & the Pentagon. These two factors combined caused the DOD & Secret Service to relent and agree to allow Night Watch to land at Andrews Air Force Base. Soldiers from the 29th Infantry Division’s 116th Regiment, men and women native to Virginia, mounted numerous sweeps of the grounds outside the airfield and found no hint of enemy activity. Something of an implicit compromise between the President and the security establishment was negotiated; Biden would return to DC to carry out some political duties and give a speech to Congress calling for a declaration of war, but following this he would go to Site R with the Joint Chiefs. People who Biden wanted in his reforming cabinet were being contacted discretely. Congress wasn’t likely to put up a fight here and so President Biden could remain at Raven Rock when this was happening. President Biden made an impassioned speech to a Joint Session of Congress, one which was televised and broadcast not only to the people of the United States but to the world over. Three layers of security surrounded the Capitol Building during this address. A company of US Marines from the DC barracks held the outer perimeter, while a second layer of security was manned by Capitol Police officers. Inside the building, Secret Service Counter-Assault Team and DSS personnel stood in every doorway and window, with Delta Force operators also accompanying them. The building itself was swept twice for explosive devices and other dangers, and the threat to the members of Congress and the Senate, not to mention to Biden himself, was thought to be minimal. There were still arguments from the Joint Chiefs about putting so much of America’s leadership in one place at the same time, but cabinet members remained dispersed and the sheer amount of security in place meant that a direct attack would be impossible to pull off. “Two days ago, our valiant nation was attacked in a senseless, illegal, and murderous war of aggression by the Russian Federation and her allies. Military personnel in the service of the tyrannical President Vladimir Putin were responsible for the murders of President Barrack Obama, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Admiral Mike Mullen as well as many aides and political appointees, Secret Service agents, and Marine Corps aircrew. Russian forces also struck in the heart of Europe, in Belgium and in London, before invading the territory of no less than six NATO countries.
Consequently, a state of war now exists between the United States and Russia. While Russian forces are making gains in Eastern Europe, US and Allied military forces will soon recover from the surprise attack and strike back against President Putin’s army of conquest. There will be no surrender, no capitulation, and no negotiation, until Russian military forces have been wiped out. The United States has been attacked in such a way before, on December 7th, 1941, and on the 11th of September, 2001. In neither circumstance did our brave nation back down or walk away. We will fight this war, this war which we did not wish for but which was forced upon us, and we will not stop until total victory has been achieved. I must, therefore, as Congress for a declaration of war against the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus.”
Biden was met by thunderous applause from both sides of the aisle. There wasn’t a member of either House in site who didn’t hail the new President’s speech as positive. There were some who, discretely, didn’t wish to vote in favour of declaring war, not because of pacifism or anything like that but rather because they felt it would push Putin’s back against the wall and make him more trigger happy when it came to nuclear weapons. That camp didn’t want to give Moscow the impression that the United States sought to drive on the Russian capital and have its occupants shot; others wanted Putin to face trial and discussions soon began about the prospect of a special operations mission to capture him. At least for now this was nothing but pure fantasy. More realistically-minded individuals lead the political charge and several fiery speeches were given by Republican Senators Lindsey Graham and John McCain, long-term Democrat and World War II-veteran Daniel Inouye, and Democratic rising star Kirsten Gillibrand, to name a few; there were, of course, many, many more. Both Houses of Congress voted on whether or not to declare war on Russia. There was no question of what the result of the vote would ultimately be. The only real question, in fact, was by how big a margin the pro-war camp would win the vote. The resolution passed 96-0 in the Senate and 414-2 in the House of Representatives. There were several Senators and Congressmen & women from either party who couldn’t attend the vote. Some were dealing with the fallout from Spetsnaz attacks on their home states and others found transport to DC impossible to attain in time for the vote, with intense security measures in place especially along the Eastern Seaboard, and SCATANA still in effect. America’s allies were also preparing to join the war against Russia. The Australian Parliament held a session on the morning of August 8th where the government asked the legislature to vote in favour of committing Australia’s armed forces to combat against Russia. Prime Minister Julia Gillard had only taken office on June 24th after serving for three years as Australia’s deputy prime minister. The fall of the previous prime minister meant that she took office, and Gillard was a woman who was determined to stand up to Russia. A small number of Australian troops – mainly engineers and other such support personnel – had been in Poland attached to the British Army’s 1st Armoured Division when war broke out on conveniently-timed ‘joint training exercises’. War had broken out in Europe and those troops were somewhat confused as to what they were meant to do, but their answer came soon enough after Gillard and her party won their vote by a massive landslide. Australia was going to war with Russia and they were to fight. The Royal Australian Navy (RAN) committed several of its vessels to search-and-destroy operations against Russian submarines that were known to be prowling around the Pacific in great numbers. Forward basing for Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) warplanes, either in Europe or in the Far East, was discussed by the defence chiefs. A similar vote was called by New Zealand Prime Minister John Key of the centre-right National Party which ruled the country at the time. New Zealand, like Australia, voted to join the war, although doing so with less enthusiasm. New Zealand had a well-trained army but it was very small indeed and she had no air force to speak of. Where Australia could send warplanes, troops, and ships, New Zealand could do much less; that said, there would be some daring exploits indeed carried out by the New Zealand Special Air Service when a number of those commandos were sent off to Norway. Two of America’s traditional allies in Asia were much more reluctant to get involved. The government of Prime Minister Naoto Kan was one of realists; they knew that Moscow was lying when it made claims of pre-empting an attack by NATO and told similar lies. Tokyo offered its diplomatic support to the United States, but only its diplomatic support. The Japanese Self Defence Forces – a full-blown military in all but name – were highly capable, especially in the air and at sea. Nevertheless, entering into an armed conflict with Russia would mean attacks – mainly by cruise missiles – against the Japanese mainland and ultimately the threat of nuclear attack should things escalate totally out of control. The Japanese ambassador to Moscow, before the embassy was shut down in protest as Japan ended diplomatic relations with Russia, informed the Russians that any attacks against Japan, including American bases on Japanese soil, would be treated as an act of war and the Japanese Self Defence Forces would be ordered into the fray. Russia new it couldn’t afford to drag another Western power, especially one with a naval and air arm as strong as Japan’s, into the fighting. Russia’s Pacific Fleet was already in a bad situation and having to face down the Japanese would only make things worse. Russian commanders could do little but watch with frustration the massive air and naval bases in Japan that many officers felt should have been targeted already. The Republic of Korea was another country that didn’t want to go to war with Russia. In Seoul, it was felt that a South Korean declaration of war on Russia would invite the vast North Korean People’s Army to come swarming over the border, and so far South Korea had been given no promises of reinforcement from the United States. Even though the ROK’s powerful military could likely stop an NKPA offensive in its tracks, there would be weeks or months of bitter fighting, much of which would take place on South Korean soil. Economically, the risk posed by this eventuality was too much for Seoul to bear, and, like Japan, South Korea would remain neutral. For now. Unlike Japan, however, South Korea did allow the United States Air Force to continue operating from two airfields within the ROK, those being Kunsan and Osan Air Bases, where F-16s & A-10s were based in large numbers. The South Koreans also cut off diplomatic relations with Russia and made to remove their embassy as an act of diplomatic protest. The refusals of Japan and South Korea to join the fighting at once would be met with long-lasting bitterness by many in the US. From a realpolitik point of view, though, it was the logical decision. Even if it victory was assured, for both Japan and the ROK, going to war with Russia would by default involve air and ground fighting on both nations’ home territory, with thousands of casualties both military and civilian, and perhaps trillions of dollars’ worth of economic damage. It wasn’t as though either Asian country had abandoned their ally; both responded against Russia’s actions with harsh diplomatic sanctions and continued to provide intelligence and communications support to US forces in the Pacific. * Back in Europe, changes were happening within NATO’s command structure. Admiral James Stavridis was blamed for the fall of the Baltic States. It hadn’t truly been his fault; he hadn’t any choice in deploying forces to the three isolated nations. If he had sent the bulk of the American and British heavy forces in Poland into Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania on the eve of the war, they likely would have been cut off and destroyed, and Brussels might even have been left with no choice but to come to the negotiating table on Russia’s terms. SACEUR had done all he could to keep NATO forces in fighting condition and ensure that a counter-offensive could be launched in the future, but this wasn’t good enough for the politicians. Admiral Stavridis was relieved of his command. The history books would, fortunately, be kind to Stavridis. He was a man put in a terrible position by a long list of political errors and misjudgements. The fall of the Baltics could not fairly be attributed to him. Replacing Admiral Stavridis was General David Petraeus. Commander-in-Chief, East, was the official title of Petraeus’ command in Krakow though CJTF-East would soon be renamed as the US Seventh Army. General Petraeus was promoted to the post of Supreme Allied Commander Europe. This decision had been a somewhat rushed one, but Petraeus was a competent and experienced officer who was more than capable of the task. Replacing, with some controversy, General Petraeus as CINC-East was General James Mattis of the United States Marine Corps. General Mattis, a veteran of both Gulf Wars as well as Afghanistan, was in the process of transitioning from being the commander of the Joint Forces Command to Central Command when fighting broke out in Europe. There was much controversy at the prospect of having a Marine Corps general commanding an army that involved no marines whatsoever. In the US, the Army Chief of Staff General Casey wanted to appoint one of his own officers as CINC-East, citing General Dempsey as a candidate. The concerns of Army and to a lesser extent Air Force officers were brushed aside; nobody could deny that Jim Mattis was an officer with a great degree of combat experience and was known to be aggressive and proactive, eliminating the risk of over-cautious behaviour. The orders sending him to Florida were hastily cancelled, and the veteran Marine officers found himself aboard a C-17 headed for Krakow. General Mattis was going to war.
|
|
James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
|
Post by James G on Feb 27, 2019 13:28:54 GMT
Let loose the Mad Dog of war!
(Someone edit my terrible attempt at paraphrasing The Bard?)
|
|
lordroel
Administrator
Posts: 68,086
Likes: 49,472
|
Post by lordroel on Feb 27, 2019 14:43:56 GMT
Sixty-ThreePresident Biden felt it was his duty to return to Washington DC as soon as possible. The Secret Service and the Pentagon argued back vehemently against this decision. The President had been orbiting above the United States since late on August 6th, with only a short pit-stop outside Las Vegas to transfer him to the Night Watch aircraft. The best efforts of the FBI, the Marshal Service, and the Joint Special Operations Command, as well as countless state and local police departments, had failed to locate the Spetsnaz team responsible for President Obama’s assassination. The FBI had reason to believe that those commandos had left Washington itself though, having found the bodies of four civilians at the side of the road just outside the capital, with the prints of Russian-made boots in the dirt beside them. DC itself was perhaps the most heavily-guarded city in the world, even more so than Moscow at that moment. Soldiers, Marines & National Guardsmen were present all over DC, with whole rifle companies guarding places like the White House, the Capitol Building & the Pentagon. These two factors combined caused the DOD & Secret Service to relent and agree to allow Night Watch to land at Andrews Air Force Base. Soldiers from the 29th Infantry Division’s 116th Regiment, men and women native to Virginia, mounted numerous sweeps of the grounds outside the airfield and found no hint of enemy activity. Something of an implicit compromise between the President and the security establishment was negotiated; Biden would return to DC to carry out some political duties and give a speech to Congress calling for a declaration of war, but following this he would go to Site R with the Joint Chiefs. People who Biden wanted in his reforming cabinet were being contacted discretely. Congress wasn’t likely to put up a fight here and so President Biden could remain at Raven Rock when this was happening. President Biden made an impassioned speech to a Joint Session of Congress, one which was televised and broadcast not only to the people of the United States but to the world over. Three layers of security surrounded the Capitol Building during this address. A company of US Marines from the DC barracks held the outer perimeter, while a second layer of security was manned by Capitol Police officers. Inside the building, Secret Service Counter-Assault Team and DSS personnel stood in every doorway and window, with Delta Force operators also accompanying them. The building itself was swept twice for explosive devices and other dangers, and the threat to the members of Congress and the Senate, not to mention to Biden himself, was thought to be minimal. There were still arguments from the Joint Chiefs about putting so much of America’s leadership in one place at the same time, but cabinet members remained dispersed and the sheer amount of security in place meant that a direct attack would be impossible to pull off. “Two days ago, our valiant nation was attacked in a senseless, illegal, and murderous war of aggression by the Russian Federation and her allies. Military personnel in the service of the tyrannical President Vladimir Putin were responsible for the murders of President Barrack Obama, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Admiral Mike Mullen as well as many aides and political appointees, Secret Service agents, and Marine Corps aircrew. Russian forces also struck in the heart of Europe, in Belgium and in London, before invading the territory of no less than six NATO countries.
Consequently, a state of war now exists between the United States and Russia. While Russian forces are making gains in Eastern Europe, US and Allied military forces will soon recover from the surprise attack and strike back against President Putin’s army of conquest. There will be no surrender, no capitulation, and no negotiation, until Russian military forces have been wiped out. The United States has been attacked in such a way before, on December 7th, 1941, and on the 11th of September, 2001. In neither circumstance did our brave nation back down or walk away. We will fight this war, this war which we did not wish for but which was forced upon us, and we will not stop until total victory has been achieved. I must, therefore, as Congress for a declaration of war against the Russian Federation and the Republic of Belarus.”
Biden was met by thunderous applause from both sides of the aisle. There wasn’t a member of either House in site who didn’t hail the new President’s speech as positive. There were some who, discretely, didn’t wish to vote in favour of declaring war, not because of pacifism or anything like that but rather because they felt it would push Putin’s back against the wall and make him more trigger happy when it came to nuclear weapons. That camp didn’t want to give Moscow the impression that the United States sought to drive on the Russian capital and have its occupants shot; others wanted Putin to face trial and discussions soon began about the prospect of a special operations mission to capture him. At least for now this was nothing but pure fantasy. More realistically-minded individuals lead the political charge and several fiery speeches were given by Republican Senators Lindsey Graham and John McCain, long-term Democrat and World War II-veteran Daniel Inouye, and Democratic rising star Kirsten Gillibrand, to name a few; there were, of course, many, many more. Both Houses of Congress voted on whether or not to declare war on Russia. There was no question of what the result of the vote would ultimately be. The only real question, in fact, was by how big a margin the pro-war camp would win the vote. The resolution passed 96-0 in the Senate and 414-2 in the House of Representatives. There were several Senators and Congressmen & women from either party who couldn’t attend the vote. Some were dealing with the fallout from Spetsnaz attacks on their home states and others found transport to DC impossible to attain in time for the vote, with intense security measures in place especially along the Eastern Seaboard, and SCATANA still in effect. America’s allies were also preparing to join the war against Russia. The Australian Parliament held a session on the morning of August 8th where the government asked the legislature to vote in favour of committing Australia’s armed forces to combat against Russia. Prime Minister Julia Gillard had only taken office on June 24th after serving for three years as Australia’s deputy prime minister. The fall of the previous prime minister meant that she took office, and Gillard was a woman who was determined to stand up to Russia. A small number of Australian troops – mainly engineers and other such support personnel – had been in Poland attached to the British Army’s 1st Armoured Division when war broke out on conveniently-timed ‘joint training exercises’. War had broken out in Europe and those troops were somewhat confused as to what they were meant to do, but their answer came soon enough after Gillard and her party won their vote by a massive landslide. Australia was going to war with Russia and they were to fight. The Royal Australian Navy (RAN) committed several of its vessels to search-and-destroy operations against Russian submarines that were known to be prowling around the Pacific in great numbers. Forward basing for Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) warplanes, either in Europe or in the Far East, was discussed by the defence chiefs. A similar vote was called by New Zealand Prime Minister John Key of the centre-right National Party which ruled the country at the time. New Zealand, like Australia, voted to join the war, although doing so with less enthusiasm. New Zealand had a well-trained army but it was very small indeed and she had no air force to speak of. Where Australia could send warplanes, troops, and ships, New Zealand could do much less; that said, there would be some daring exploits indeed carried out by the New Zealand Special Air Service when a number of those commandos were sent off to Norway. Two of America’s traditional allies in Asia were much more reluctant to get involved. The government of Prime Minister Naoto Kan was one of realists; they knew that Moscow was lying when it made claims of pre-empting an attack by NATO and told similar lies. Tokyo offered its diplomatic support to the United States, but only its diplomatic support. The Japanese Self Defence Forces – a full-blown military in all but name – were highly capable, especially in the air and at sea. Nevertheless, entering into an armed conflict with Russia would mean attacks – mainly by cruise missiles – against the Japanese mainland and ultimately the threat of nuclear attack should things escalate totally out of control. The Japanese ambassador to Moscow, before the embassy was shut down in protest as Japan ended diplomatic relations with Russia, informed the Russians that any attacks against Japan, including American bases on Japanese soil, would be treated as an act of war and the Japanese Self Defence Forces would be ordered into the fray. Russia new it couldn’t afford to drag another Western power, especially one with a naval and air arm as strong as Japan’s, into the fighting. Russia’s Pacific Fleet was already in a bad situation and having to face down the Japanese would only make things worse. Russian commanders could do little but watch with frustration the massive air and naval bases in Japan that many officers felt should have been targeted already. The Republic of Korea was another country that didn’t want to go to war with Russia. In Seoul, it was felt that a South Korean declaration of war on Russia would invite the vast North Korean People’s Army to come swarming over the border, and so far South Korea had been given no promises of reinforcement from the United States. Even though the ROK’s powerful military could likely stop an NKPA offensive in its tracks, there would be weeks or months of bitter fighting, much of which would take place on South Korean soil. Economically, the risk posed by this eventuality was too much for Seoul to bear, and, like Japan, South Korea would remain neutral. For now. Unlike Japan, however, South Korea did allow the United States Air Force to continue operating from two airfields within the ROK, those being Kunsan and Osan Air Bases, where F-16s & A-10s were based in large numbers. The South Koreans also cut off diplomatic relations with Russia and made to remove their embassy as an act of diplomatic protest. The refusals of Japan and South Korea to join the fighting at once would be met with long-lasting bitterness by many in the US. From a realpolitik point of view, though, it was the logical decision. Even if it victory was assured, for both Japan and the ROK, going to war with Russia would by default involve air and ground fighting on both nations’ home territory, with thousands of casualties both military and civilian, and perhaps trillions of dollars’ worth of economic damage. It wasn’t as though either Asian country had abandoned their ally; both responded against Russia’s actions with harsh diplomatic sanctions and continued to provide intelligence and communications support to US forces in the Pacific. * Back in Europe, changes were happening within NATO’s command structure. Admiral James Stavridis was blamed for the fall of the Baltic States. It hadn’t truly been his fault; he hadn’t any choice in deploying forces to the three isolated nations. If he had sent the bulk of the American and British heavy forces in Poland into Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania on the eve of the war, they likely would have been cut off and destroyed, and Brussels might even have been left with no choice but to come to the negotiating table on Russia’s terms. SACEUR had done all he could to keep NATO forces in fighting condition and ensure that a counter-offensive could be launched in the future, but this wasn’t good enough for the politicians. Admiral Stavridis was relieved of his command. The history books would, fortunately, be kind to Stavridis. He was a man put in a terrible position by a long list of political errors and misjudgements. The fall of the Baltics could not fairly be attributed to him. Replacing Admiral Stavridis was General David Petraeus. Commander-in-Chief, East, was the official title of Petraeus’ command in Krakow though CJTF-East would soon be renamed as the US Seventh Army. General Petraeus was promoted to the post of Supreme Allied Commander Europe. This decision had been a somewhat rushed one, but Petraeus was a competent and experienced officer who was more than capable of the task. Replacing, with some controversy, General Petraeus as CINC-East was General James Mattis of the United States Marine Corps. General Mattis, a veteran of both Gulf Wars as well as Afghanistan, was in the process of transitioning from being the commander of the Joint Forces Command to Central Command when fighting broke out in Europe. There was much controversy at the prospect of having a Marine Corps general commanding an army that involved no marines whatsoever. In the US, the Army Chief of Staff General Casey wanted to appoint one of his own officers as CINC-East, citing General Dempsey as a candidate. The concerns of Army and to a lesser extent Air Force officers were brushed aside; nobody could deny that Jim Mattis was an officer with a great degree of combat experience and was known to be aggressive and proactive, eliminating the risk of over-cautious behaviour. The orders sending him to Florida were hastily cancelled, and the veteran Marine officers found himself aboard a C-17 headed for Krakow. General Mattis was going to war. Another good update forcon
|
|