Dark Earth: From Sea to Shining Sea

From Sea to Shining Sea Part 8

President Roger Thompson considered it a fairly rare occurrence that he would look forward to an impromptu meeting, particularly on the minutiae of mobilisation planning, but these were very special circumstances. The threat was real and he had to take whatever measures he could to avoid it.

“Aww, Dad, you said we were going to play Stratego!”

“Now then, David. You know that work is work and I can’t get away from it.”

“But, Dad!”

“David.” A single look of admonishment at his pleading was enough.

“Yes, sir.”

“That’s better. Now go and see if Ricky will play with you.”

“Ricky? He’s just a little kid.” David Thompson flumphed away haughtily to the other side of the room, much aggrieved at the thought that a mature and grown up nine year old should have to stoop to playing with his six and a half year old little brother. Perhaps the First Dog would indulge him, although Buddy seemed to be settled back in the armchair, glasses perched on the end of his nose as he was absorbed in his copy of Marcus Aurelius’s Meditations. Life was full of injustices

His father sighed, got up from his chair and wended his way over Ricky's abandoned train set and Jack's idle armies of toy soldiers, thanking his lucky stars that Karen and Sally had decided to play dolls in another room of the residence. He did not begrudge them their play, nor did he eschew the opportunity to spend time with his children, as they were growing up far too quickly. But, every man had his limits and Thompson's was seventeen games of Stratego in this case. There would be many more games to come, though, and more Yuletide seasons.

Outside the White House, a blanket of white snow covered the lawns and gardens and the sun shone wanly through a cloudy winter's day. It was strange that this would be the last Christmas he would spend here, although not in a bad way. He'd spent much of the last month caught up with the hectic demands of travel that came with the transition to a new Presidency, criss-crossing America to make his farewells and pay his political debts.

His ubiquitous escort peeled off their stations at the door of the Yellow Oval Room as he entered the hallway and by the time he reached the Cabinet Room, a small procession was with him. Inside, Sam Atkinson, Jack Burgundy, Jefferson Smith, Dr. Henry Jones, Secretary of Defense Thomas Gates and General Maxwell Taylor awaited him and rose as he entered. Their faces were grim and tight, speaking of something beyond the matter of war plans and the ongoing talks with Moscow.

"Thank you gentlemen, please take a seat. OK, Indy, what have we got today?"

" Mr. President, today we have the revisions to the general mobilisation plan in light of the planned deployments to Europe, the preliminary groundwork with the Soviets and the Arab proposal. First and foremost, though, there is the substance of the note that the French Ambassador delivered to the Secretary of State a few minutes ago."

"Let's have a look at it, Jeff."

Thompson quickly read the two short paragraphs and then looked up at the members of the National Security Council. "Well, never let it be said that the French can't get to the point, even when it is of our own petard."

In other circumstances, this may have raised a smile.

"Setting aside how they got the details of our proposed agreement with the British for the moment, they do raise a very interesting point, Mr. President." Dr. Jones's brow was furrowed as if he was ruminating on a peculiar point of archaeological discourse. "They're being asked to swallow more with regard to Germany and get less out of a general renewal of the Atlantic Alliance. From their perspective, there are very good grounds as to why they should be involved in a special arrangement along with Britain."

"Devil's advocate is all well and good, Dr. Jones, but on objective grounds of our interests and position as the leading power of the Free World, we simply cannot concede to their terms. The agreement with England is difficult enough to reconcile, let alone cutting in Paris on virtually the same terms." Gates spoke forcefully, driven in a none too small way by his own misgivings regarding the whole British deal.

"You're preaching to the choir here, Thomas. There would be no basis for Congressional support for a further arrangement with France, particularly on top of the disgruntlement with how they've handled Vietnam." Thompson sat back reflectively.

"The thing is, they know that too." said General Burgundy, his gruff brows furrowed. "There is nothing for France to gain from essentially threatening to scuttle the deal for the whole of Western Europe."

"Never underestimate a Frenchmen's sense of honour, Jack. It is highly attuned to the perception of a slight." Smith's words were tinged with disappointment, as they always tended to be when men and nations did not live up to his high ideals. "I've dealt with them for years and this doesn't come across as a ploy, but as the real deal."

There was a murmur of agreement around the table. Perhaps the biggest driving force in French policy since the war had been the pursuit of grandeur, or la gloire as the Gallic fellows tended to put it. France had been very badly damaged by the experience of Nazi occupation and her days of acting as an independent great power of global import were considered more or less doomed by Washington, Moscow and London, yet despite this, or perhaps because of it, her leadership had been almost fanatically focussed on preserving France’s role at the top table. Their dogged persistence in Indochina, their ongoing firm stance in colonial Africa and the clinging to even a minor role in the Levant – all stemmed from the indefatigable French resistance to the tides of history and power. The most striking manifestation of it came in their European policy, which had stymied any effective reconciliation with Germany over the annexation of the Saar and strangled the supranationalist dreams of the Monnetists in their cradle.

And now, when the ruptures of 1956 looked like they were on the brink of being knitted together into a renewed and powerful bond between North America and Western Europe, the French government had decided to deliver this bombshell. In characteristically flowery diplomatic language, it had stated that, notwithstanding previous undertakings, France would find it impossible to participate in an alliance structure that was fundamentally inimicable to her position as a sovereign great power and did not provided for her to be regarded as being on an equal footing with the United States and Britain.

"I am not going to bequeath a gosh-awful mess like this to Jack Kennedy, not when we're so close to a lasting pact. Failure is not an option, gentlemen. How do we get past this?"

There was a long, pronounced silence before Sam Atkinson began to speak slowly. "Obliquely. We give them what they need rather than what they want, but do it in such a way..."

"As they can characterise it as a victory for them and their main goal." Dr. Jones finished excitedly. "We don't give them parity with the Brits, but something they can pass off as such for their own consumption."

"It would need to be substantial, yet not beyond reason. We can throw in a few sweeteners on the side, such as integration in the joint command structures for relevant theatres such as South East Asia and Africa and some more appropriate roles for their generals as we've done in Germany. We just need the biggest carrot we can find to bring it all together." Thompson began to warm to the task and finally slapped the table and broke out into a grin.

"Got it. Skybolt. We offer them, say, 300 Skybolts, and agree to cover a large part of the cost under Mutual Defense Aid."

The men at the table looked around at each other and one by one began to nod. Skybolt could well work. It was a major system that would suit France's needs extremely well without being seen to be compromising the sovereignty of their atomic deterrent in the same manner that a land or sea based missile might and it was something that they could not afford to develop on their own. The French had pushed themselves near to breaking point to field the S-2 ICBM and the M-1 SLBM, even if they were only nominal capacities at this point. It would cost several hundred million dollars, but that was a price that the United States could afford to bear.

“That would involve at the very least coordinating them with the SIOP, Mr. President. It has been a complex enough task with regard to the British.” General Taylor looked thoughtful as he spoke. “We can work that primarily through our links with the French Air Force rather than their politicians, but there will still need to be something or someone to iron that out…”

“I believe I can sort that out; I know just the fellow for it. He’s visiting tomorrow.”

“He would definitely suffice, sir. It would also be rather beneficial if the French could be bought into the international contingency force structure for the Middle East; they have the forces in North Africa and the Mediterranean, after all, and it frees up more of our own forces for other eventualities.”

“Good idea, Max. We can prepare a response to the note to that effect, then, Jeff.”

“As you say, Mr. President.”

“Very well, that brings us onto mobilisation. Indy?”

“Yes, sir. Our current plans have been based around the previous paradigm and they did not work as effectively as designed when we moved to enact them last April. Loading and shipping two heavy corps across the Atlantic by sea, disembarking in the European ports and moving into their wartime stations in Germany was initiated on March 30, but only completed on April 20th. Similarly, our movement of three infantry divisions by air took longer than anticipated, being ordered on April 1st and completed by April 12th, and the deployment of 80 tactical fighter squadrons was constrained by logistical bottlenecks.

Had war broken out, we would not have been able to move the balance of our heavy forces to Europe within an appreciable timeframe. The subsequent secret study by the Rand Corporation into the performance of the entire mobilisation plan made a number of significant recommendations, chief among which is that the Korean War era shipping calculations require full revision. Even though they are less than ten years old, they are verging on obsolescence due to the large increases in the number of land and aerial vehicles operated by armoured and mechanised divisions and the subsequent dramatic rise in Class III, V, VII and IX supplies. Put simply, it takes more shipping tonnage, volume and time to shift a smaller number of divisions across the Atlantic and this needs appropriate action.

Our current requirement under the General Strategic Defensive Plan is for the following forces to be in place in Europe by 30 days after M-Day: 24 Regular Army and 12 National Guard divisions in Central Europe and 4 divisions for Scandinavia; 50 TAC and 50 Air National Guard squadrons; and two Marine Amphibious Forces on the northern and southern flanks. Our standing forces over there will amount to 8 divisions in 4 corps in Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy and 96 squadrons by the end of 1961, with an equipment set for an additional heavy division assigned to each corps. The personnel of each division would be based in the Continental United States and be airlifted over to augment the forward corps upon mobilisation, whilst keeping to the undertakings agreed upon with the Soviets regarding standing forces in Central Europe.

That initial component of 12 divisions is seen as capable of only limited defensive operations against offensive action by the Warsaw Pact. Therefore, the main need for the Army is the deployment of a minimum of 12 divisions along with further supplies from CONUS by M + 14 by air and sea. It would take a minimum of 36 hours from the receipt of Presidential authorisation for the airlift to fully begin in earnest, with the 24 hours spent in alerting units, recalling personnel and preparing for deployment. Our aim is for the personnel of the four round-out divisions for the forward corps to be airlifted into theatre within 72 hours, followed by the first elements of the heavy divisions from CONUS, with their equipment to arrive within 6 days. It is envisaged that two field army headquarters would also be deployed to control and coordinate the wartime force structure. There are a number of proposed ways this could be accomplished, but all of the variations outlined in Appendix 3 involve some further level of pre-placement of equipment.

This force would need to be supported in Europe by substantial pre-placement of supplies, vehicles, ammunition, POL and other assorted equipment in theatre, specifically in Britain, France and Italy; the continuing construction of base infrastructure to support this supply network; and the establishment of two specific groups of ports of debarkation to allow for efficient movement to the front. The proposed arrangements with Britain greatly assist this process, as the British Isles serve as a secure logistical base area. At home, the four major East Coast Ports of Embarkation in New York, Boston, Hampton Roads and Charleston will need to be modernised and the military sections of the Interstate Railway System prioritised.

The bulk of the United States Merchant Marine remains wartime construction, although there have been some useful increases in tankers, bulk carriers and the new container ships. These will need to be augmented by the new subsidised construction fast cargo ships and the ocean liners; the performance of the SS United States and the SS America earlier this year remains as one of the positive features of the process, each taking a reinforced infantry division across to France in a week, with top speeds of just over 40 knots. The new construction 25,000t Comet-type vehicle landing ships and the superheavy Fast Cargo Ship being built for Military Sea Transport Command are a welcome addition to the fleet. The specific sealift requirements are listed in Appendix Four of the briefing paper, but at a minimum, 30 Comets and 12 FCSs are required; the six nuclear powered merchant cargo ships in service or under construction would also be utilised.

Air Transport Command’s Twenty-First Air Force will replace its C-124s, C-125s and C-135s with the new C-141s by 1963/4, but the C-100s and C-133s will remain in service for the better part of the 1960s unless the development of the CX superheavy transport is expedited. They would be augmented by the Civil Reserve Air Fleet, which currently has 1239 aircraft in the international section, ranging from DC-4s to modern jets. Their 12 skyships are a strategic asset of vital importance and it has been recommended that a minimum of twelve more be built as a matter of highest priority; flying 5000 tons of cargo or 50 tanks across the Atlantic in two days allows the rest of the air bridge to function more efficiently. There is a recommendation in the report for an increase of the overall strategic air fleet from 15 to 24 wings.”

Dr. Jones put down his papers and looked across at Thompson. “That just about covers it, Mr. President. We can successfully complete the mission, but building the required ships, planes and bases will take some time, perhaps 5 or 6 years.”

“How would that leave us regarding the requirements for contingencies in the Far East and Middle East?”

“We would be able to simultaneously move troops, aircraft and equipment to the Far East and Middle East, but not at the same time as launching a full reinforcement of Europe. The shipping requirements for that type of mission would be considerably larger.”

“OK. Have an executive summary drawn up with the key recommendations set out in detail and I’ll discuss it with President-Elect Kennedy. Let us hope that the French will be satisfied with their Christmas present.”

“Yes, Mr. President.”

…………………………………………………………………………………………..
December 23rd 1960

The morning air was cool and fresh, although the snow had stopped just before dawn. President Thompson stood under the North Portico entrance to the White House, his family beside him, all coated and hatted suitably for the occasion and watched as the motorcade wound its way up from the Pennsylvania Avenue gate. The Rolls-Royce Phantom V drew to a smooth halt at the marble steps and the U.S. Presidential Guard company arrayed along the path presented arms crisply as the United States Marine Band struck up ‘God Save the Queen’.

As the door opened, a huge bearded figure emerged, long snowy white hair streaming below the collar of his black frock coat as he stooped to exit the car. He held himself proudly at attention as the anthem concluded, then bounded up the steps, a large hand held out and bright blue eyes flashing with friendship

Ricky Thompson gave a short gasp. “Is…is that…Santa?” he whispered in awe.
David Thompson rolled his eyes in exasperation and leaned over to correct his little brother. “No, you dummy, that’s the Prime Minister of Canada.”

Any further education was cut short by a sharp jab in the back and shushing from Jack, who chose to forget making the same mistake back when he was five.

“Good morning, Prime Minister. Welcome to the White House.”

“Good day, Mr. President! Good day to you, Mrs Thompson! Merry Christmas to you all!” Sir William Richardson boomed in his unmistakeable voice, full of laughter and cheer. “How have you been, neighbour?”

“Very well indeed, Sir William, and all the better for your visit. Shall we come along inside?”

“Lead the way, old boy.”

Richardson, his entourage and the Thompsons made their way back into the White House, Rebecca Thompson steering the children away back towards the residence, where they would take lunch with the Prime Minister later on. The President and Prime Minister and their staff headed up to the Oval Office, where the brief formal business of the visit could be completed.

“Mr. President, I’m happy to tell you that the proposed revisions to the NORAD Agreement have been unanimously approved by the Canadian cabinet and the cabinets of all of the other British North American Dominions, including the West Indies.”

“That’s great to hear, Sir William. There was some concern that the issue of the deployment of U.S. nuclear armed missiles on Canadian territory would be an area of some difficulty.”

“Recent events lead to an alteration in some opinions on the issue, both at home and in Newfoundland.” Sir William smiled broadly, referring to the volte face of some in his own party after the formalisation of the Anglo-American accord. The opposition to anything that smacked of continentalism or any compromise on sovereignty ran deep within the Conservative Party and Richardson had had to use much of his considerable authority and persuasive power to force through even this.

“Many at the Pentagon would have viewed it as preferable if you’d given way on Alaska, but that is entirely understandable.”

General Turgidson, sitting behind the President, gave a momentary grimace. He had been one of the chief proponents of the losing argument and he did not like losing.

“That would have been a step too far, particularly when we would still provide the majority of the forces for its defence. At any rate, we have already increased our RCAF presence with an additional fighter wing at Galena, joining the others at Anchorage and Fort Alfred. The security of Alaska is well in hand.”

“Indeed. Now, there is something you can do for us…” Thompson passed over a piece of paper to Richardson. “If you could relay this request to General De Gaulle and emphasise its importance, we would be grateful.”

Sir William slipped out a pair of spectacles, quickly read the details of the missive, and looked up. “What leeway would be available?”

“Very little.” If anyone could convince the French, it would be the oldest and most respected leader in the West, a man whose word was iron.

“It shall be done.” Richardson nodded and rose. “Now, neighbour, what about that luncheon? This old white haired man from the Far North has some presents for those children of yours.”

…………………………………………………………………………………………
January 17th, 1961

At last, it had come to this.

Thompson sat up straight in his chair, fixed his eyes upon the camera and began his address.

“My fellow Americans,

Three days from now, after thirty-two years in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of this office as, in the solemn tradition of ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.

This evening, I come to you to bid farewell and to share a few final thoughts with you, my fellow citizens.

Like every other one of my countrymen and women, I bid the new President, and all who will labour with him, Godspeed and good fortune. I pray that Almighty God will bless the coming years with peace and prosperity for all.

I have nothing but eternal gratitude for the opportunity I have been given to be of service to my country. I am thankful to the Congress for their goodwill and cooperation and am grateful for what we have been able to achieve forever.

We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has bore witness to five major wars among great nations. Four of these have involved our own country. Despite this woe and destruction, the United States of America has risen to become undoubtedly the strongest, most prosperous and indeed the greatest among the nations of the world. We can be rightly proud for what we have achieved, but should be ever mindful that our prestige and position of leadership rests not only on the power of our armies and fleets or our unmatched material progress, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and the betterment of all mankind.

America is more than a nation. It is an ideal, a light on the hill to inspire the world. We can only continue to be such an example by remaining true to our eternal principles of liberty and justice for all. We must keep the peace, foster progress in human achievement as part of mankind’s continued journey ever forward and to defend dignity and integrity amongst all of God’s children. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people.

This progress towards these noble goals of freedom is threatened by the conflict which engulfs the world and commands our whole attention. We face a hostile ideology – global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in message. We do not know how long this danger may last, but must oppose it every step of the way. To meet the challenges that face us, we will require sacrifice as we bear without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle, for the very liberty of the world is at stake. Only with eternal vigilance can we pay the price of freedom.

The United States must keep our arms mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor be tempted to risk his own destruction. We have turned our plowshares into swords and must continue to be prepared in order to keep the hard-won peace. America stands as the defender of the free world and this is our greatest duty and honour. As guardians of the peace, we must ever temper our great strength with great wisdom and strive for understanding and concord among the nations of the world. We have seen how the enemies of all mankind have sought to set us against each other in the most terrible of wars and can never permit it to happen again.

We shall continue to meet crises, be they foreign or domestic, great or small, with courage and determination. We stand at the cusp of a great moment in human history, where we can harness the powers of science and the world for the betterment of all mankind. There is a need to seek balance in our efforts between that which is essential and the comfortably desirable; balance between the public and private economy; and balance between the demands of the present and the national welfare of the future.

Above all, we must balance the question of time. As we look forward into the bright future of society, we – you and I, and our government, must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material wealth of our children and grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. If we wish democracy to survive down the ages, we can never forget our debt and duty to the future.

So, as I bid you good night as your President for the last time, I thank you for all the opportunities you have given me to serve our nation, in war and peace. My only wish has ever been to do my duty to the Constitution and the country.

My fellow citizens, we will need to keep strong our faith that all nations, under God, will strive towards the goal of peace with justice and honour. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power and diligent in pursuit of the goals of our great nation.

To all the peoples of the world, I extend my foremost wishes and prayers for peace. We pray that peoples of all faiths and all nations may have their great human needs satisfied; that those who suffer may be delivered; that all those who yearn for freedom may experience its true blessing; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its weighty responsibilities; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be banished from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all mankind will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by mutual respect and universal love.

May God bless you all and may he continue to bless the United States of America.”

………………………………………………………………………………………….
January 20th, 1961

It had been a glorious day in Washington D.C. The Corps of Engineers and the Army’s weather wizards had worked through the early hours of the morning, clearing away the overnight snow and the crowds had flocked to see the grand procession. No fewer than four former Presidents had gathered for the occasion – Roosevelt, Cox, Hoover and Truman, with the ebullient T.R. lapping up the adulation of the crowd on a rare public appearance.

Chief Justice Harlan administered the oath of office to Kennedy on the stroke of noon and the latter had followed with quite a marvellous inaugural address which Thompson thought would be remembered for many years to come. The subsequent military parade down Pennsylvania Avenue by over fifty thousand personnel of the United States Armed Forces put many of the May Day processions so beloved by the Soviets to shame, featuring the latest in American military might, ranging from the Minuteman missile, B-70 Valkyrie and X-20 Dyna-Soar to the M-102 flying tank, CH-47 Chinook and Kaman Rotodyne.

Then it was time for President Roger Thompson, his wife and family to depart, leaving the festivities of the capital to the new President and First Family. As the special mission C-137 soared up into the afternoon skies from Andrews Air Force Base back over the city towards his old home in Texas, he looked behind out of the window of the plane upon the sight below, from the Capitol to the Washington Monument.

After a moment, he turned back to look at his wife and children and smiled. He did not know if he had been a success or a failure as President, although he had had his share of both. He had tried to do his duty, a duty he had never asked for, but carried out nonetheless. What would the people - his people - think of him?

That was a question for history, not for him, Roger Thompson decided.

Now there would be time, time for home and then to see all of America, his America, the beautiful.

From sea to shining sea.