Dark Earth: The Korean War

Pusan Breakout

A Cyclone of Strength
The immense amphibious invasion at Inchon overshadowed the breakout from the Pusan Perimeter, a battle that in itself combined myriad logistical difficulties and bold advances. The overwhelming weight of force was concentrated on the Allied side, but the rough hilly terrain and surging rivers that had proved so useful to the defensive battles of July, August and September would now present considerable obstacles, as would the increasingly wet autumn weather. General Walton Walker’s Eighth Army consisted of 247,000 men organized in 9 divisions and three corps – the US I Corps of the 1st Cavalry and 2nd and 6th Infantry Divisions and the Dutch/Belgian Brigade; the US IX Corps of the 23rd, 24th and 25th Infantry Divisions and the French Brigade; and the British Commonwealth Corps under Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Keightley, comprising the Commonwealth Division, 3rd Infantry Division and 4th Indian Division. The South Korean Army had recovered from the heavy battles of June and July and could now deploy nine divisions organized in three corps.

The offensive, codenamed Operation Cyclone would be conducted on three separate axes. The two US corps would attack towards Taejon and Chongju in Operation Wildcat, the British and Imperial forces would attack toward Chonju and the key port city of Kunsan in Operation Talavera and the South Koreans would push up along the east coast towards Kangnung. The major obstacle between the Eighth Army and the planned link up with X Corps was the Sobaek Mountains, which formed a rough crescent from the east coast to the southern extremities of Korea. The opposing North Korean armies had been bled white by the failed Great Naktong Offensive and could muster barely 80,000 men in a dozen battered and understrength divisions. Many supporting elements had already begun to pull back towards the border to be refitted and reinforced.

Operation Wildcat

The United States Army breakout offensive began in the early hours of September 16th in driving rain and under a slate grey sky. The provision of close air support was hampered by the miserable weather and the main means of support was through artillery bombardment. Over 500 guns, howitzers and mortars ranging in calibre from 81mm mortars to huge 240mm howitzers opened up on the North Korean lines at 0530 for an hour long barrage that inflicted terrific damage on the Red defensive positions. It was followed by armoured personnel carriers and infantry surging forward from their lines, accompanied by assault engineers with bridging equipment and great glowing pontoons of arcane force. Under sporadic fire, the first American troops were across the Naktong by 0900 and engaging the remaining North Korean trenches and strongpoints with overwhelming firepower.

Stout field fortifications on the hilltops and reverse slopes held up the men of the 1st Cavalry and 2nd Infantry for several hours until they were engaged by 360mm bombards firing napalm and white phosphorus rounds as a substitute for precision air strikes. I Corps advanced at an agonizingly slow pace, but eventually cleared the first hills overlooking the valley despite stubborn resistance and advanced beyond the banks of the Naktong. The majority of the initial hill line was subsequently taken by the late evening of the 16th, but it was only the beginning of the long, hard slog that lay ahead.

The front around Taegu was dominated by Hill 268, which controlled the main roads along the eastern bank of the Naktong. It was bombarded by two battalions of 155mm howitzers at 0420 on September 17th and then American infantry attacked to clear the enemy from the hill, trench by trench. The North Koreans were blasted from their positions in a series of bloody engagements characterized by heavy use of bazookas, grenades and mortar fire and forced off Hill 268 by 1400, pursued by an illusionary host of US tanks and infantry carriers. The Waegwan-Taegu road was now open.

The 7th Cavalry spearheaded the American push up the road, capturing Waegwan on the 17th and Tabu-dong on September 18th, encircling significant elements of several North Korean divisions in the process. Supported by the 2nd Infantry Division and three tank battalions, the 1st Cavalry surged ahead towards Chongju, advancing 25 miles in a single day. American combat wizards were heavily utilized, being called forth on multiple times by forward observers with wireless sets and crystal balls to smash their foes aside with bolts of lightning and blasts of frostThe 6th Infantry Division linked up with the British at Nansan on September 21st. Chongju fell on the 23rd as active North Korean resistance began to crumble.

To the south, the 24th Infantry Division ground through the North Korean lines and encircled Taejon, taking the city on September 22nd by coup de main. The weather had taken a turn for the better and the advance of IX Corps was accompanied by dozens of P-80 fighter-bombers circling in the skies above. The 25th Infantry Division maintained contact with the South Korean I Corps to their east throughout their advance and faced little opposition as it reached the Han River north of Chungju. Forward elements of the 25th Division made contact with the 6th Royal Marine Brigade north of Osan on the 24th of September and the 31st Regiment of the 7th Division on the next morning, completing the link up with X Corps.

Operation Talavera

The three divisions of the British Commonwealth Corps crossed the Nam River on the morning of September 16th along a broad front after a preparatory bombardment that had lasted through the night. Initial progress towards Chinju from Masan was slow but steady, with every North Korean strongpoint being subjected to heavy artillery fire and outflanked with Centurions before being stormed by infantry in a hail of grenades and machine gun fire. Long range naval gunfire support from heavy cruisers out far away in the Korea Strait broke several strongly held hill positions along the southern flank of the advance.

The 4th Indian Division captured Sanch’ong on the 18th and let loose the Gurkhas and the Bengal Lancers, who took the vital crossroad of Anui just hours later. North Korean resistance collapsed in this sector, as whole units were overrun by companies of cheering Gurkhas eager to do bloody execution with their kukris and bayonets or ridden down in the fields by the swift Indian cavalry and roaring war lions. By September 21st, Chonju had been invested and bought under the fire of the 25pdrs of the Royal Indian Artillery; it fell 36 hours later after being stormed by Sikh infantry and the Crusader tanks of Skinner’s Horse.

The Commonwealth Division struck towards the Samjin River and Namwon from Chinju, with the Anzac, Sarac and Canadian/Newfoundland brigades leapfrogging each other along the way. The advance was led by the Centurions of the Royal Canadian Dragoons and the Royal Australian Lancers who smashed through every North Korean obstacle and shrugged off many hits from rocket propelled grenades and anti-tank guns. Namwon was captured after a short, sharp assault on September 22nd supported by the first combat action of Royal Australian Air Force CAC Kangaroos in the war in Korea. A brief counterattack lead by a pair of wand-wielding North Korean wizards was mounted that succeeded in retaking a third of the town before being eliminated in a hail of flaming meteors by the wrathful British archmage Dr. Balthazar Greycloak.

The British 3rd Division’s advance from Chinju to Chonju was rather more deliberate and faced moderate to heavy resistance at several crossroads and hill passes over the first four days. The grinding series of engagements in heavy rain on unnamed hills and dirt tracks began to wear down Red opposition, ably aided by British platoon clerics calling down vicious plagues of insects and singing rousing battle hymns to rally their men to ever greater efforts. The combination of fire from the divisional regiment of 6” howitzers and the 120mm guns of the Churchill heavy tanks proved especially effective in destroying the few North Korean bunkers and entrenchments that resisted the well-practiced assaults by teams of British infantry, Royal Engineers, mages, self-propelled 25pdrs and Centurion tanks that had broken the Siegfried Line six years earlier.

Chonju fell on the morning of September 23rd, opening the door to Kunsan, which was liberated just three hours later. The next day, a patrol of Rhino armoured cars of the Natal Mounted Rifles linked up with US troops west of Taejon. The entire western half of South Korea was in Allied hands.


South Korean Offensive

The six divisions of the South Korean I and II Corps under General Chung Il-kwon launched their attack on North Korean lines along the northern part of the Pusan Perimeter on September 17th, with the III Corps in support. The large part of Red strength in infantry and heavy weapons had been shifted towards the Naktong front and organized opposition was light. Yongdok fell to the Capital Division on September 19th and the 3rd Division captured Andong on September 20th. A steady retreat rapidly deteriorated into a rout.

The line of the Taebaek Mountains partly divided the advances of the I and II Corps, with the former attacking towards Wonju and the latter pushing up the coast to liberate Kangnung. Each corps was supported by American field and heavy artillery and battalions of M-4E8 Sherman tanks and broke through the thin line of North Korean resistance by the 22nd of September. Within two days, the Northern troops were in general retreat all along the front and streamed back towards the border, pursued by vengeful South Korean troops and USAF fighter-bombers. After linking up with X Corps on September 30th, the troops of the South Korean Capital Division returned to the streets of Seoul in triumph.

The South Korean Army had experienced a true rebirth since the nadir of the great retreats of May and June. It had successfully defended the national redoubt around Pusan and played a key role in the liberation of their homeland. In the process, it had been forged into an effective fighting force capable of offensive and defensive action alike. It had been at considerable cost, with countless thousands falling in the crusade for their motherland and large swathes of the South devastated by the vicious fighting that halted the Red tide. Now, the men of the South turned their eyes towards the north and their thoughts towards vengeance.

Air War

Aerial operations against North Korean forces were hampered across much of the southern part of the Korean peninsula in the first four days of Operation Cyclone. Once the weather cleared, the unrelenting air strikes resumed in support of the Allied advance. The North Korean Air Force had been effectively destroyed in the aerial battles that swept its planes from the skies over the peninsula by USAF, RAF and RAAF fighters in June and July, but regular fighter patrols were maintained to preserve Allied air supremacy.

B-29 Superfortresses and Avro Lancasters continued their strategic bombing campaign of targets in the north, striking industrial targets, ports, airfields and railway yards with relentless day and night bombing. British, Australian and Canadian English Electric Canberra and American B-45 Tornado medium jet bombers flew daily interdiction missions deep into the heart of communist territory out of airfields in Japan and South Korea and hundreds of Allied attack planes and fighter-bombers spearheaded the advance of the Eighth Army.

Several new aeroplanes took to the skies over Korea for the first time in the war in the September offensive. The American F-86 Sabres and the British Hawker Hunter F.2s were among their respective nations most advanced jet fighters, with both capable of supersonic flight over a combat radius of over 500 miles. The Hunter’s top speed of 786mph and armament of four 25mm ADEN cannon were slightly superior to the Sabre’s 769mph and armament of four 20mm M39, but the American jet had a better range and service ceiling. The United States Army introduced the Sikorsky H-19 helicopter for medical evacuation and tactical control on September 20th and its soon proved its merit.

Strategic reconnaissance flights over North Korea, Manchuria and the Soviet Far East by American F-12 Rainbows had continued throughout August and September and had been among the first to notice the build up of substantial Soviet and Chinese forces along the northern borders of Korea. It was this aerial intelligence that would contribute to the disputes over the merits of offensive strategy in early October in Tokyo and Washington.

War at Sea

Operations in the seas off the Korean peninsula continued at an intense pace in the second half of September. The aircraft carriers and battleships of Task Force 77 had shifted their focus to the south of Inchon and paved the way for the American and British advances through a relentless series of devastating airstrikes and bombardment missions in the enemy rear. Large destroyer and frigate screens had been put in place defending the newly captured port and the full effort of the Allied minesweeping fleet was focussed on eliminating all seaborne threats in the shipping lanes leading to Inchon.

American cruisers ranged far north into the Korea Bay, conducting nightly bombardments of the western coastline of North Korea. Their efforts to draw out the remaining Red destroyers from whatever secret cove hid them were in vain, at least for the moment. A large carrier raid on Pyongyang by 376 aircraft occurred on September 26th to mark the official liberation of Seoul and remind the rulers of the North what awaited them. Border fortifications along the 39th Parallel began to be bought under concentrated battleship bombardment in the last week of September.

On September 30th, the destroyer escort USS Benner (DE-551) was sunk by a suspected North Korean submarine whilst on blockade patrol off Sojoson Bay, even though no enemy vessels had been suspected of operating off the east coast. The attacking vessel was hunted down and destroyed with depth charges after a nine hour pursuit. Allied anti-submarine measures were redoubled, but many senior officers began to suspect that another party had entered the war.

All The World Wonders

The Inchon landings and breakout from the Pusan Perimeter had surprised many in the wider world, particularly in the swift shift from the desperate defence of August to a sweeping offensive. The rapid changes in the situation of the war in Korea lead to several significant reactions in both East and West. The general impression was that the war had gone from a bloody stalemate to the verge of triumph in one fell swoop. In Europe and North America, there was a general sense of euphoria at imminent victory. In Pyongyang and Moscow, there was profound dread at the prospects of defeat. In the Forbidden City, there was a rising sense of anger and tension.

In the West, the liberation of Seoul was greeted with happiness and relief that the end of the war seemed nigh. British Prime Minister Churchill was once again vindicated despite some initial misgivings from the left of the Labour Party. The War Cabinet and Committee for Imperial Defence were generally united in their endorsement of the crossing of the 39th Parallel prior to the beginning of October. Intelligence reports of Soviet and Chinese moves were enough for some to urge caution, particularly in regard to the security of Hong Kong, Tibet and India. Canadian and Australian Prime Ministers Richardson and Menzies were united in their advocacy for a measured approach that would both keep the honour of the Empire intact but not lead to a preventable conflict with China.

President Truman’s popularity soared in opinion polls and the Joint Chiefs of Staff issued increasingly bellicosely confident directives to General MacArthur. The potential for Soviet intervention was largely discounted, whilst the Chinese were generally held as being unable to play an independent role. The State Department was rather more circumspect, having been the recipient of considerable volumes of concerned inquiries from allies and neutral parties alike. Purported back channel communications from pro-Western elements in Peking through the Shah of Persia were received seriously and given due consideration.

Stalin was decidedly perturbed by the dramatic reversals experienced by his allies on the battlefield and moved to act in response. The Politburo in Moscow unanimously supported his decisions to reinforce the Soviet Far East with several fighter and bomber divisions, three rifle corps from Tartary and to redouble the shipment of equipment and ammunition to North Korea. After the exchange of secret telegrams between Moscow and Karakorum, the Great Khan conceded agreed to the deployment of twelve divisions of Mongol volunteers to Khabarovsk in the interests of socialist cooperation and fraternal goodwill. The Red Air Force was ordered to prepare for large scale operations with modern fighters and bombers in defence of North Korea and the Soviet position in the Far East.

The mood in North Korea was black indeed and a strange mixture of despair and defiance took hold. The main organs of the government, Communist Party and High Command had long fled to the secure mountain fastness of their underground fortresses beneath the Jangbaek Mountains. The heart of North Korea’s remaining industrial strength lay along the Yalu, with the USAF and RAF strategic bomber forces having inflicted not-inconsiderable damage on its well defended facilities thus far. The lessons of the fighting thus far were swiftly digested: the overwhelming airpower and sea-power bought to bear by the Allies had proved decisive. If the air battle could be strongly contested, then North Korea and its allies had a scintilla of a chance. If not, then they were doomed.

Imperial China had indicated on four occasions since late August that it would not countenance a Western presence on its border, that it regarded Korea as rightfully part of its Empire and would take all actions necessary to guarantee the security and interests of China should any forces other than those of South Korea cross the 39th Parallel. The Sino-Soviet alliance was a strained one, but it was in nowhere near the abysmal straits that Chinese relations with the United States and the British Empire had reached as of late 1950. Decades of imperialist exploitation, the scars of two world wars and the post-war ruptures over Shanghai, Hainan, Hong Kong and Formosa now boiled over into the heady stew of nationalist fervour that characterized the court of the Shaozhen Emperor.

A gradual mobilization of Chinese military capacity had been initiated since the early days of the conflict as a purely defensive reaction but now it took on a more concerted nature. The operational strength of the Imperial Chinese Army had reached 306 divisions and 4.6 million men by the end of August as reserve levies were called up to the banners and large bodies of peasant conscripts were gathered in vast camps in the interior. Thousands of machine guns, artillery pieces, tanks, trucks and aircraft were supplied from the Soviet Union and orders were placed in the rapidly expanding Chinese shipyards for gunboats, torpedo boats, submarines and destroyers as well as several larger vessels. A volunteer force was mustered in Manchuria to act as a deterrent to Western action in North Korea whilst maintaining official distance in light of the strength of the American and British atomic arsenal. The forthright aim of the Chinese Imperial Court was not to be forced to back down again.

The ranks of the Allied forces in South Korea, dubbed by some the United Nations Command in light of its official League of Nations sanction and international character, began to take on an even more diversified nature. Joining the French, Dutch-Belgian and Filipino units that arrived in August were a Scandinavian regiment made up of Swedish, Danish, Norwegian and Finnish battalions; an Iberian regiment of veteran Spanish Legionnaires and Portuguese Caçadores; the legendary Spartan Guards Regiment from Byzantine Greece; the 3rd Bersagliere Regiment of the Royal Italian Army; and battalions from Thailand, Brazil, Colombia, Yugoslavia, Ruritania and the Ethiopian Imperial Guard. The advance units of a Turkish Brigade arrived at Pusan on September 30th, epitomizing the rapid transformation of many states from erstwhile wartime foes to allies of convenience against the greater threat of communism. Many would later remember these heady days of united purpose in the long years of bitterness to come.

Aftermath

Less than 30,000 North Korean troops crossed back over the 39th Parallel in any semblance of order. Thousands remaining behind in the rugged hills to fight a guerrilla war and just over 20,000 had been captured by Allied forces. Total North Korean casualties in the breakout offensive are not known, but are thought to be in excess of 35,000. US losses were 813 killed and missing and 5267 wounded, British Commonwealth casualties were 424 killed and missing and 2589 wounded and the South Korean Army lost 747 killed and missing and 4722 wounded.

Seoul was secured by October 3rd as the last stay behind attacks subsided and the long task of rebuilding the shattered capital was contemplated by its citizens. Haeju had been liberated by the 11th Airborne Division two days earlier. The Eighth Army had reached the line of the border at the end of September and mustered along the 39th Parallel with a total of twenty three divisions; the capacity to deploy the 8th Infantry and 10th Mountain Divisions from Japan had been delayed by the logistical bottleneck created by the build-up for the Inchon invasion.

On September 28th, President Truman had authorized General MacArthur to cross the border only in the circumstances that there was no entry into the war by major Soviet or Chinese forces. This was followed by tacit authorization in a communiqué from Secretary of Defense George Marshall that he should not considered himself constrained either tactically or strategically should the crossing the 39th Parallel become necessary. MacArthur continued his plans for a grand invasion of North Korea to completely eliminate the communist army and complete his victory.

Soviet subs pretending to be North Korean.

There is no way of knowing for certain, as the same type of submarines are used and operations are confined to Korean waters.

   Ah well, so its an unholy alliance between Imperial China and Soviet Russia rather than a 3 cornered fight. One factor that might be important is that the people of N Korea, where they will have a limited impact, are more likely to prefer unification with their fellow Koreans in the south than the Chinese who will be foreigners.

Enter the Dragon

Before the Storm
The entry of Imperial China into the Korean conflict was not entirely unpredictable, particularly with the benefit of hindsight, but came as a profound shock when the full scale of its offensive became apparent. The confused fighting in the increasingly wintry conditions in the central mountains of North Korea from October to December 1950 delivered a sharp riposte to Allied plans of a swift conclusion to the war and a reunited democratic Korea. The Chinese strategy was simple and devastatingly effective, aiming to draw in the overconfident Allied forces in the west of Korea with feigned weakness and retreat before sundering their lines with overwhelming force at its most vulnerable point. That lay in the centre of the United Nations Command front in North Korea, held by the South Korean Army in the rough terrain of the Taebaek Mountains. Success there would rupture the entire Allied position and cut off X Corps to the east. The First Phase Offensive would be launched in the final week of October, followed by further attacks that would drive the enemy from North Korea and, if possible, into the Sea of Japan.

The Eighth Army was deployed in four corps in the western half of the Korean peninsula consisting of the Commonwealth Corps at Chongju, the US IX Corps at Taechon, the US I Corps at Yongbyon and the South Korean I and II Corps covering the right flank between Yongbyon and Huich’on. XII Corps was still in the process of deployment and was employed for defence of the Allied lines of communication and the South Korean III Corps had been shifted to the eastern side of the peninsula to support X Corps. The final push onwards to the Yalu was scheduled to begin in mid November when sufficient supplies reached the front. The general mood was one of buoyant optimism and planning for postwar redeployment. Commanders in Korea and Tokyo had largely discounted the possibility of decisive Chinese intervention and shared the belief that the war would be over by Christmas.

Battle of Onjong
The first major blows of the Chinese intervention into the war were to fall upon the ROK II Corps at Onjong, a village situated at an important crossroads in the lower Ch’ongch’on and a key chokepoint for any further advance north to the Yalu. Advanced reconaissance units of the South Korean Army had reached the Yalu River the previous day and had sent a bottle of its waters to President Syngman Rhee as a sign of their forthcoming triumph. Whilst they had encountered consistent indications of the presence of Chinese troops, large scale opposition was not predicted along this section of the front. However, hidden in the hills lay almost 45,000 Chinese troops of the 40th Corps of the 26th Field Army, poised to strike at their outnumbered foe.

The ROK 6th Infantry Division launched a pair of regimental probing attacks by the 2nd and 7th Infantry Regiments towards the villages of Pukchin and Kojang early on the morning of October 25th. The 2nd Infantry Regiment made reasonable progress until they came under sporadic fire 10 miles eash of Onjong. Suspecting the presence of North Korean holdouts, the 3rd Battalion was dispersed to prepare for a flanking attack, but were brought under tremendous small arms, machine gun and mortar fire from three sides as the Chinese 118th Infantry Division sprung their trap. An attempt by the 2nd Battalion to relieve their comrades in the afternoon was unsuccessful and resulted only in it also being surrounded and pinned down by fire. The Chinese 120th Infantry Division then raced forward to cut off their retreat and sealed off Onjong with roadblocks and defensive positions as night fell. The village was overrun by a mass infantry attack at 2200, destroying the 1st Battalion of the 2nd Infantry as an effective combat unit. Of the 3245 men of the regiment, only 1589 made it back over the Ch’ongch’on River to safety.

The 119th and 120th Divisions took up positions around Onjong to spoil any counterattack, whilst the 118th swung around to engage the 7th Infantry Regiment as it pulled back from Kojang. The ROK 19th Infantry Regiment and the 10th Infantry Regiment of the 8th Infantry Division were ordered forward on October 27th to recapture Onjong and allow the withdrawal of the 7th Infantry, but came under an extremely heavy bombardment by mortars and 76mm mountain guns as once again the ambush enveloped its prey. A cacophony of cymbals, bugles, drums and flutes on the night of October 28th heralded a charge by almost 10,000 crack Chinese troops which overran the outnumbered pair of South Korean regiments. The 7th Infantry Regiment managed to escape complete annihilation by scattering into the hills and fleeing south, but was ceased to be a useful combat formation.

Although it was not immediately clear, the ROK II Corps had been effectively destroyed as an organized formation by October 29th, opening up the right flank of the Allied forces in North Korea to Chinese attack and weakening its lines against the planned offensive to come.

Battle of Unsan
The ROK I Corps had been ordered to advanced forward and take the town of Unsan on the 24th of October and completed the task by 0900 the next morning. Forward elements of the 1st Infantry Division encountered heavy resistance from well dug in troops to the east of the town, including heavy artillery fire. The first Chinese prisoners captured in a mid morning skirmish soon put paid to any notion that they were faced with their fellow countrymen, delivering the chilling news that upwards of 20,000 Chinese troops of the 42nd Corps were massing to the north. This presented an immediate danger to the exposed 1st Division, as their left flank was exposed to envelopment, with the nearest Allied unit being the US 24th Infantry Division some 23 miles away. A series of running battles to capture the high ground of the hills overlooking Unsan began just after midday as the South Korean forces threw everything into the task of keeping the road to Yongsang-dong open. The dawn of October 26th saw their hopes crushed with the arrival of the Chinese 39th Corps cutting off their connection with the west and completing their encirclement.

Supplies were airdropped to the trapped division through the day and USAF fighter-bombers plastered the surrounding hills with napalm and cluster bombs. The situation was threatening, but not yet entirely dire, given the presence of the US 6th Medium Tank Battalion and assorted anti-aircraft and artillery units. A lightning bombardment preceded a set piece combined tank-infantry attack that reopened the road early on October 27th and General Walker ordered the US 8th Cavalry Regiment to be redirected to Unsan to relieve the South Korean troops and spearhead the continuing northward offensive. The battered remnants of the ROK 11th and 12th Infantry Regiments were pulled back to refit and rebuild, leaving the defence of Unsan to the 15th Infantry Regiment and the 8th Cavalry. It was felt that such a garrison was sufficient for the immediate future given US superiority in artillery and the devastating firepower available from USAF tactical aircraft.

A major Chinese offensive to take Unsan was launched by the three divisions of the 39th Corps at 1600 hours on November 1st in the midst of unnatural howling winds and dark grey skies. The 117th Infantry Division’s attack on the positions of the South Korean 15th Infantry Regiment was heralded by the scream of rocket artillery and the crackle of spellfire while the 115th Infantry Division thrust up from the southwest to cut off the town. The three battalions of American cavalrymen were assaulted by two regiments of the 116th Infantry Division with considerable mortar support. The 8th Cavalry held its line doggedly against continual massed infantry attacks and a hurricane of machine gunfire, but began to run low on ammunition by midnight. The collapse of the 15th Infantry Regiment under tremendous pressure left the commander of US I Corps, Major-General Frank Milburn, with no alternative other than to order a phased withdrawal. Whilst the initial stages of the retreat were orderly, increased flanking attacks and continual mortar and artillery fire channelled the American troops towards strongly held roadblocks. The 1st and 2nd Battalions of the 8th Cavalry were forced to abandon their vehicles and heavy weapons and break out through Chinese lines on foot, but managed to reach the safety of American positions by the following afternoon.

The 3rd Battalion of the 8th Cavalry faced a grimmer fate, being cut off and surrounded by overwhelming Chinese numbers. They were subjected to a constant bombardment over the next two days as attempts to force a relief column through to their hilltop position were rebuffed by well positioned Chinese troops. Commandoes disguised as South Korean troops attacked the battalion command post on the 3rd of November, causing chaos and destroying many remaining vehicles and supplies. Soviet supplied rocket propelled grenades were used to subdue American strongpoints in a systematic attack that overran the remaining positions held by the 3rd Battalion on the morning of November 4th. Less than a hundred men managed to break out back to Allied lines. Total American losses were 346 killed and missing, 996 wounded and 389 taken prisoner. South Korean casualties were similarly heavy, with 567 killed and missing, 1122 wounded and 234 captured and the Chinese lost an estimated 700 men.

Battle of Pakchon
The Commonwealth Corps had been ordered to withdraw back from their forward positions at Chongju on November 4th to defend Pakchon and the crossings of the Taedong at Sinanju. The 3rd British Division held Sinanju and the Commonwealth and 4th Indian Divisions held positions on either side of Pakchon stretching back 12 miles to the Taedong River. The Chinese 28th Field Army, having reoccupied Taechon and Kunsong in their push south from the Yalu, launched a number of attacks throughout the day to test the Commonwealth and Indian lines and were solidly rebuffed by a scorching barrage of over one hundred and fifty 25pdrs and the concentrated fire of Vickers heavy machine guns. Their forward positions were broken up in the night by a ferocious attack by two battalions of the 2nd King Edward VIIs Own Gurkha Rifles supported by two dragons. The fighting at Pakchon was primarily a diversionary attack to divert General Walker’s attention to the coastal flank of the Eighth Army, but failed to make an impact on the northfacing positions of the Commonwealth Corps as planned flanking attacks along the road from Chongju were called off due to supply shortages.

The Blunting of the First Phase
Flush with their victory at Unsan, the Chinese 26th Field Army now pressed south towards the Ch’ongch’on River, but struck increased resistance from entrenched US toops supported by extremely heavy artillery fire from US 155mm and 8” howitzers at Kunu-ri and Royal Navy cruisers operating offshore. General Walker elected to stop the Chinese north of the Taedong with a strong positional defence by his four forward divisions while the 23rd and 6th Infantry Divisions were held in reserve by their respective corps. The 24th and 25th Infantry Divisions of US IX Corps had fallen back on Yongsan-dong and dug-in along a line in close contact with the 4th Indian Division on their left. The sheer depth of the American defences proved to be too great for the Chinese infantry to penetrate and the concentrated power of tanks, artillery and mortars inflicted significant casualties. Likewise to their east, the 2nd Infantry Division and the remainder of the 1st Cavalry Division were able to defend their positions around Yongbyon in depth. The 26th Field Army shifted its attacks to the American flank at Won-ni in a final attempt to outflank the Eighth Army.

Battle of Won-ni
The ROK 7th Division and the American 5th Regimental Combat Team blunted several probing attacks at Won-ni from November 3-5 with considerable tank and artillery support and their determined stand prevented a broader envelopment of the Eighth Army’s flank in North Korea. M2 Browning heavy machine guns and 75mm recoilless rifles were used to cut down Chinese infantry in great numbers beyond the range of their effective means of reply and the extreme right of the line was secured by an entrenched tank platoon of M-26 Pershings. A USAF airship operated above the battlefield on the final day and their powerful infravision cameras allowed American artillery to pre-empt Chinese infantry attacks with devastating effectiveness. The Battle of Won-ni would later be overshadowed by the larger engagements of the winter of 1950/51, but it nonetheless marked how well positioned American and South Korean troops could withstand massed Chinese attacks and counter their flanking manoeuvres with aggressive, well-fought infantry actions.

End of the First Phase Offensive
Agonizingly slow progress across the front was made over the next 24 hours at the cost of over a thousand casualties, contributing to the decision of the Chinese commander General Ye Ting to pull back from the Allied lines. USAF attack aircraft carpet bombed the hills around Unsan as the weather gradually improved and naval gunfire remained extremely effective as an area weapon. Shortages of food and ammunition caused by supply bottlenecks at the Yalu resolved the issue and the Chinese forces disappeared back into the mountains, bringing the First Phase Offensive to an end by November 5th. The withdrawal was considered an act of weakness by the Allied command and was interpreted as the limit of Chinese capability. The Chinese forces, shielded by camouflage, shadow charms and the rugged landscape, were far from displeased with the results of the initial fighting. A gap in the Allied line had been identified and tens of thousands of troops streamed south across the Yalu every night, bringing the strength of the Imperial Chinese Army in Korea to over 600,000.

The Thanksgiving Offensive
General MacArthur’s planned Thanksgiving Offensive reached its final stages of preparation in the second week of November. It would consist of a two pronged push to the Yalu aimed at crushing the remnants of the North Korean Army and government and bringing the war to a successful conclusion. X Corps would advance on the east of the peninsula and General Walker’s Eighth Army would push forward in the west. Chinese attacks would result in rapid withdrawal and the use of airpower and operational manoeuvrability to encircle and destroy Chinese lines of supply and communication. It was estimated that the enemy consisted of 90,000 North Korean and 50,000 Chinese troops. The terrain ahead was extremely rugged and temperatures were dropping down to -25° as the winds of winter howled in from Siberia. Walker planned for a steady and cautious push northward across a continuous front of his five corps to a series of specific phase lines, warily cogniscent of the tactics employed by the Chinese earlier in the month. General Almond lacked the numbers to take a similar approach with X Corps, but had encountered limited resistance in operations thus far in north eastern Korea, to the extent that forward companies of the17th Infantry Regiment of the US 7th Infantry Division had already reached the Yalu at Hyesanjin and could could see Chinese sentries patrolling just 120 yards away on the opposite bank.

On the eve of the great advance northward, the American troops on both sides of the Korean peninsula were fortified with a traditional Thanksgiving meal with all the trimmings, a testament to the capabilities of the US military’s logistical support train. The next day, the 24th of November, saw MacArthur and his staff visit Walker’s forward headquarters at Sinanju and issued a confident statement to the troops stating that the final offensive by the Eighth Army would complete the enemy’s encirclement, close the vice on their remaining forces and end the war, bringing peace and unity to Korea. In subsequent conversation with members of his staff, MacArthur quipped that, if the troops went fast enough, some of them would be home in time for Christmas. This expression of rather jocular hopes for an early end to the conflict were seized upon by nearby correspondents, who promptly dubbed the operation the ‘Home by Christmas Offensive’. The general flew back to Tokyo with a short detour over the Yalu, his closely escorted C-54 Bataan II following the river down to the sea and observing a barren and desolate landscape seemingly bereft of troops, vehicles and supplies.

Walker’s advance began at 1000 hours on November 24th along the Ch’ongch’on River. The Commonwealth Corps would advance along the coast, the US I and IX Corps up through the Taeryong and Kuryong river valleys and the South Korean II Corps would move forward from Tokchon to make contact with X Corps. Initial progress was steady, despite the South Koreans faced heavier resistance inland, and a line from Chongju to Yongwon had been established by the afternoon of the next day.
The 4th Indian Division and Commonwealth Division had established a firm defensive perimeter around Chongju and had sent patrols out as far as Sonch’on, encountering increasingly heavy resistance from North Korean and Chinese troops. Aerial patrols by USAF F-86s roamed the skies above the Yalu, but the increasingly bad weather grounded a significant portion of Allied airpower over North Korea on the 25th of November. Shortly before sunset on the 25th of November, the Chinese launched their Second Phase Offensive at the Allied forces along the Ch’ongch’on River.

The Second Phase
Four Chinese field armies, the 17th, 23rd, 26th and 28th, launched a full scale attack along the line at the Eighth Army with a massive frontal attack preceded by a hurricane bombardment by mortars and hidden artillery. The main thrust of the Chinese attack fell upon the I Corps and the South Koreans between Yongsang-dong and Yongwon, while the Commonwealth Corps was held in place by the 17th Army and North Korean forces. The temperatures dropped even further and the centre of the front was hit with bitter snowstorms and thick fogs through the night and radio communications were struck by a dreadful howling sound that impeded their use. Previously concealed heavy 180mm guns struck at headquarters and supply dumps and massed rocket batteries unleashed a storm of fury on the Allied trenches.

Battle of Yongwon
The battered forces of the South Korean II Corps were the first to feel the full brunt of the reinforced 26th Army. The 7th and 8th Divisions were swiftly cut off from each other and surrounded at Yongwon. The sole reserves available to II Corps were a regiment of the 6th Division, which was swiftly committed to the battle, but to no avail as the Chinese 42nd Corps swept past it into the Allied rear. Resistance by the surrounded divisions would continue into the morning of the 26th of November before the survivors broke out towards the south. Already shaken by their defeat at Onjong, their retreat took on all the attributes of a rout, harried all the way by stinging cavalry attacks and ceaseless ambushes. Significant amounts of weapons and supplies were captured by the Chinese as they pushed forward towards the Ch’ongch’on.

The 4th and 5th Divisions of ROK I Corps suffered a similar fate at Tokchon, being surrounded by the 40th Corps and subjected to constant bombardment and waves of infantry attacks through the night. Circles of Chinese wu-shen tore apart the earth and rained down bolts of flame, freezing whirwinds and storms of acid from the dark skies, smashing the outer perimeter of South Korean defences and overrunning their command posts and supply dumps. Individual strongpoints were bypassed by the initial Chinese advance and then reduced by mercilessly effective set piece attacks. Hundreds of ROK soldiers perished on the cold hills around Tokchon in folorn last stands and thousands were captured, leaving them to the uncertain future of a Chinese prison camp in Manchuria.

The effective destruction of I and II Corps broke open the entire right flank of the Eighth Army and tens of thousands of Chinese troops advanced towards the Taedong River with nothing to stop them. The South Koreans losses are estimated as 2894 killed or missing, 11207 wounded and 4619 captured and the loss of virtually all of their heavy equipment and the 26th Army suffered an estimated 6000 casualties in their crushing victory. The full scale of the defeat was only realized on November 28th, leading to the abrupt end of offensive action and a shift towards the preservation of the position of the Allied force in western Korea.

Battle of Kujang-dong
The US 2nd Infantry Division had advanced up the Ch’ongch’on River in the early stages of the Thanksgiving Offensive, lead by the 9th and 23rd Infantry Regiments, before encountering increased Chinese resistance to the north of Kujang-dong. The 38th Infantry Regiment was moved up to cover the division’s right flank at Somin-dong, placing it directly in the path of the advancing Chinese 40th Corps, whose battle plans involved pinning down the American forces before cutting them off from the rear and encircling them. The initial contact came in the hills around Kujang-dong, where the 9th Infantry Regiment was surprised in the night of November 25th by the 120th Infantry Division. Desperate fighting took place across the freezing hilltops through the hours of darkness as American machine gun, rocket and cannon fire from their infantry carriers barely managed to prevent the Chinese from overrunning the entire regiment, but the 9th was reduced to a strength of just four rifle companies. The 23rd Infantry Regiment attacked to relieve them after midnight and cut through the enemy’s rear, accompanied by two platoons of M-48 tanks. Withdrawing from immediate contact with the American forces, Chinese infantry and artillery managed to establish themselves atop a strategic hill dubbed Chinaman’s Hat overlooking the 2nd Infantry Division’s forward lines by the next morning.

At the same time, the 38th Infantry Regiment had come under heavy attack from the 118th Infantry Division and were gradually pushed back to a series of hilltop defensive positions. Divisional artillery was instrumental in halting the Chinese attacks before dawn, but no relief came during the following day as they were continually harassed by mortar and sniper fire. Their ordeal resumed at nightfall with further waves of infantry attacks supported by flamethrowers hammering the American positions. The 9th and 23rd Regiments were forced back from their forward positions and, running low on ammunition due to the intensity of the fighting, were pulled back across the river by their commander, Major General Laurence Kesler in a skilled tactical retreat that came not a moment too soon. The 38th fought its way back to the main body of the division on November 27th at great cost from continual ambushes and relentless Chinese fire. The 2nd Infantry began a fighting withdrawal to Kunu-ri, 32 miles to the south, through a dozen Chinese roadblocks where their tanks, carriers and vehicles came under concentrated bazooka, rocket and grenade fire. They arrived at the lines held by the 12th Cavalry Regiment on the late afternoon of November 28th, having sustained almost 3000 casualties in the process.

Battle of Ipsok
The 6th Infantry Division had been assigned the task of covering the left flank of I Corps’ northward offensive and had pushed up the Kuryong River, meeting little resistance. A reinforced task force drawn from the crack 1st Infantry Regiment and the divisional Ranger company captured the village of Ipsok on November 24th and cautiously occupied the hills to the north. Their positions came under heavy attack by the Chinese 39th Corps the next day, with arcanely disguised commando teams infiltrating American lines and causing widespread chaos. American artillery stabilized the situation, knocking out several batteries of Chinese 76mm field guns in the hills to their north, but marking their position. The main assault came on the night of the 26th of November in a sudden storm of fire from several tremendous explosions that marked the first Chinese use of dragons in the war. Carefully hidden rocket batteries bombarded American artillery positions, drawing their attention away from the support of the infantry. Immense Chinese infantry attacks fell upon the forward American rifle companies from all sides, accompanied by the lightning of wand-wielding wu-shen and a screaming rain of mortar shells filled with a new strange substance that sapped the will of men, leading to wild reports of enemy use of poison gas.

The 20th Infantry Regiment on the division’s right was the first to withdraw back to the Kuryong, although a convoy of wounded was ambushed by the Chinese and destroyed in a brief fire fight that enraged the remaining American troops. The 65th Infantry Regiment and the French Brigade attacked from the Kuryong through to Ipsok to rescue the remnants of the 1st Infantry on November 27th, crashing through Chinese roadblocks with their M-26s and saturating the surrounding hills with 155mm artillery fire as the corps’ heavier guns covered their withdrawal. In the first major engagement of French troops in Korea, the veteran Foreign Legionnaires of the 7th REI, the Royal Musketeers and the Imperial Guard inflicted heavy casualties on the Chinese infantry regiment that attempted to surround them due to the heavy firepower of their light machine guns and an aggressive willingness to charge home with sword and bayonet. The 1st Infantry attacked southwards to meet the relief column and the phased withdrawal of the 6th Infantry Division reached Yongbyon by early afternoon.

Battle of Taechon
The 25th Infantry Division had encountered relatively light resistance in the initial phase of its push northward to capture the town of Taechon on the morning of the 24th of November, but as they drew closer, were beset by increasingly heavy mortar and artillery fire, mines, booby traps and ambushes. The Chinese 23rd Army had been massing in the area and the 58th Corps engaged the 24th and 27th Infantry Regiments in a series of running battles in the hills around the town. Numerous infantry and cavalry charges were repulsed by American machine gun teams and steady rifle fire, but their lines were stretched almost to breaking point in the process. The 35th Infantry Regiment attacked up along the Taeryong to outflank the Chinese and achieved substantial early success due to strong tank support. Timely commitment of the full force of the division resulted in the capture of Taechon at 1540 on November 25th, but drew reserves away from the IX Corps flank.

On their left, the 24th Infantry Division’s drive on Kusong had ground to a halt by November 25th. The link between the two forces was held by the 34th Infantry Regiment. A major Chinese attack by the 58th Corps struck the forward lines of the 34th Infantry after midnight on November 26th and pushed them back on the hills behind them, drawing forward divisional reserves and focusing American firepower on the Kusong road. Naval bombardment from HMS Superb 31 miles away offshore broke up several Chinese assaults before the enemy drew too close for the use of heavy guns. The more open countryside was not ideally suited to the Chinese tactics of manoeuvre and infiltration attacks and even the increasingly miserable weather did little to dampen American hopes that victory was in sight. The night of November 27th was broken not only by lightning and a roaring artillery bombardment from the hills to the north, but by even more dire news from the east.

The 23rd Infantry Division, stretched out between Taechon and the Chongchon, was struck by over 200 guns and heavy mortars followed by a huge infantry and cavalry assault by the as-yet undetected the 62nd Corps at Yongsang-dong. Sheer numbers and the shock of the offensive enabled the Chinese to overrun the command posts of the 182nd and 164th Regiments and fatally disrupt the defensive coordination of the 23rd Infantry Division. Their attack featured the heaviest Chinese use of illusion and subterfuge thus far in the campaign, as many Chinese companies were able to approach American lines in the guise and uniforms of fleeing South Korean troops and then strike with varying levels of success. Sorcerous smoke shells lead to the second false report of a gas attack in the day and no positions seemed safe from encirclement.

The fall of Yongsang-dong threatened to cut off the entire of IX Corps from the rest of the Eighth Army and lead to a rapid withdrawal of the 24th Infantry Division back from Kusong. General Walker ordered the remainder of the corps to pull back towards Pakchon and the relative safety of the river, a task accomplished in reasonably good order by November 29th and subsequently viewed as one of the United States Army’s finer moments in the Battles of the Ch’ongch’on. The link up with the 3rd British Division once again established a continuous line of defence to the coast, with the Commonwealth and Indian troops having pulled back in a leapfrog withdrawal from their blocking positions between Chongju and Kwaksan. Reconaissance missions by Bengal Lancers indicated that significant Chinese forces were steadily advancing through the hills to the north of Chongju.

Battle of Kunu-ri
As pressure increased on I Corps, the small crossroads village of Kunu-ri began to take on great significance as the main bottleneck for the withdrawal of Allied troops and the hinge upon which the entire line swung. If the Chinese could break through here, then there was little that lay between them and Anju, a position where they could imperil the retreat of the IX and Commonwealth Corps. All reserves available to I Corps, the Turkish Brigade and the 12th Cavalry Regiment, had been moved forward to take up defensive positions to the east of Kunu-ri to block the Chinese advance. After a confused encounter with a force that turned out to be fleeing South Korean troops, the Turks dug in around Wawon early on the 27th of November and were soon engaged by units of the 114th Infantry Division. Heavy fire repelled initial probing attacks by the Chinese, but the lead battalion of the brigade was soon engaged on both flanks by significant numbers of Chinese infantry. The meeting engagement continued on in the early hours of the 28th and the Turks suffered 400 casualties in the intense hand-to-hand fighting. Turkish commander Mirliva Yazici Pasha ordered a withdrawal back to the village of Sinim-ri, where the Turks once again put up a doughty defence against continual Chinese attacks throughout the night and day. The brigade was running low on ammunition and almost completely surrounded by thousands of enemy troops when a felicitous air strike by 18 RN Hawker Sea Furies heavily loaded with napalm and rockets broke open the Chinese lines and momentarily relieved the pressure. This allowed the surviving Turks to withdraw in good order to Kunu-ri, where the remnants of the 2nd Infantry Division were now dourly preparing to confront the oncoming foe.

On November 28th, the 23rd and 38th Infantry Regiments had taken positions in the hills to the north and east of Kunu-ri alongside the 12th Cavalry Regiment and came into almost immediate contact with two Chinese divisions. American defences held out against the initial waves of attacks and concentrated firepower made frontal offensives murderously costly. The sheer numbers of Chinese ensured that the defenders were eventually outflanked and placed under immense pressure. A large amount of the mortar and artillery shells fired by the Chinese appeared to be duds, providing some small measure of relief. The three American regiments were joined by the Turkish brigade on November 29th, but were severely pressed by attacks from the rear and enfilading fire from the high ground. The 38th Infantry was cut off by Chinese forces by nightfall and had to fight its way out through Chinese lines and across the Kaechon River. Kunu-ri was occupied by the Chinese at 0500 the next morning.

General MacArthur had called a conference in Tokyo on November 28th as the scale of the unfolding disaster became clear. He concluded that the flanking Chinese attack had placed the Eighth Army in considerable danger and that General Walker should break contact with the Chinese and pull back to avoid being encircled. Walker subsequently ordered the Eighth Army to begin to pull back to Sunchon, 48 miles to the south. The IX Corps and Commonwealth Corps crossed the Ch’ongch’on in good order at Sinanju and Anju, but I Corps faced a far more perilous path down from Kunu-ri to Yongwon. Two Chinese divisions had established a 5 mile deep roadblock across the long and winding road and the 2nd Infantry Division was subjected to a tremendous crossfire from both flanks, particularly at night when air cover was unavailable. The blockade was smashed aside by a massed airstrike by over 100 USAF F-84s and A-38s, allowing the hard pressed 2nd Infantry to make it through the deadly gauntlet. In the final gasp of the battle, a massed artillery bombardment using up all ammunition available to the divisional artillery warded off the prospect of close Chinese pursuit.

Retreat
The Battle of the Ch’ongch’on River came to an end on December 2nd, with the Chinese Army having inflicted a devastating defeat on the Eighth Army. The 1st Cavalry and 2nd Infantry Divisions had suffered such heavy losses as to be rendered combat ineffective and the badly damaged six South Korean divisions would need substantial reinforcements and re-equipment before they could take a frontline role.
The chaos of the rapid retreat had prevented any significant reconaissance to determine the position and intentions of the Chinese and rumour and misinformation abounded, in part due to what has subsequently been recognized as an ingenious combination of confusion and fear dweomers and hallucinogenic gasses. What was clear was that the Chinese had committed over 500,000 troops to Korea and that the Allies were poorly positioned to halt them. Faced with a dire strategic situation, General Walker ordered a full withdrawal from North Korea on December the 3rd.

What followed was the longest retreat in the military history of the United States. Several stands were made north of Pyongyang to attempt to hold back the advancing Chinese forces, but to no avail. Covered by Allied airpower and shepherded by tanks, the Eighth Army pulled back nearly 200 miles to the pre-war border in ignominy. Allied forces were beset with poor morale during the ‘Great Bug-Out’ and it was to sink lower with the tragic death of General Walker in an automobile accident two days before Christmas. Lieutenant General Matthew Ridgeway was appointed to the command of a battered army, but one for which all the news was not ill. The American XII Corps was now assembled at Seoul, the British 1st Division and Indian 5th Division were beginning to disembark at Kunsan and fresh Canadian and Australian brigades would arrive early in the new year. He had the numbers and firepower to halt the rampage of the Chinese if momentum could be wrested from them. Intense discussion was underway in Tokyo and Washington regarding the deployment of the weapons that could accomplish that goal, weapons that the Chinese could not possibly respond to.

The Chinese reflection on the lessons of their first two offensives was extremely respectful of American artillery, armour and logistical support and praised the impact of tactical airpower. The enemy infantry had an excellent rate and range of small arms fire, but was prone to collapsing when cut off from the rear and heavily dependent on the other arms of battle. Their performance in night fighting and mountain warfare was seen as less proficient than that of the Imperial Chinese Army and the use of flanking and rear attack was a tactical necessity. No effective means had yet been found to engage British and American tanks other than the use of mines and improvised explosive charges. It was felt that victory could be achieved if pressure was maintained on the retreating Allied armies in terrain that would not allow them to deploy their most powerful weapons.

Battle of the Chosin Reservoir

In the east of Korea, X Corps had advanced from its landings at Wonsan and Hungnam deep inland to the area around the Chosin Reservoir, linking up with the ROK III Corps. Initial contacts between the 1st Marine Division and the Chinese in late October had resulted in an American victory that inflicted heavy casualties on their opponents. The Marines had advanced to positions at Sinhung-ni on the east of the reservoir and Yudam-ni on the western side. In conjunction with the Thanksgiving Offensive of the Eighth Army, MacArthur ordered General Almond to advance westward to take Kanggye and once again link up Allied forces across the peninsula. Almond planned to attack west from Yudam-ni with the 1st Marine Division in the lead while the 7th Infantry Division protected the right flank of the advance and the 3rd Marine Division operated on the left and in the rear of the corps. Unbeknownst to Almond, the Chinese 20th and 27th Armies were massing to the north and west of the reservoir. Both sides lacked firm intelligence on the other, underestimating overall strength and not identifying all supply dumps and airfields. The Chinese plan was to engage and destroy the expected light concentration of enemy forces around the west of the reservoir, lure in the main body of X Corps to Hagaru-ri and cut them off from Hungnam in a grand encirclement.

X Corps’ line of supply ran back down the single, winding, poor quality road to stretching 125 miles back to Hungnam through incredibly harsh terrain. North-eastern Korea was beset with arctic weather throughout November as a cold front from Siberia sent temperatures hurtling down to −40 ° during the nights. Frostbite, frozen earth and icy roads all contributed to casualties in the prelude to the battle and substantial amounts of American equipment simply ceased to function in the extreme conditions. Chinese troops were somewhat better outfitted for the conditions than their American counterparts, but suffered from the same issues of low supplies and exposure. Concentrated US airpower from the Navy’s carriers offshore and the 1st and 3rd Marine Air Wings at Hamhung was well positioned to supply close air support for X Corps in the battles to come and were less affected by inclement weather than their counterparts to the west.

At 2240 on November 27th, a force of 18 Chinese divisions struck down from the hills along a front spanning the length of the Chosin Reservoir, catching X Corps by surprise and surrounding the Marines and soldiers at Yudam-ni, Sinhung-ni, Hagaru-ri and Koto-ri.

Stand at Yudam-Ni
The 5th and 7th Marine Regiments were engaged by two Chinese divisions in their positions on the hills overlooking Yudam-ni and inflicted heavy casualties on the attackers with concentrated machine gun and rifle fire. The 59th Division successfully blocked the road south to Hagaru-ri and cut off Fox Company of the 7th Marines from the rest of the American force. Concentrated 105mm artillery fire and airstrikes from Marine Super Corsairs enabled the surrounded force to hold out over the next four days. The initial rebuff had lead the headquarters of the Chinese 20th Army to realize that it was facing the better part of a US Marine division at Yudam-ni and lead to the focus of the attack shifting to the southern end of the reservoir. As the Eighth Army began to pull back in Western Korea, General Almond was ordered to withdraw his corps back to Hungnam and the 5th and 7th Marines prepared to break out towards Hagaru-ri on November 29th. General Oliver P. Smith, the 1st Marine Division’s commander, quipped “Retreat, hell! We’re not retreating, we’re just advancing in a different direction.” His explanation was not simple braggadocio, but an accurate assessment of the firepower and capabilities of his force, which included battalions of M-26 Pershings and LVT-5 amtracks, detachments of self propelled guns and armoured cars and three circles of USMC battle mages.

On December 1st, a convoy lead by Pershings attacked out towards Chinese lines, preceded by a supporting assault by the 3rd Battalion, 7th Marines to capture two key hills overlooking the southward route. The Marines were covered by waves of Super Corsairs strafing, rocketing and bombing all points of Chinese resistance and precarious positions were captured on the forward slops of both Hill 1542 and Hill 1419, permitting the withdrawal to begin. Ferocious Chinese infantry wave attacks threatened to break through the rearguard on numerous occasions through to the morning of the 2nd of December, with only the intervention of Banshee night fighters holding back the tide. The road to Hagaru-ri was opened by a surprise attack by the 1st Marine Raiders on the Toktong Pass, who destroyed many Chinese strongpoints with assault rifle, grenade and bazooka fire and linked up with the advancing Fox Company. Heavy attacks on the withdrawing convoy continued over the next two days despite the ever present Marine Corsairs and road blocks, traps, small arms and mortar fire and the unescapable bone-chilling cold ensured that the retreat could only proceed at an agonizing crawl, which lead to significant casualties. On December 4th, the Marine convoy reached Hagaru-ri in good order.

Task Force Faith
The 31st Regiment Combat Team of the 7th Infantry Division under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Don Faith was given the task of guarding the right flank of X Corps’ advance inland and was spread across the hills to the north of Sinhung-ni. At 2100 on November 27th, the Chinese 80th Division struck the northern most positions held by the 31st RCT along the edge of the hills, separating its three component battalions and almost overrunning several forward positions, particularly those of the 3rd Battalion, 31st Infantry around the inlet west of Sinhung-ni. Welcome relief from the initial rage of the offensive came when Chinese troops were diverted by the rich spoils of food and supplies in the US entrenchments and a dawn attack spearheaded by devastating fireballs hurled by the regimental wizard forced the enemy back with heavy losses. General Almond flew in for as fleeting visit to the 31st RCT and ordered them to continue their northward attack and presented the commanding officers with Silver Stars; these were promptly discarded in disgust following his departure.

As night fell on the 28th of November, the Chinese attacked around the inlet once again in the same old fashion and the American soldiers stopped them once again in the same old fashion, inflicting dreadful damage with their M2 .50 calibre machine guns and M249 Vigilante anti-aircraft guns. Elsewhere, they encountered rather more success with coordinated artillery and mortar barrages forcing back the 2nd Battalion from their forward positions. The Chinese came very close to overrunning the American lines just before dawn before being repelled by airstrikes from USN AD Skyraiders. The 31st RCT was left stranded as the Marine withdrawal from Yudam-ni was unable to penetrate through to them, but so long as air and artillery support continued, their position was not doomed. 7th Infantry Division’s commander Major General David Barr flew into the pocket and conferred with Colonel Faith, now in command of the 31st RCT, who informed him that a breakout would be a distinctly difficult manoeuvre given the several hundred wounded who would have to be carried out.

The matter was finally forced by the arrival of the Chinese 94th Division, which increased the pressure on the American lines to the point of breaking. Only the fire of the anti-aircraft guns, a trio of M-26 tanks and the artillery support supplied by the 8” howitzers of the 1st Marine Division at Koto-ri stopped the prospect of a complete breakthrough. Ammunition supplies began to reach critically low levels and, on December 1st, Colonel Faith ordered the regiment to breakout towards Hagaru-ri. Marine airstrikes with napalm and wildfire came alarmingly close to American lines and caused casualties among forward troops, but opened a path for the retreat. Chinese small arms and machine gun fire pinned down the rear guard and ripped into the slow moving trucks and carriers, inflicting heavy losses on the passengers, many of whom were already wounded. The two remaining tanks smashed through two roadblocks before being disabled by a cunning trap before the last obstacle at Hudong-ni. A fierce firefight broke out and Colonel Faith lead the assault, being fatally wounded by a grenade as the last enemies fell. Only 1260 of the original force of 2800 men managed to make it through the gauntlet to Hagaru-ri, with barely 400 of those being fit and battle-ready.

Battle of Hagaru-Ri
Hagaru-ri was an important supply hub for the support of X Corps’ westward offensive and a forward airfield was under construction. It was occupied by the headquarters and support troops of the 1st Marine Division, the 1st Engineer Battalion, the 1st Marine Parachute Battalion and battalions of the 1st and 7th Marines. Patrols and observation flights had noticed the increased numbers of enemy troops in the surrounding hills and it became obvious that a major attack was imminent. All available troops were assigned to frontline defence duties, emphasizing the credo that every Marine was a rifleman. The initial Chinese assault came at 2130 on the night of November 28th, with an estimated force of four regiments striking the western and northern defences of Hagaru-ri. The disciplined rifle and machine gun fire of the entrenched Marines drove back the first three waves, but a heavier Chinese attack at midnight penetrated deep into the defensive perimeter before being destroyed in a series of ferocious counterattacks. In the dawn’s early light of November 29th, it became apparent that only the East Hill on the northern side of the defences had fallen to the Chinese. Marine and Navy airstrikes pounded Chinese positions and formations during the day, spoiling a further attack planned for that very night. Three days of hard fighting lay ahead before reinforcements would cut their way through from Hudong-ni and Yudam-ni and Chinese mortars and rocket artillery inflicted grievous losses.

A final attempt was made to overwhelm the garrison early on the morning of December 1st, with several thousand Chinese infantry launching a surprise charge on the northern perimeter of the defences. Steady small arms fire from the Marines and the welcome support of M-26 tanks of the 31st Tank Company cut down the foe in their hundreds, decimating the Chinese 58th Division. The final blow was delivered by the fires and rage of Pyrausterius the Fell, the United States Marine Corps most fearsome dragon, newly arrived in Korea after flying the entire way across the United States and the Pacific from his lair in Quantico. The Chinese threat to Hagaru-ri was temporarily ameliorated, giving time to evacuate dead and wounded from the hastily opened airfield and to bring in fresh supplies of food and ammunition. The bulk of the 1st Marine Division convoy had arrived by December 4th and the final stage of the withdrawal through the mountain passes to Hungnam could begin.

Break for the Sea
The advance from Hagaru-ri to Koto-ri on December 6th was preceded by the heaviest bombardment of the entire battle and concentrated airstrikes by no less than six Marine fighter squadrons set the surrounding hills ablaze with napalm and rockets. The remaining two battalions of Colonel Lewis ‘Chesty’ Puller’s 1st Marines doggedly held their positions at Koto-ri at the other end of what would late be known as Hellfire Valley. The 7th Marines and 1st Raiders spearheaded the advance to meet them, clearing Chinese strongpoints from the hills overlooking the narrow road in a series of well-executed firefights whilst Pershing tanks subdued the cunning roadblocks below. The column reached Koto-ri early on December 7th and faced only limited opposition as it pushed through the Funchilin Pass, where USMC wizards conjured a bridge of arcane energy to replace the spans of a destroyed treadway bridge and scoured the enemy from the hills with storms of lightning and great gouts of purple fire. They emerged at Chinhung-ni, bloodied, battered and unbowed.

The 9th Marine Regiment of the 3rd Marine Division now struck northward from Sudong, scattering Chinese resistance and clearing the way for the final leg of the journey to Hungnam, which was reached on December 11th. General MacArthur had ordered that X Corps be evacuated by sea to reinforce the retreating Eighth Army in their defence of South Korea. Naval gunfire from the battleships and cruisers of Task Force 77 and the amphibious vessels of Task Force 90 offshore broke up Chinese attacks before they could seriously incommode the American and South Korea forces arrayed around the port. Over the next thirteen days, over 300 ships evacuated the men and equipment of X Corps and their South Korean comrades, in addition to tens of thousands of Korean refugees. The gallant SS Meredith Victory took on 15,284 civilians on its own for the long voyage to Pusan. The successful withdrawal was completed early on Christmas Eve, with the port thoroughly destroyed by explosive charges and devastating 24” gunfire from the battleships Iowa, New Jersey and Wisconsin. The Hungnam Evacuation can be validly compared to Dunkirk as a fillip to morale for the the American and South Korean populace, being portrayed as a veritable Christmas miracle to warm the cockles of civilian hearts amid the tide of dire news.

The military assessment of the Battle of Chosin Reservoir was somewhat more mixed. General Smith’s forces had escaped the jaws of the Chinese Army’s trap and preserved X Corps for the battles to come, but at a high cost in casualties from both the exertions of battle and the harsh weather. American losses totalled 1829 killed, 4639 missing and 6973 wounded, with many of the dead unrecovered. Chinese casualties totalled nearly 70,000, or over a third of the number thrown into the deadly fray, a factor that would be important in its effect on the Chinese push southward. Fighting around Chosin was considered to be some of the hardest of the war thus far, putting the earlier battles around the Pusan Perimeter in the shade.

Air War
The weather provided the most significant opposition to Allied airpower over North Korea in November 1950. Many airfields on the Korean peninsula were unable to conduct regular operations and long range air support from bases in Japan could only play a limited role in supporting operations in the northernmost reaches of the country. The strategic heavy bombers of the RAF and USAF began to become victims of their own success, as the paucity of available targets resulted in the Superfortresses and Lancasters lying dormant. As the Chinese offensives crashed down upon the Eighth Army and X Corps like a wolf upon the fold, this relative inactivity disappeared as destruction of the bridges over the Yalu assumed utmost urgency. Several Grand Slam bombs hastily flown to the Far East by airship were expended without any decisive result, expediting a programme to rush the guided 12,000lb ASM-A-1 Tarzon into operational service.

American Sabres and British Hunters began to occasionally encounter Chinese and North Korean MiG-9 swept-wing jet fighters in the skies above the Yalu. The limited number of air-to-air engagements reinforced Allied air superiority with 8 enemy planes being shot down without loss. Peking had increasingly pressed the Soviet Union for urgent delivery of their new Mikoyan jet fighter, but it was still encountering extensive troubles with their underpowered engines and would not be operational for some time to come. The F-84 Thunderjet began to arrive in the theatre in significant numbers from late October, replacing the F-51 and some F-80 equipped units as a tactical fighter-bomber. Medium bombers were employed for carpet bombing missions whenever conditions permitted during the November battles and would fill this role until the roles of the B-29s and Lancasters gradually changed in 1951.

War at Sea
The anti-submarine operations that had consumed so much attention in October continued at a high intensity and two suspected vessels were sunk by USN destroyers. The end of the North Korean Navy’s surface threat allowed Task Force 77 and Task Force 85 to concentrate upon the support of troops ashore through naval gunfire and carrier airpower. Typically, two battleships and four cruisers would operate on the gunline off each coast, augmented by numerous destroyers and frigates, and numerous bombardment missions were conducted that proved severely disruptive to Chinese forces. The British and American battleships carried out fire missions up to 58 nautical miles inland and were capable of destroying the most well protected of targets, but their sheer firepower made them occasionally less tactically useful when Chinese forces were able to close with and infiltrate the Allied positions.

Carrier airstrikes did not encounter the same handicaps as land based aircraft from the dire weather, but had less effect than in the previous months due to the poor visibility over the battlefields. Tactical interdiction raids often bombed their targets blind, which reduced some of their efficacy. The fast response time of carrier aircraft made up for any issues of accuracy and were the primary means of battlefield air support for both the Eighth Army and X Corps. USMC Super Corsairs operating from light and escort aircraft carriers were particularly appreciated for their loiter time and firepower.

Conclusion
Withdrawal from North Korea was a bitter pill coming after the succession of victories after the Inchon Landings and caused extreme panic and concern in Tokyo, Washington, London and beyond. The pressing objectives of the Truman Administration were to hold the coalition of Allied forces together, stabilize the frontline and to seek a political solution to the war, but the overall mood was one of pessimism. The strategic surprise of the Chinese offensive would prove to be the cause of the great rupture in relations between General MacArthur in Tokyo and President Truman and his civilian advisors, as both had significantly different interpretations of the future course of the war. Public support for the war in the United States and the Western World was shaken, but not broken by the tremendous setback of the Chinese Second Phase Offensive and all sense that this would be a brief conflict disappeared.

A long and hard winter lay ahead.

Not necessarily everything.

He is increasingly in favour of doing everything necessary in order to win the war. This single-minded vision compounds his strategic perspective, which is very much centred on the Asia-Pacific and its importance over that of Europe. MacArthur therefore focuses on what he thinks is necessary for complete victory in Korea; added to his rather sizeable ego, it puts him on an inevitable collision course with President Truman. He actually has (and had historically) no particular love for atomic weapons.