An ASB spell makes Soviets and Japanese keep fighting at Khalkhin Gol and beyond for months

Background to the Khalkin Gol War, the Strategic Conditions of Both Sides, the Japan Imperial Army and the Soviet Union Eastern Front

Battle Background



Tensions escalated in 1937 when Japan launched an invasion of Chinese territory. The Soviets responded by sending weapons and advisers to support Chiang Kai-Shek's Republic of China. The Kremlin also conducted several border clashes that served as a direct but still relatively safe and cheap way for Moscow to show Japan that it could not concentrate its entire armed forces against China, but also had to keep a close eye on its geo-strategic eastern front. Despite ideological differences between Soviet communists and Chiang nationalists, Moscow had an interest in stemming Japanese expansion, the Soviet Union built up its military power and supported China against Japanese expansion.



Some Mongolian cavalry who encroached on the border

The origin of the name of this war?

The Japanese referred to the war as the "Nomonhan Incident," after a village around the main battle site. The Soviets called the battle the Battle of Khalkin-Gol, after a river near the main battle area claimed by both sides. Japan claims to be the boundary between Manchukuo and Mongolia. The Japanese call the Khalkin-Gol River the Halha River. Manchukuo—Manchu State—is the Japanese given name to Manchuria. While Manchuria was technically part of the Republic of China, the Japanese formally made Manchuria part of their kingdom's territory in 1931.

They called the military operation surrounding the annexation the "Manchurian Incident," as a kind of politically correct diplomatic guarantee. Similarly, they referred to the Chinese invasion in 1937 as the "China Incident", to avoid the international repercussions of a declared war in its entirety. Of course, for those who lived inside those theaters, there was no noticeable difference. Japan establishes a puppet state in Manchukuo, led by Henry Pu Yi, the last Manchu emperor. The state had its own army, equipped mostly with Japanese weaponry.This puppet state was tasked with confronting the guerrilla resistance of the Chinese people against occupation by the Japanese military.

Mongolia is rich in resources, and its industry is vital to Japan's war interests. The Mongolian People's Republic had been established in 1924 as Moscow's extraterritorial puppet state.Like Manchukuo, while technically Mongolia is still independent, it is actually a puppet state under Moscow's complete control. Which plays a role in maintaining small army units, especially cavalry. In 1939 the Japanese took control of Manchukuo, as they called the puppet state Manchuria theirs, during the eight-year occupation. That put their Kwantung Army, the headquarters in charge of operations there, in an uneasy coexistence with the Soviet Union, which controlled territory in the east, north and west.

Given the mutually hostile governments in Tokyo and Moscow, as well as their disputes over the actual demarcation line between their territories, the possibility of war always arises. In the Far East. In terms of manpower, armament and number of divisions deployed, the Red Army was clearly ahead of the Japanese. If nothing else, the Imperial Japanese Army's (IJA) mainstream force commitment to the war in China meant Manchukuo was a secondary theater.

Even so, the command of the Kwantung Army believed that it could happen in confrontations with the Soviets, from border incidents to full-fledged war. Part of that conclusion is based on the geography of the region. The Red Army in the Far East had to control vast territories stretching from central Siberia to the Pacific. Manchukuo, on the other hand, was more compact and the Kwantung Army had the advantage of interior lines. That defensive could more easily shift the force needed to meet the threat using the Manchurian railway.

Roughly speaking, the Japanese could concentrate on fighting the dangerous border areas of the Soviet Union. On the Soviet side, the Trans-Siberian Railway had limited capacity and was geographically vulnerable. Most were near the border, where it could be trimmed off by Japanese units moving across the border or attacking from the air. The Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5 had shown that the Trans-Siberian Highway was a weak branch to support the army in the easternmost regions of Russia. There was also a question of the overall effectiveness of Soviet power.

Experience in the Japanese intervention into Siberia during the Russian Civil War has shown that the combat effectiveness of communist units is not high. That, at least in part, is because their units in the Far East are not as organized and led as those in the west. That evaluation has completely become obsolete. Throughout the 1920s and into the 1930s, intelligence about the Red Army had to be pieced together from reconnaissance, espionage and air attaché reports, as Stalin's Soviet Union did not conduct open examinations.

But Japan rejected the idea of increasing Soviet military evaluation. Stalin destroyed most of his inaugural corps in a series of purges in the late 1930s, and apparently only promised a further reduction in the combat capabilities of Moscow's armed forces. Furthermore, although such material balance clearly favored the Red Army – because the Soviet Union had the capacity to produce greater numbers of tanks, artillery and aircraft – the Japanese believed that their military history in the country showed that this was a decisive non-material factor in the war, and the IJA was clearly superior in leadership, tactics and morale. Regardless of overall numbers, Captain Kwantung was expected to organize battles with local superiority, defeat the Soviets in a quick campaign consisting of well-orchestrated clashes, and then use those victories to gain a profitable onslaught victory. .

In 1938 an event occurred that seemed to indicate valid Japanese expectations. Prelude: Chankufeng Hill In July 1938 a small Red Army force provocatively crossed the disputed border near the crossing of the Soviet, Manchukuoan and Korean borders and occupied a cape called Chankufeng (Cruel Hill). It's at the center of several pieces of real estate claimed by both sides, due to surveys turning away decades-long landscaping across the region. The Soviets dug in and waited for the Japanese response, which was not far away. The Japanese cannot allow such actions to become unchallenged. Chankufeng, although not important, is close to major industrial centers on both sides of the border. As a result, the Imperial Imperial Headquarters (IGHQ) in Tokyo ordered the Japanese headquarters in Korea, whose units were nearby, to retake the hill. Thus the IJA 19th Division was shut down and, after committing a terrible foul, cleared the Reds of disputed territory. The incident ended with an armistice that the Japanese gladly accepted. Despite his tactical victory, Chankufeng would have been very difficult to retake, given the superiority Soviet artillery demonstrated during the battle.

Even so, the Japanese saw the Chankufeng operation that ultimately confirmed their doctrine and views: superior tactics and spirit had won the day. While the Soviets had shown considerable strength, they did not maneuver well. Furthermore, the battle was limited by both sides and never turned into a major battle. The Japanese believe that such future incidents can also be carried out locally, and superior determination will lead to favorable results. It would all be different one year later on the other side of Manchukuo, near a remote village called Nomonhan. On May 11, 1939, a contingent of Mongolian cavalry (Soviet client-state) crossed the Khalkin-Gol River (sometimes also called the Halha or Khalka River). The exact demarcation boundary of the border was disputed, with the Japanese claiming that it was the river itself but the Soviets maintained it running at a speed of 12.5 miles east of the water.

Several battles were fought between Mongolian and Manchukuoan horsemen, with intruders gaining an advantage. Mongolia was a satellite of the Soviet Union at the time, and to the Kwantung army, such a new attack could not go unanswered. Thus, he ordered the 23rd Infantry Division to take action. The 23rd, commanded by Lieutenant General Komatsubar a Michitaro, was a new unit. The troops are green and some of the equipment is old and worn. (Remember, the best Japanese units went south, transacting in China against the country's Nationalist regime.) Komatsubara was considered a great intellectual, although he had experience dealing with the Soviets as a diplomatic attaché. The logistics of the situation seem to favor the Japanese headquarters.

The headquarters are in the city of Hailar, about 93 miles from the border. Hailar was on the railway line, which facilitated the carrying of supplies and reinforcements that could then be transported via the road forward. The main Soviet railhead was at Borzya, a few hundred miles away, although one spur line ran into Mongolia. As it will seem, the situation is not so much as it seems. Komatsubara sent his division's reconnaissance regiment, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma, to sweep the eastern bank of Khalkin-Gol. On May 15, Azuma's forces pushed the Mongols back into the river.

Increase Battle Tension

The result was unacceptable at the Kwantung Army headquarters. The policy for dealing with border attacks was to avoid incidents where possible, but once the Soviets had crossed the border, the need was to counterattack strictly until the situation fully recovered and the intruders were eliminated. The defeat of the Yamagata Detachment was seen as an outcome that could only encourage Soviet adventurism. Thus, the Kwantung Army ordered further countermeasures. The question then becomes how it should be done. The Kwantung Army planned a major war with the Soviet Union oriented operations in the east, especially in the northern region of Vladivostok. That's where the best army units are located and where the logistics are in place to carry out major attacks. West Manchuria is a low-priority sector, which is the reason the new 23rd Division was placed in the first place.

Overall, the Kwantung Army lacked reserves other than the 7th Infantry Division. More units could be withdrawn from Japanese forces moving in China, or even mobilized from islands at home. By asking for such reinforcements, it would create a political dilemma for the Kwantung order. In doing so they will admit that they lack resources and, just as importantly, the spirit to deal with what will emerge from Tokyo into minor border violations. Thus, the Kwantung Army gathered its strength, putting the 7th Division on alert. They also ordered the 2nd Air Division to launch such attacks over Soviet bases in Mongolia.

The air effort culminated in a major strike at Tamsag on 27 June, which destroyed many Red aircraft on the ground. The pilot's ability and the quality of Japanese pilots further proved themselves against the Soviet Air Force, as many Red planes were also shot out of the sky. While the aerial victory was publicly celebrated at Kwantung Army headquarters, it raised concerns in Tokyo, where the IGHQ was concerned about the move provoking some larger Soviet response. Even so, those at the Kwantung Army headquarters felt ready to face the next Mongols again. Komatsubara ordered a counterattack, this time under the command of Colonel Yamaga ta Takemitsu.

His detachment included a battalion of the 64th Infantry Regiment, the Azuma observer division, a mountain gun battery and several hundred Manchukuoan cavalry. Additional trucks are provided to improve mobility. Yamagata devised an elaborate plan: he divided his detachment into columns that met the suspected Mongolian position. To ensure there would be no interference from Soviet aircraft, Kwantung HQ ordered the 2nd Air Division to conduct a surprise attack on the Reds airbase in Mongolia.The move had not been authorized by the IGHQ, but having air superiority was seen as a prerequisite for successful operations by army headquarters.

Kwantung's orders exceeded his authority, but his commanders were accustomed to acting alone: Tokyo was far away, and they saw themselves running their armies like semi-independent vassal states within the empire. On May 28, Yamagata launched a night attack, amazed at the gain, he would utilize it to envelop and destroy what he considered several hundred cavalry. It was he who would be surprised, however, by the appearance of Soviet tanks. The Red Army's 11th Tank Brigade has also crossed the border, reinforcing Mongolia. In the confused actions that followed, the Japanese got the worst. Yamagata's detachment was destroyed and Azuma himself was killed in his actions. The survivors returned. Nomonhan's move, which would involve sending ground troops to Soviet territory.

For the new offensive the Komatsubara 23rd Division was reinforced with four infantry battalions from the 7th Division, plus anti-tank, engineer, and transport units along with more Manchukuoan cavalry. Most of the 2nd Air Division's aircraft were committed. Air support was an easy way to reinforce the Nomonhan front, since the base from which it came did not have to be at the front where lines of communication had already proved too much. Komatsubara was also assigned elements of the new IJA 1st Tank Brigade, under the command of Lieutenant General Yasuoka Masaomi. The "Yasuoka Detachment" included two tank regiments and several motorized infantry.

In all, Japan is amassing about 130 tanks for the upcoming battleship, despite many light vehicles. The plan was for the 7th Division to cross the Khalkin-Gol River and roll up Soviet positions on its eastern bank, specifically seeking to destroy artillery batteries stationed there. Meanwhile, Yasuoka will drive along the Manchurian side of the river. Caught between the two powers, Japanese planners predicted the Soviets would simply collapse.

While the Red Army was known to possess a large number of tanks, the Japanese relied on air superiority and tactical prowess to win the day. The plan looks good on paper, and it might have been successful if it had been executed early. The Soviets were not idle, however: STAVKA, their supreme command, had reinforced the Khalkin-Gol front by sending several tanks and mechanized brigades. The units used many armored vehicles, many of which were light but suitable for mobile operations in rough border areas.

A motorized infantry division, along with a number of artillery guns and anti-tank guns, was also carried out. They were all under the command of LVII Special Corps, the formation of the Red Army responsible for operations throughout Mongolia, and the corps which in turn subordinated the Trans-Baikal Military District. The Komatsubara offensive began on the night of July 2, when its engineers threw a pontoon bridge over the Khalkin-Gol Division and the 23rd Division crossed it into communist territory. On the eastern bank, the Yasuoka Detachment struck the Soviet line. Both Japanese forces made initial advances, but then the Soviets counterattacked, committing 186 tanks. The Japanese infantry, short of anti-tank weapons, were covered with unloading costs and bottles stained with gasoline.

The fight was fierce, but gradually the Soviets gained the upper hand. For one thing, their artillery was much more powerful than the Japanese anticipated. For others, they have large enough reserves that they are committed to maintaining the momentum of their counterattack. The Japanese also found themselves short of artillery ammunition. Reluctantly, Komatsubara ordered a withdrawal and on July 5 the first round of the fight was over.

The Japanese analyzed their attack and concluded that they failed because they did not have enough rights to challenge the Red Army artillery. In fact, they lack the heavy weapons and logistical support needed for them. Despite this, the Japanese also concluded that their infantry had fought well, inflicted a lot of losses on the enemy and advanced in the face of the Soviet vortex of fire. Thus, the Kwantung Army mobilized every available artillery section and sent them forward at Nomonhan, organizing them into ad hoc artillery corps. The position of the rifle is prepared, the range is determined and ammunition is stockpiled. One puzzling note for Komatsubara is that the Kwantung Army headquarters called in the 1st Tank Brigade in mid-July.




Japanese infantry using handcars for patrols

along the rail line near the border.

Kwantung Army

The headquarters controlling Japanese forces in Manchukuo was the Kwantung Army. Kwantung means "East of Shanhai Pass", which is an old term for Manchuria. The headquarters is in charge of a large area, and it is completely equivalent to the Western army group. The commander was also the Japanese ambassador to Manchukuo, which put him in the position of de facto governor, essentially running the entire country from his base in Hsinking. Army officer Kwantung has a reputation as a politician. Among other things, they were involved in a series of plots against the government in Tokyo, pushing for a fully militarized country and a more aggressive foreign policy. They are also known for acting without much regard for IGHQ when it comes to military moves in Manchukuo, as would have happened during the Nomonhan Incident.



Japanese infantry moved towards the border in July



Map of the clash of Khalkin



A group of Japanese airmen take pictures at the air base

Before the start of bombing operations



Khalkin War Area Boundary Map

Troop Building Statistics in Manchukuo &; Eastern Soviet Since 1931



Military development data by both parties

*Note: Some data are estimates

As the chart shows, the Soviets established enormous material superiority in the Far East during the 1930s; However, the numbers can be deceiving. The Japanese widely used independent brigades, which did not appear in the number of their respective divisions. Also, many Japanese divisions used a "square" structure and, with those additional regiments, they could sometimes be twice as strong as their Red Army counterparts. Both sides also have a number of border guard units capable of conducting local operations. There is also the simple question of combat effectiveness. Many Soviet divisions were poorly trained, and their logistics were inadequate, with shortages of transport, fuel and maintenance. CONTINUED TO