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Post by TheRomanSlayer on Jul 20, 2022 5:31:12 GMT
CHAPTER NINE: THE FILIPINO CIVIL WAR PART FOUR
STUNNING DEVELOPMENT BREAKS OUT OF QUEENSLAND AS UNIDENTIFIED WHISTLEBLOWER REVEALS UNHEARD OF GOVERNMENT COLLUSION WITHIN STATE POLITICS
Brisbane Times
July 31, 1986
(Brisbane, QUEENSLAND) - In what is emerging as yet another one of Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen's war on trade unions, a major strike was launched by the Electrical Trades Union of Australia's Queensland branch, in response to the ongoing fury over the Queensland ETU members' sacking by the incumbent Bjelke-Petersen state government. The 1986 Queensland Electricians' Strike had resulted in much of the electrical grids' maintenance being reduced to the point where a significant decrease in the number of active electricians had resulted in Queenslanders suffering from power outages. However, a disturbing new trend had recently emerged, when an unnamed electrician who joined the strikes had revealed that Joh Bjelke-Petersen's government had recently brought in Filipino refugees fleeing from the ongoing civil war in the Philippines with an electrical background, and promptly assigned them electrical jobs that were vacated by the sacked electricians who went on strike. In addition, riot control personnel were deployed to contain the striking workers, but one of the riot control officers had accidentally fired a live ammunition, killing one of the workers. Furthermore, a whistleblower had also exposed the collusion between the Bjelke-Petersen government and various law enforcement agencies by explaining to them the newly formed 'union bounties' where any various leaders of certain trade union who got arrested during a major strike would not only be sacked, but forcibly expelled from their trade unions and blacklisted.
"I distinctly remember this guy who had a position as a shop steward at a local electrical grid in Buderim. He was among the strikers who marched peacefully, before these riot control thugs had fired smoke grenades at them," says the unidentified whistleblower, who gave the testimony on condition of anonymity. "Soon after, the electricians in Buderim were scared to talk to one another, as management in that area had taken their marching orders from the Premier, and started to give them pay cuts as punishment for taking part in the strike. It's absolute madness."
Although Premier Bjelke-Petersen's war on trade unions are not new, the accidental death of one of the strikers at the hands of law enforcement, coupled with the Premier's announcement that any law enforcement personnel who has accidentally killed a striking worker will not be tried for murder, causing outrage within the Queenslander public. In response to the news of the death of Olivia Alira, the woman that was accidentally shot, a general mourning took place for three days. The fact that an Aborigine woman had been killed by law enforcement, albeit by accident, had resulted in fresh protests against the Bjelke-Petersen government, with accusations of racial violence against indigenous minorities being hurled at them.
"The death of Ms. Alira at the hands of law enforcement, all because she wanted to fight for better treatment and better opportunities within her trade union, is an indication of the state's growing intolerance towards the working class," says Harper Payne, a local activist representing one of Queensland's tiny socialist movement. "Furthermore, this is also an act of racial violence against an indigenous group and the inherently racist nature of the Bjelke-Petersen government is an indication that it must fall apart. If not today, when?"
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PRIME MINISTER HAWKE ANNOUNCES EASING OF RESTRICTIONS ON ACCEPTANCE OF FILIPINO REFUGEES FLEEING FROM WAR-TORN PHILIPPINES
Sydney Herald
August 7, 1986
(Canberra, AUSTRALIAN CAPITAL TERRITORY) - As a potential refugee crisis threatens to unfold in the wider Southeast Asia region over the exodus of Filipino civilians fleeing from the ongoing civil war, the Australian government under Prime Minister Bob Hawke has announced that restrictions on the number of refugees entering Australian territory from the Philippines will be temporarily lifted for the duration of the Filipino Civil War. The announcement comes at a time when several thousand Filipino refugees have temporarily relocated to neighboring Indonesia, where refugee camps are being erected to house them, before the refugees decide where to go next, after the civil war ends. Australia's local Filipino community has decided to host a series of fundraising events, of which the donated money given by donors will be used to pay for the feeding and clothing of Filipino refugees arriving in Australia. However, much of the refugees that have arrived in Australia are primarily women and children, as the men had opted to stay and fight back in the Philippines. Additionally, Prime Minister Hawke has also announced that Australia will donate around $17 million ASD towards the reconstruction of the Philippines, and has agreed to donate two Attack-class patrol boats to the Philippine Navy, of which the HMAS Advance and HMAS Bayonet will be most likely selected.
"It is good to see our government lending a helping hand to its most important ally in the Asia-Pacific region, as the stability of the Philippines is tantamount to the security of the wider Pacifc Rim area," says Australian Foreign Minister, the Honorable Bill Hayden, when asked by foreign journalists on the Prime Minister's proactive decision to help its Filipino ally. "Australia is home to a large number of Filipinos, and it is only natural that Australian citizens of Filipino heritage would have an active role in helping their former homeland during times of strife."
Australia's stance towards the proposed Soviet peacekeeping mission that would be led by the UN was rather neutral, but didn't criticize the American veto of the Soviet proposal. Moreover, its attention is mostly focused on SE Asia, primarily around the Indochina region, where Vietnamese occupation forces are battling the remnants of the Cambodian Khmer Rouge regime that was deposed during the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia. However, the news of a joint Soviet-Vietnamese snap naval drills in the South China Sea has alarmed Canberra, which responded by Defense Minister Kim Beazley's offer to send a couple of warships to the American base at Subic Bay, to help the US Navy defend the Philippines in the event that the Soviet-Vietnamese naval drills would transform into a shooting war. So far, three River-class destroyer escorts have sailed from their home base in Sydney for a naval exercise in territorial waters, before sailing towards Subic Bay.
"We're keeping an eye on the situation in the South China Sea, and are confident with our American allies in preventing the Soviets from exploiting the conflict in the Philippines to push their expansionist goals," says Defense Minister Beazley, during a briefing in front of local reporters. "As it stands, Australia can do a lot more to stabilize the Philippines and get them back on their feet."
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CABANATUAN CITY FALLS IN WORST URBAN COMBAT TO MARCOS REGIME LOYALIST FORCES, MARCELO BLANDO AND EDUARDO JOSON BOTH COMMIT SUICIDE AS 7TH INFANTRY DIVISION RETREAT FROM NUEVA ECIJA
Manila Times
July 30, 1986
(Cabanatuan City, NUEVA ECIJA) - After a month of deadly urban combat, followed by airstrikes against targets inside Cabanatuan City, the major city in the province of Nueva Ecija falls to soldiers loyal to former President Ferdinand Marcos. Upon the arrival of the pro-Marcos forces, refugees that had fled to Nueva Ecija from other provinces within northern and central Luzon were forced to flee once more, this time moving southwards towards Pampanga, Bulacan, and the National Capital Region. Luckily for the internally displaced civilians, the US military base in Subic Bay has opened its doors for the refugees as several commercial ships were requisitioned by both Philippine port authorities and the US Navy to be used as refugee ships to load anyone who wishes to flee from the Philippines. While the civilians had fled towards Bulacan, Pampanga and the NCR, the survivors of the 7th Infantry Division had escorted the refugees, and only made their way to Batangas after the last refugee has arrived in Metro Manila. At the same time, the newly appointed commander of the 7th Infantry Division, Orlando V. Soriano, has taken command of the surviving troops of said Division, and ordered them to advance towards the province of Laguna, where they would rest and recuperate, before moving to Batangas.
"This defeat is tragic, but at the very least, we managed to bleed out most of the pro-Marcos forces and turned Cabanatuan City into our own Alamo," says BGen. Soriano, while talking to a local reporter after they left Cabanatuan City. "However, the civilian volunteers who enlisted as paramilitary units had opted to stay in Nueva Ecija, where they will engage the pro-Marcos forces in guerrilla warfare."
The pro-Marcos forces that were sent to conquer Cabanatuan City were led by Brigadier General Felix Brawner Jr., one of the few remaining Marcos loyalist officers who opted to remain with their chosen leader and Acting Vice President Fabian Ver. Upon their entry to Cabanatuan City, BGen. Brawner Jr. announces a general amnesty for those civilian volunteers who took up arms to defend their homes, in exchange for disarmament. However, much of the refugees who enlisted as paramilitary personnel did not trust the words of the new commander, as many of them had in fact been exposed to the corruption of the Marcos dictatorship. As a result, the Marcos regime loyalists started to round up any unlucky civilian who made the mistake of not fleeing from Nueva Ecija when Cabanatuan City fell to the Marcos regime loyalist forces. Consequently, the Marcos regime loyalists are now stuck in a province where guerrilla activities are rife, and civilians that were given military training are now legitimate targets for the occupying troops.
"The rebels who have sided with the housewife who calls herself a President will be forgiven, should they surrender and turn in their weapons to our troops," says former President Marcos, during a loyalist rally consisting of supporters of his rule in Laoag, Ilocos Norte. "However, should those rebels not accept my mercy, they will be eliminated. We will tolerate no dissent, while we increase our efforts at stopping this illegal transfer of power from my office to that of Corazon Aquino."
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MARCOS REGIME LOYALISTS CONDEMN PRESENCE OF FOREIGN 'MERCENARIES' FIGHTING ON SIDE OF BOTH AQUINO GOVERNMENT AND TADIAR-LED RENEGADE FORCES
Manila Times
August 30, 1986
(Laoag, ILOCOS NORTE) - Former President Ferdinand Marcos has issued a harsh condemnation against various foreign governments for ignoring the issue regarding the presence of foreign volunteers, which he labeled as 'mercenaries' fighting against him. The criticism comes after an official confirmation of a report coming from the Tadiar camp that several members of a Thai ultranationalist organization have appeared inside the Philippines, and are fighting alongside Alsa Masa and other troops that are under Brigadier General Tadiar's control. Additionally, there was another confirmed report of foreign citizens that are fighting on the side of the Aquino government, mostly former Australian Defense Forces personnel that have volunteered to fight for Filipino democracy, in addition to the significant number of Americans that are fighting as part of the Internation Legion of National Liberation for the Philippines. However, Marcos's criticism has fallen on deaf ears, as most of the volunteers that have appeared in the Philippines didn't bother to hide their contempt for the former dictator, but one of his criticisms aimed at the Thai volunteers fighting for Artemio Tadiar's renegade faction reasonates ironically well with his communist adversaries.
"We've encountered the ultranationalists that have arrived from Thailand, and I must say that they're awfully good as fighters, even if they're mostly focused on slaughtering the oppressed working class that have sided with us," says Gregorio Rosal, when interviewed by a left-leaning activist reporter. "I am not sure if these Thai volunteers have received training from the Thai military."
Likewise, President Corazon Aquino has issued her own criticism of the presence of the Thai volunteers fighting for Tadiar.
"The presence of these volunteers from Thailand are not friendly towards democracy in general. They revere their king so much, that the Thai government has turned a blind eye to the departure of these ultranationalists and appearing next to Tadiar's renegade forces the next," says President Aquino, while giving a speech in front of the members of the House of Representatives. "
The effectiveness of the Thai paramilitaries in their combat against the communists who have managed to take control of the entirety of Quezon Province under the authority of the so-called Tayabas People's Republic has been evident by their role in ambushes and patrols in the jungle. As they are well adapted to jungle warfare, the Tadiar-led renegade forces have employed them to engage the communist New People's Army forces in a guerrilla warfare of their own. At the same time however, additional communist successes in northern Mindanao has been confirmed by the Aquino government, when the entirety of Dinagat Island has been taken by the NPA. The growing instability in northern Mindanao has allowed the Moro National Liberation Front under Nur Misuari to launch his own offensives to capture the rest of western Mindanao that is populated by the Muslim minority. Yet, all three sides remain silent at the apparent growth of aid given to the MNLF, mainly because Nur Misuari wasn't sure as to how his faction will exploit the situation in Mindanao, but there was one thing he's clear: the MNLF have also declared war on the NPA.
"I do not trust Gregorio Rosal and his band of thugs to run things in Dinagat and Siargao Islands, and I can't trust Corazon Aquino at all. Not after the ineptitude that her government has shown by appointing a known communist as Minister of Labor. She's already alienating the conservative factions of her own government, which is being exploited by both Ferdinand Marcos and Artemio Tadiar," comments Misuari from his home in Marawi City. "However, we also have a duty to stop the communists from terrorizing our own people as well, mainly because these communists do not believe in any God at all."
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A DESERTER'S TALE OF SURVIVAL AND LOVE
Time Magazine (Published on 05/29/2016)
By: Steven Langston
It was one of the most unlikely and implausible love stories that have been told, and yet it happened. Although it may be similar to a story once told during WWII, where a local girl living in Australia fell in love with a Filipino soldier, in this case it's the tale of a Filipino male soldier falling in love with an Australian female volunteer. Even more so, it's a female volunteer who once worked as a medic within the Australian Defense Force. Such romances could be something worth telling in a Hollywood film, but the story of how this love was forged through politics and war surpasses the sad tale of former Filipino soldier Lorenzo Gamboa. For those of you who don't know, Lorenzo Gamboa was a Filipino soldier who was a member of the US Army, and had been evacuated to Australia during the Japanese conquest of his homeland. There, he met and fell in love with Joyce Cain, who would eventually become his wife. The controversy surrounding him, when he was refused a visitor's visa to enter Australia, had dampened the relations between the Philippines and Australia. The Gamboa controversy happened at the height of the White Australia Policy, where only whites were allowed to enter the country, and even within the so-called white population, there was a large preference for English migration to Australia. However, the post-war period and the rise of communist dictatorships forced the Australian government to allow refugees from Eastern Europe to settle in Australia.
Well, enough of the historical background and back on the main story at hand. The Filipino soldier in this new Gamboa tale was 22 year old former Sergeant Gerald 'Jepoy' Gacutan, who was a part of Marcelo Blando's 7th Infantry Division that was recently created a few days after EDSA Uno had turned into a bloodbath, courtesy of the late and unlamented former military dictator Artemio Tadiar. He was stationed in Cabanatuan City, where he would meet his future wife, 24 year old former Staff Sergeant Valerie Urquhart. Urquhart was serving as a foreign humanitarian volunteer during the existence of the unrecognized "Free State of Nueva Ecija", when the 7th Infantry Division arrived to build the city's defenses. Gacutan was among the men who was sent to Cabanatuan, and he was already a seasoned soldier, having taken part in various anti-partisan operations against the New People's Army, prior to EDSA Uno. Although both Gacutan and Urquhart rarely talked to each other when they first met, they couldn't keep their eyes off of each other. In fact, Urquhart was taking care of Gacutan's younger siblings, who joined his family in Nueva Ecija after fleeing from Cagayan Province, one of the northern provinces that fell to Marcos regime loyalists during the first few months of the civil war.
"I enjoyed babysitting little Maxie here when we were in the camp for displaced persons," Urquhart said as she and elder brother Gerald served us some tea while showing a picture of their children from their comfortable home in Brisbane. "This is Lawrence, or Larry as we call him. He is married to a local girl here and he is a football player." Next, they show us a picture of what appeared to be another young man. "This here, is Romeo. He's in Canada, playing baseball for the Vancouver Cedars in the North American Professional Baseball league."
When asked about the growing presence of the displaced persons, Urquhart sighed in sadness.
"Gerry here would often tell me of how bad these refugees looked when they arrived in Nueva Ecija. His mother had actually told me that her own siblings were taken away by Fabian Ver's men and shot in the woods when they refused to fight for the Marcos regime." Gerry hugs her tightly. "Kendra never stopped crying when the Tadiar regime revealed the fate of her murdered siblings."
The fragile alliance between the Aquino government and the Tadiar faction would eventually collapse in 1989, when Artemio Tadiar himself would seize power and force the only President of the declared Fifth Republic into exile. The rise of the Tadiar dictatorship would be marked by mass arrests, purges, and an abominable amount of human rights violations that exceeded even the previous Marcos dictatorship. Knowing that former Sergeant Gacutan would be among the soldiers that fought for the Aquino government that will be targeted for political purges by the Tadiar government, the Gacutan family would approach the Australian Embassy and ask for political asylum. However, the Australian ambassador at that time, John Holloway, had not received any instructions from the Australian government regarding a potential refugee flow from the Philippines, directly to Australia. Furthermore, Gerald was forcibly held back in the Philippines, while his mother and one younger sister were allowed to leave the Philippines. His brother Max would be conscripted into the Philippine Army, and both Gacutan brothers now chafed under the military dictator.
"I remember the moment when I felt relieved at being attached to the same Division as Gerry. We were sent to Mindanao to fight the remaining communist bands in the south, and indeed, we managed to defeat them," says Max Gacutan, who massages his knee, which still hurts to this day. "I was invalidated out of the military when I took a knee injury from a communist grenade. Luckily, the commanding officer had issued a medical discharge, and I managed to leave the military. Gerry on the other hand, took a lot longer to leave."
While both brothers were still stuck in the Philippines, mama Kendra Gacutan and what remained of her family had managed to settle in Australia, where they were hosted by Uruqhart's family in Perth, Western Australia. The Gacutans managed to fit in well into Australian society, but lingering discrimination has persisted against them, with one rude local spitting at them on one incident. Luckily, Urquhart's mother saw the incident and gave a harsh dressing down at the offender.
"My mum had this very loud voice whenever she would yell at someone. That's how she managed to keep us under control," Valerie laughed lightly as she shows us more albums of her family and pointed at an old photo of herself with her two younger brothers. "Tyler and Kyle are the naughty boys in the family, and she would often punish them more than she'd punish me."
When Valerie Urquhart returned to Australia from her volunteering mission in the Philippines, she was given a neutral reception, as no one had neither praised her, nor condemned her for going there. By the time she returned home from the Philippines, Valerie had decided to go back to school, where she would study medicine. Her experience in the Australian Defense Force as a medic had been a key factor in her career as a surgeon, and it was through her that she was able to get the Gacutans jobs in general labour. By the time Max Gacutan would arrive in Perth in 1992, he would end up working in a different neighbourhood of Perth. Yet, unlike Valerie, Gerald was still stuck as a soldier under Artemio Tadiar's dictatorship, until the fateful 1995 Chinese bombing campaign that destroyed much of the Philippines as a result of Tadiar's decision to help Vietnam defend its claim in the Spratlys. The sudden rise of unsavory figures like Nicanor Faeldon, Larry Gadon, and Elly Pamatong, along with the Kilusang Pambansang Soberanya's name change to the second incarnation of the Association for Service to the New Philippines, or the KALIBAPI. The revived KALIBAPI, of which the three men would share collective leadership, was the last straw for Sergeant Gacutan.
"My father, my three uncles, and my grandfathers fought the Japanese as a part of the United States Army Force in the Far East, and had been a part of a separate guerrilla unit that helped Captain Juan Pajota and the late Eduardo Joson with the American rescue of the POWs in Cabanatuan City," Gerald told us about the event that forced him to desert the Philippine military. "The fact that Tadiar was burned by Presidents Dukakis and Jackson didn't stop him from developing closer relations with Japan, and rehabilitating the Makapili. That alone infuriated me, because of our history with the Japanese."
Gacutan's path to desertion would begin, curiously enough, with his decision to leave the military base in Fort Magsaysay on February 22, 1996. After repeated failed attempts to get discharged from the military, Gacutan and three other soldiers who didn't want to remain in the military, snuck out of Fort Magsaysay. The trek to Laoag was extremely dangerous, as various Territorial Defense Guard units constantly patrolled the highways around the entirety of Luzon. Gacutan's decision to go through at night, and only sleep at daytime had saved the lives of the deserters, but once they reached Laoag, things became more dangerous.
"We were stunned to see a Japanese man at the docks. He was accompanied by several other Japanese, and once we noticed several tattoos on their arms, we realized that they were Yakuza," Gacutan recalled as he shows us the bullet wound in his shoulder. "I got this from an ambush when we traveled to Aparri and stole a small boat."
Their journey from Laoag to Aparri was more dangerous, as news of their AWOL had spread throughout the entire nation. Once military police and Territorial Defense Guard forces began to deploy in search of the deserters, Gacutan decided to paddle the boat. One of the other deserters, a certain Private Pedro Pereira, had to help Gacutan with the boat, while the remaining two deserters kept a lookout for the Coast Guard units that might be hunting for them. When Private Pereira suggested that they hide in the Batanes, Gacutan shot down the idea.
"I told my fellow deserters that there's a high chance that the Territorial Defense Guard will have a garrison at Batanes, but he insisted that we steal some weapons and supplies to survive," Gerald said. "In the end, we settled for the island of Itbayat to have a rest."
Their hopes of finding no one at Itbayat Island was soon dashed, when a Philippine Marine soldier spotted them, leading to the gunfight that caused Gerald to have the shoulder wound he nurses today.
"The Marine had a deadly shot, but my reflexes saved me most of the time," Gerald comments. "However, Private Pereira was instantly killed by a shot to the neck, and we didn't have time to retrieve his body. The other two deserters pleaded for me to let Pereira go, and to head back to the boat."
Unfortunately, the boat in which they came was soon seized by the arriving members of the Philippine Coast Guard and the Philippine Navy, which soon joined the hunt for the deserters. While they were on the run, Gerald would often look at the photo that he and Valerie took together when they were still fighting in the Civil War, as a way of encouraging him to move forward with his mission to flee from the Philippines.
"We found these logs that we used as floating devices to swim out of Itbayat Island, and we started to swim at night. I remember the lesson that my superiors told me about surviving at the sea, and that is not to drink sea water," Gerald said while looking at the window of his home. "The sea water makes you hallucinate when you're dehydrated, from what I heard. We continued to float at the sea, and would have been eaten by the sharks, if we weren't fished out by a civilian fishing vessel."
When the deserters were rescued by the crew of the civilian fishing vessel, they were nervous when they spotted what appeared to be Chinese characters. Fearing the worst, they knew that being under Chinese captivity would certainly result in their execution, as the Tadiar regime's self-imposed diplomatic isolation was the byproduct of their refusal to sign the peace treaty that would effectively cede their portion of the Spratly Islands to China. As Gerald was about to jump back into the ocean, three fishermen yelled for them to stop, before giving them their names. When they found out where the boat was going, they sighed enormously in relief and began to cry. Valerie vividly remembers the day her former comrade in arms was rescued.
"That time when Kendra told me that the Taiwanese fishermen had rescued the deserters, it was on the news. I remember the breaking news that said, 'Three Filipino Army Deserters Rescued by Taiwanese Fishermen'. One of the coworkers told me about the news the following day while giving me the copy of the West Australian, and my heart stopped when Gerald's name was mentioned."
However, the Third Taiwan Crisis would erupt just five days after Gerald was rescued. On May 17, 1997, the People's Republic of China has launched an artillery bombardment against the Taiwanese-held islands of Quemoy and Matsu, before sending in much of their navy, forcing the US Navy to deploy the 7th Fleet to counter them in the Taiwan Straits. The Kemp administration had apparently forgotten the ordeal of the three Filipino Army deserters, as they grew scared about what will happen to them.
"One of the surviving deserters told me that we could head straight to any embassy in Australia, but I told them that there's only a few countries that have diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Additionally, I mentioned that Japan is not a good place to go, as Prime Minister Hashimoto has honored Japan's request to extradite any Filipino that has fled to Japan while committing a crime back home. This also included desertion, which would have doomed us," says Gerald. "In addition, another deserter said that Singapore is not a good place to go, as the Singaporeans hate us for causing the problems between us and our own Chinese minority. Keep in mind that a large chunk of Singapore's population consisted of the Filipino Chinese that were forced to flee because of Tadiar's increasingly Sinophobic paranoia."
In the end, the Taiwanese fishermen agreed to take the deserters to Taipei, where they would be allowed to go to the Australian Commerce and Industry Office. By June 13, 1997, the three Filipino deserters reached Taipei and made their way to the Australian CIO, but booked a hotel that the fishermen had graciously paid for. A debt that would be repaid many years later, when Gerald would eventually get a job as a freight loader in Perth in 2003. Gerald smiles at the moment when the three deserters arrived at the ACIO.
"When we arrived at the ACIO, we felt nervous as we didn't look like the refugees that fled when Tadiar rose to power," Gerald explains. "There was a minor official who didn't know what to do, and we stood there for a while until the representative himself arrived to see what the fuss was going on. We explained to him our situation, before making the decision to apply for political asylum."
The representative gradually processed their application for political asylum, and told them to wait for two weeks before giving his answer. Two weeks had gone by, before they received their awaited answer.
"You could imagine the look on the representative's face when we received the news that the applications were accepted. We wept with joy as we were finally going to Australia to start a new life," Gerald chuckles as Valerie nodded. "Immediately, I phoned my mom to tell her the news. She was ecstatic, as was Valerie."
The news that Gerald was coming to Australia also surprised Valerie, who by now had thought of moving on from her brief encounter with her former comrade in arm, but grew happier at the thought of reuniting with him.
"I also cried, but with happiness as I explained to my family about Gerald's situation. They were happy for me, since they were annoyed whenever I would talk about him. Kendra and her children came over and began to chat about Gerald's impending arrival," says Valerie, who then showed us the photo of the Gacutan and Urquhart families posing together. "When Gerald arrived in Australia, he landed in the wrong city. Apparently he forgot to ask me where I lived, and assumed that I lived in Sydney. That was before Maxie went to Sydney and picked him up."
The reunion between Gerald and Valerie was nothing short of bittersweet, and within a few weeks, they started dating. In fact, Valerie advised Gerald on what he has to take in his post-secondary studies, as Gerald had never gone to university in the Philippines due to his enlistment in the army, prior to his desertion. Soon, the relationship would eventually end in a proposal.
"One night, we were camping at Yanchep National Park on the weekend. While we were sitting by the campfire, Gerald had gotten on his knees and proposed to me, which I accepted." Valerie kissed Gerald in the cheek. "Soon enough, the wedding occurred."
To this day, the marriage was strong for two former comrades in arms. Though both had some minor arguments, they never wavered in their marriage, as they were loyal to each other. Within a few years, Valerie would give birth to two sons and two daughters. Parenthood was a major challenge to them, like any other new parents journeying into that part of life. However, they never forgot the part of history that was turbulent as ever, but in the midst of political turmoil, they were able to forge a unique link that turned into love.
"You could say that we were lucky to have met each other. In another life, we would have met at another random place, or we would never have known each other at all," Valerie said as she placed the albums back on the shelf. "Historical events do have an effect on people's lives, and our love for each other is proof of that."
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Post by TheRomanSlayer on Aug 9, 2022 4:46:40 GMT
Well, the USS Enterprise will make an appearance in this update right now.
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CHAPTER TEN: THE FILIPINO CIVIL WAR PART FIVE
"The Filipino Civil War had exposed the glaring weaknesses of the Philippine military, in that their reliance on second hand weapons donated from the United States had resulted in its temporary decline as a middle power in SE Asia. Moreover, while their combat doctrine was heavily shaped by their close military ties to the US, ultimately the emerging Tadiar regime realized that it had to change its approach to how the AFP was organized. Starting in 1990, the Tadiar regime would approach another dictatorship in its quest to reform its armed forces: that of General Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship in Chile. It helped that Artemio Tadiar was willing to apologize to Pinochet regarding an embarrassing incident during Pinochet's failed trip to the Philippines, which paved the way for the entry of Chilean military officers into the Philippine Military Academy. The Chilean military reforms introduced to the Philippines placed a heavy emphasis on logistical support, as well as combat preparedness and cultivating a militaristic tradition. However, that tradition was not yet complete when the Chinese military aggression against both the Philippines and Vietnam occurred in 1995, resulting in both countries suffering from massive Chinese air raids. The Tadiar regime realized that it could not rely on foreign suppliers for its military needs, as the UN arms embargo was imposed on the Philippines back in 1990. Fearing that another Chinese military aggression was being prepared, the Tadiar regime had to develop their own defense industries. Starting in 1996, and continuing into 1997, the Tadiar regime would revisit the abandoned military projects launched by another dictatorship, that of Ferdinand Marcos. The Santa Barbara project, touted as the first attempt to create its own military weaponry, which in fact was wracked with several technical problem. To see the completion of that project, the Tadiar regime would approach the Kemp administration, through its CIA Corsair faction as the middle man, with an offer to give the blueprints for the Santa Barbara project, and in exchange, the US would assist in helping the Philippines develop its own defense industry. It was a win-win situation for both sides, as the US would slowly rely on the Philippines to build some of its weaponry, and in return, the Philippines could supply other American allies with weapons that are cheaper to buy than standard American weapons. However, the Philippine economy was also wracked by economic sanctions as well, meaning that crucial components in key military weaponry and equipment would not easily come to the Philippines. Thus, with the financial resources confiscated from the local Chinese minority who were subjected to Tadiar's expulsions following the infamous issuing of Order Proclamation No. 9276, which affected the more affluent Filipino Chinese families that can speak any Chinese dialect, the Tadiar regime would use the stolen wealth to invest in the development of its own defense industry. To expand on its innovations, the Tadiar regime would give more power and authority to various defense firms, such as Armscor, Government Arsenal, and supporting the establishment of a new defense firm later named Philippine Defense Firm. Armscor would be primarily known for its manufacture of infantry firearms, while Government Arsenal also produces infantry weapons and especially ammunition. The Philippine Defense Firm company would have the total monopoly on the production of military equipment, ranging from armored vehicles, to even small naval vessels. Unfortunately, while their economy was still struggling, the infant Philippine defense industry would also suffer from shortages of materials as well. Luckily, the eventual lifting of the arms embargo on the Philippines in 2001 would open the way for the Philippines to acquire a few military equipment from various foreign countries, which it would examine before coming up with its own alternative design. It was not until 2018 that the Philippines would host its own military expo that the world can now see the bold innovations of various Filipino weapons designers applied to military technology." From "TuranWatch", a popular VidLive channel publishing videos on geopolitics.
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AQUINO GOVERNMENT FORCES RETREAT TO PRESIDENT'S HOME PROVINCE OF TARLAC AS MARCOS REGIME LOYALISTS CONTINUE THEIR ADVANCE
Manila Times
August 14, 1986
(Tarlac City, TARLAC) - The weakened government forces have managed to successfully retreat to the President's home province of Tarlac while forces loyal to former President Marcos have continued their advance towards the National Capital Region. At the same time, American forces stationed at Camp O'Donnell were alerted to the possibility of their base being attacked by former regime loyalists, resulting in their increased level of alertness as American infantry units were being mobilized in the event of emergency. The retreat comes at a time when much of semi-renegade Brigadier General Marcelo Blando and the 7th Infantry Division had managed to defend much of the province of Nueva Ecija, before being forced to retreat from Nueva Ecija entirely, though the weakened 7th Infantry Division had opted to join the other renegade forces commanded by controversial officer, Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar. Although military aid had managed to reach the Aquino camp from Western nations seeking to help defend the re-established democratic Filipino state, some of those weapons fell into the hands of former regime loyalists, mainly through the surrender of Aquino government forces, who were subsequetly shipped off to makeshift POW camps in the Ilocos region.
"With the Tarlac River at our backs, the defense of my home province becomes more important in the war to defeat the Marcos regime," says Corazon Aquino, during a rally in EDSA, in front of her supporters. "The fight for our re-established democracy becomes more important and crucial every day as the Marcos regime loyalist forces are bearing down towards Manila."
In response to the inevitable battle that will take place in the provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan, the Aquino administration issued an evacuation order for all the civilians living in those provinces. Fearing the reprisals that will come from former Marcos loyalist forces, the civilians had started their exodus towards the capital, but logistical issues were raised when much of Manila's food supplies started to shrink. Much of the economic activity in the rest of the Philippines had stalled, as Bicol, Camarines Norte, and Camarines Sur, are cut off from the rest of Luzon, largely thanks to the New People's Army and their conquest of Quezon Province, which they proclaimed their pseudo-state called the Tayabas People's Republic. Already, the refugees fleeing from the pseudo-state have already reached Bicol and Batangas provinces, putting more pressure on the humanitarian crisis that threatened to break the Aquino administration apart. Furthermore, the growing incompetence of Filemon Lagman in his capacity as Minister of Labor had resulted in protests breaking out in other parts of Manila, most of them carried out by unemployed workers frustrated with the lack of jobs and lack of sufficient salaries.
"What do you want us to do then? The lack of resources meant that we can't even produce anything for ourselves!" says one unemployed worker who refused to give his name, for fear of retaliation from his employers. "We're also waiting for too long to get paid, and we still have to pay for our own food, and to pay for utilities!"
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COMMUNIST OFFENSIVE INTO BATANGAS RESULTS IN DISASTER AS ATTEMPTED PUSH TOWARDS THE TOWN OF TANGOB ENDS IN DEFEAT FOR NEW PEOPLE'S ARMY
Vancouver Sun
August 28, 1986
(Tangob, BATANGAS) - The Aquino government received shocking news of a surprising defeat of the New People's Army when they attempted to expand their war towards the province of Batangas. The offensive launched by the NPA had aimed at taking parts of the province of Batangas, but during the night, the communist guerrillas were ambushed by what appeared to be vigilantes. It was not until the following morning that the so-called 'vigilantes' that had carried out a successful night attack on the advancing communists had turned out to be former Philippine Constabulary soldiers that deserted their posts and were now fighting to simply defend the refugee camps that were established to house the displaced civilians fleeing from the pseudo-state. The deserters' motive for fleeing from their posts varied from a lack of payment for their services, to their declining morale in response to President Corazon Aquino's appointment of Filemon Lagman as Minister of Labor. The ambush, which took place at night, started with the deserters painting their faces with black paint, followed by putting on a bayong basket to cover their faces, but not before making two holes, indicating the eye slits, and wearing them. Initially, the New People's Army had advanced through a few farms and villages, before reaching the outskirts of Tangob, They were about to launch an attack, when they were fired upon by the deserters, who kept an eye on their movements as the communists advanced. By the time the ambush at Tangob was completed, most of the NPA soldiers lay dead.
"This victory at Tangob is a welcoming development for the Aquino administration in the Philippines, as it demonstrates that the communist rebels can be defeated at any given time," says US Vice President George H.W. Bush, when asked about the ongoing civil war in the Philippines. "Yet, we are disappointed with the continued weakening of the pro-democracy forces as two other factions are more focused on their own goals."
At the same time as the successful ambush at Tangob, the Aquino government forces had also reinforced the defenses around the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant. In addition, more troops from what is left of the Philippine Constabulary had been sent to reinforce the defenses of the Bataan Solar Power Plant, though these facilities are now within striking distance of the Marcos loyalist forces. It is yet to be seen if the Marcos loyalist forces will make a serious attempt at capturing these facilities, as the territories under the control of the Aquino government have started to endure power outages and decline in economic production, as a result of the issues relating to the power outages. Unfortunately, the United Nations had issued a stern warning to the Philippines, threatening it with potential penalties, should any amount of damage be inflicted on the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant. The fears of a nuclear meltdown due to man made damages remains strong, as the Philippines sits on the Ring of Fire. The fears of a nuclear disaster also comes after a narrow successful attempt at defusing another nuclear disaster in the recently decommissioned Soviet nuclear powerplant in Chernobyl, within the Ukrainian SSR. Additionally, the joint Soviet-Vietnamese fleet had also been keeping an eye out on the Bataan Nuclear Plant during their naval exercises. Both governments are prepared for a possible humanitarian intervention, should any damage to the Bataan Nuclear Plant result in a potential meltdown.
"Former President Marcos is insane to attack this facility if he is that desperate to win," says Colonel Gregorio Honasan, while addressing his fellow officers in a meeting with President Aquino. "The damage that would be sustained will be severe enough to render most of Luzon uninhabitable, should the deposed dictator attempt to attack the plant. Even Artemio Tadiar is smart enough to not launch an attack on the plant."
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Portions from the Interview With Former Philippine Air Force Colonel Antonio Sotelo
CTV Interview, April 3, 1991
Discussing the Southern Luzon Stalemate and Tadiar's Growing Reverses
Interviewer: I seem to recall that you've stated the main reason as to why Southern Luzon hardly saw any fighting, other than the attempts by the New People's Army to expand control of their portion of Southern Luzon was mainly due to the Aquino government forces' control of both the Bataan Nuclear and Solar Power Plants. Yet, that stalemate was broken when in October of 1986, in what the international community now called the Halloween Surprise, the forces of former President Ferdinand Marcos did launch an attempt to capture Bataan Province, in order to strangle the Philippine capital, as well as to launch an additional attempt to capture a small town in Cavite called Ternate. How did you respond to the news of former President Marcos's dangerous gambit?
Sotelo: Well, we feared the worst possible case scenario when news of Marcos's offensive broke out, but by then, his forces were suffering from a lack of ammunition for their weapons, and various guerrilla forces that are aligned with President Aquino have managed to make things worse for the pro-Marcos forces. However, former President Marcos responded with more insanity, by rounding up suspected rebels whom he had accused of 'treason' against his government and simply had them shot. You have to remember that while Marcos's forces were committing massacres against innocent civilians, the nature of that atrocity was tame, compared to the massacres committed against political opponents by troops commanded by Artemio Tadiar.
Interviewer: Luckily, the Bataan Nuclear Plant closed down its operations by the time the pro-Marcos forces arrived within the vicinity of the nuclear plant. However, the Aquino government forces were dealt a serious blow when Marcos's troops managed to capture the Bataan Solar Power Plant. It was more of the same problems that faced the pro-Marcos faction that had been inflicted on the Aquino government forces. Is that right?
Sotelo: Yes, and I would also add that the Tadiar forces also faced the same problem as well, only they were often under attack by other NPA cells in Iloilo province. It is for that same reason that Roxas City Airport became one of the few civilian airports in the Philippines that was heavily defended by any faction during the civil war. Even Manila-Pasay International Airport, which was originally going to be renamed to Ninoy Aquino International Airport, was heavily defended by the Aquino government forces, though that didn't last long either.
Interviewer: From September of 1986, until July of 1987, we're seeing a gradual shift in the tactics and strategies that all three sides have employed. The Marcos regime loyalist forces were now going to secure vital agricultural lands to starve out their opponents, as well as key infrastructure that would be of use to their enemies. On the other hand, the Aquino government forces maintained their strategy of defending those very same structures, as well as the Tadiar faction. In fact, the Tadiar-led forces were more concerned with the defense of key vital shipbuilding facilities, mainly due to the fact that they were commandeered by Brigadier General Tadiar to repair any damaged ships that are under their control. Did this have any effect on the overall conflict?
Sotelo: Yes, and no. I said yes to the gradual changing of the strategies, but the New People's Army had mostly concentrated on the rural settlements, because of their main preferred strategy of the Protracted People's War, as dictated by their Maoist ideology. However, the New People's Army had began to receive small amount of foreign left-wing mercenaries from North Korea, mainly North Korean special forces units. However, they were only there to help train and modernize the New People's Army, which explains why starting in October of 1987, the New People's Army was able to launch another offensive. This time, they went east, towards the Bicol region. I would also say no to why it didn't have any effect overall.
Interviewer: Please, tell us.
Sotelo: It didn't change their overall objective of ultimately winning the dominant position as the undisputed master of the Philippines, but all three sides had their strengths and weaknesses. The Marcos regime loyalists could count on the amount of weapons that they've captured from their POWs, but at the same time, their disadvantages began to get exposed when in September 8, 1987, the Aquino government forces reported that over 14 former Marcos loyalist troops had surrendered, while an additional 35 ex-Marcos loyalist forces had deserted. Their main reason was that supplies, mainly food, had dwindled, and General Ver was starting to meddle in the military operations, against the advice of his own junior officers. Meanwhile, the Aquino government's weakness lay with the growing political instabilit within her administration. It was bad enough that Filemon Lagman's appointment as the Minister of Labor had driven a few of her own officials into the arms of Artemio Tadiar, but the news of the Tangob Ambush and the role of her own Constabulary forces that had essentially deserted their post, people began to ask if she was truly qualified for her position. Both Ferdinand Marcos and Artemio Tadiar exploited that weakness ruthlessly. I would say that the only weakness of the Tadiar-aligned forces is that they're stretched out too thin. They could only spare so much Marines before the communists are able to pounce on their weakness. It was said that the Tadiar-aligned forces also suffered from declining morale, as a result of another New People's Army offensive, this time in Mindanao.
Interviewer: Yeah, I'm not surprised that Mindanao is also a major hotspot for the New People's Army, and in fact Mindanao has erupted into a kind of a civil war within a civil war, between the communists and the Moro National Liberation Front. While Nur Misuari didn't mind the New People's Army attempting to expand their control into other parts of Mindanao, he drew a line at the NPA attempt to extend their conquest to the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. In fact, the failed NPA incursion into the town of Datu Paglas in August of 1987 was the reason why Nur Misuari approached Artemio Tadiar with an offer of an alliance in exchange for military assistance from the Tadiar faction to the MNLF. How was the planned alliance between Artemio Tadiar and Nur Misuari extremely controversial?
Sotelo: It was extremely controversial in that Tadiar is negotiating with another rebel who was fighting against the Philippine government. However, Tadiar saw that he could not fight the Islamists and the communists at the same time as his war against former Marcos regime loyalists and potentially stabbing the Aquino administration in the back. The result of this was that Tadiar gradually paid attention to the causes of the Muslim rebellion in Mindanao and saw that he could find a way to integrate the ARMM into a new Philippine state. Nur Misuari on the other hand, saw the Tadiar faction as the group that is most likely in favor of an establishment of broader autonomy within a future federalized Philippine state. Yes, while today the Tadiar regime is becoming more brutal, Tadiar steadily paid attention to the development of the Philippines as a whole.
Interviewer: (pauses) There was one other thing that I wanted to bring up, but no one has yet mentioned this. During the Filipino Civil War, the USS Enterprise had made a port call to Subic Bay, and had at one point come across the joint Soviet-Vietnamese naval drills that were taking place. Did you fear that a potential external conflict would have broken out, had a single US reconaissance aircraft come under attack by the joint hostile fleets? It seems to me that the USS Enterprise's presence in the Philippines during the Filipino Civil War might have gone unnoticed, had it not detected the ongoing New People's Army offensives in Bicol and Surigao provinces.
Sotelo: When I was notified of the USS Enterprise's presence in Subic Bay, I was relieved that the Americans were going to at least show their support for President Aquino. Indeed, the crew and pilots of the USS Enterprise gave us crucial information that allowed us to retake bits of Quezon Province from the New People's Army. The captain of that ship wanted to help us bomb the New People's Army positions, but were explicitly ordered by President Reagan to not get involved. In hindsight, if President Reagan had allowed the US military to get involved in the civil war, it would have been over much quickly, and Artemio Tadiar would never have become the dictator. Because of his fear of President Aquino being reduced to another American puppet, and his belief that the Marcos regime loyalists would eventually collapse from their own contradictions, we now have Artemio Tadiar ruling over the Philippines.
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Portions from the Interview with Former Commander of the Krivak-class frigate Storozhevoy Russian Vice Admiral Viktor Chrikov
Central Broadcasting Network of Korea Interview*, August 8, 2016
Discussing the Perilous Close Encounter Between the Krivak-class Storozhevoy and the USS Enterprise (CVAN-65)
Interviewer: Mr. Chirkov, in your years as the commander of the infamous Storozhevoy, a Krivak-class frigate that was known for the failed 1975 mutiny that ended with the dishonorable discharge of several former Soviet Navy sailors that took part in the mutiny. In the aftermath of that failed mutiny, the Storozhevoy ended up in the Pacific Fleet, where it was eventually decomissioned and sold to Iran, where the Iranians had commissioned it as the IRIS Azadestan. You've mentioned in your memoirs that during the snap naval drill between the Soviet Pacific Fleet and the Vietnamese Navy in the same time period as the Filipino Civil War, your vessel came across the USS Enterprise, which was at the time, making its port calls in the Philippines. What was the reaction of the Soviet Pacific Fleet leadership to the presence of the American carrier?
Chirkov: (in Russian) Well, we were scared, for a good reason. The carrier that the Americans brought to the Philippines had the power to destroy at least two or three of our vessels, and we were only in Vietnam to help our Vietnamese comrades prepare for a potential humanitarian intervention in the Philippines, should the civil war there go out of control. You have to remember that around the same time as the Marcos regime loyalist offensive into Bataan Prefecture, in what is now the Caboloan Region, we managed to avoid a nuclear meltdown in the Ukrainian SSR. Our fears that some idiotic soldier would cause damage in the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant is the reason why the main focus of our naval drill was to simulate an evacuation of civilians from a damaged nuclear power plant. However, the Americans saw that as a cover for a military intervention in the Philippines, which we had no intention of doing, despite our government's proposal of deploying a peacekeeping force into the Philippines.
Interviewer: What was the American reaction to the presence of your vessel close to Philippine territorial waters?
Chirkov: (in Russian) Naturally, the commander of the USS Enterprise was adamant that we depart from Philippine waters, but we were perfectly away from said waters. They didn't believe us, until one of the Vietnamese Navy vessels spotted a battle somewhere close to the capital.
Interviewer: A naval battle? What was it?
Chirkov: (in Russian) I think it was a couple of Miguel Malvar-class vessels, but the Datu Tupas and Datu Marikudo were fighting on the pro-Marcos side, while the Samar, Sultan Kudarat and Leyte were fighting on the pro-Aquino side. We decided not to intervene, as the Vietnamese Navy leadership decided to keep an eye on the battle.
Interviewer: What did you think of the naval theater of the Filipino Civil War though?
Chirkov: (in Russian) Honestly, I think that the majority of the rank and file sailors sympathized more with the late dictator Artemio Tadiar, mostly because he was a naval infantry officer.
Interviewer: You mean, Marine Corps officer.
Chirkov: (in Russian) My apologies. I seem to have mixed up between the Russian Marines and Russian Naval Infantry.
Interviewer: Anyways, at one point did you decide to reach your American counterpart in the USS Enterprise?
Chirkov: (in Russian) It was when the American officer wanted to intervene in the civil war, but the American President Ronald Reagan did not want to take sides in the civil war. Unfortunately, by the time their mid-term elections came around, his government suffered from the loss of seats in their parliament. It took the death of one of the foreign volunteers to galvanize the domestic opposition to the Reagan presidency.
Interviewer: You are of course, speaking of the late Johnny Depp, who died under Marcos regime loyalist captivity.
Chirkov: (in Russian) That was his name? I didn't know. (pauses) The growing unpopularity of the Philippine government became more exposed, and even we started to see a few boats containing refugees that have sailed from the shores of western Luzon. It was then that I had to talk to that American officer again, insisting that they help take in the refugees aboard the carrier, so they could be ferried to other US bases in the Asia-Pacific region. Unfortunately, by the time the Americans got their act together, we found out that a Maoist militia called the New People's Army had essentially conquered the two Surigao provinces and had also extended their control into eastern Luzon that the Reagan administration decided to launch limited airstrikes.
Interviewer: So the American intervention between June of 1987 to September of 1987 had helped somewhat?
Chirkov: (in Russian) A little bit, but it had the effect of forcing the Aquino presidency to turn towards the late dictator's renegade faction for help. The airstrikes targeting the New People's Army had helped the Aquino government gorces retake more of their lost territories. As soon as the alliance between the Aquino presidency and the Tadiar faction was declared official, it proved to be the end for the Marcos regime loyalists. However, I managed to send a verbal message to that American officer.
Interviewer: What was that message?
Chirkov: (in Russian) I said to that officer, and I quote, "You'd better keep an eye on that general. He has the potential to be worse than his old boss, and if that fool manages to drag the entire world into a world war, the international community might have to put him down like a rabid dog." Suffice to say, that officer didn't like the tone I used, but he had no choice in the matter.
Interviewer: So how did the encounter between your vessel and the USS Enterprise ended?
Chirkov: (in Russian) It ended when we were given the order to return to Cam Ranh Bay. The USS Enterprise had returned to its base in Yokosuka Naval Base. However, we would not see that carrier again until the Second Russian Civil War, where the Pacific Fleet was mobilized to prevent a Chinese takeover of the Russian Far East, even though the fighting mainly took place in the western side of the former Soviet Union.
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*The Central Broadcasting Network of Korea is TTL's version of KBS, though representing a reunited Korea.
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