|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 10, 2022 4:29:49 GMT
PROLOGUE: WHAT HAS HAPPENED HERE SO FAR
Notes: This is going to be the second reboot of the original "Rogue Generals", mostly because there's a major revamping of the TL. Also, please read the end of the last update of the original version of the TL, regarding why I have to give this a reboot. If you're confused by some of the recycled and new content here, I would suggest that you read the original version, before reading this rebooted version.
--- INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY EYES FIRST PHILIPPINE ELECTION SINCE TADIAR COUP OF 1989 WITH TREPIDATION
Toronto Sun
April 24, 2010
  Philippine Presidential candidate Grace Poe addresses her supporters during a rally held by the One Nation Party (in Tagalog: Partidong Isang Bayan) in her hometown of Iloilo City.(Kabankalan, PHILIPPINES) - Facing a possibility of renewed international isolation and economic sanctions on the Philippines, the Council for National Sovereignty, a self-styled military junta, has agreed to supervise the country's first post-junta election since 1986 when former first dictator Ferdinand Marcos and his opponent and former President of the Canada-based Philippine government-in-exile Corazon Aquino claimed victory at the polls. Although the CNS has dismissed the calls to select one of their own military officers to stand in at the election for the candidacy of President a few months back, General Hector Tarrazona, the junta leader who succeeded Artemio Tadiar back in 2007, has suggested that the CNS collaborate with the incoming administration to ease the transition from a military junta to a new, democratic government. Moreover, Tarrazona had been one of the few former Reform the Armed Forces Movement members who sided with the late General Tadiar over his rival in Gregorio Honasan, but later distanced himself from his predecessor over the Philippine military's growing involvement with organized crime.
"We remain fearful of the military junta's threat of nullifying the electoral results, despite their insistence that not a single candidate from among the junta would stand in the election," says exiled activist Francisco Domagoso, during an interview with Sky News AU from his home in Brisbane, Australia. "In addition, I have to agree with Jesse Robredo that the Philippines is at war on multiple fronts: China, and itself, and these wars stemmed from the failed attempt at easing the transition from the Marcos dictatorship to the Aquino presidency, only to see it destroyed by Artemio Tadiar."
However, most of the Filipino exiles that dominate the diaspora are not optimistic about the upcoming election. In fact, former Aquino loyalists have clased with former Marcos supporters in nations that have a large Filipino population, but Canada and the United States have seen one of the biggest political violence among the Filipino diasporas when both factions had to clash with a vocal group of Artemio Tadiar supporters and their allies in the anti-leftist movement.
"My mother had been a prominent activist in the Philippines during the last stages of the Marcos dictatorship while working overseas in Bahrain, but she could not return to the Philippines in 1989 because of Artemio Tadiar," says Lorenzo Pagaduan from his home in Vancouver. "Thanks to his coup, my parents had to flee first to Yugoslavia, and then the Netherlands, before coming to Canada."
Not willing to take any chances with any potential outbreak of violence among the diasporas, the governments of those Western nations that hosted the Filipino exiles ordered all municipal police officers to set up cordons to separate the groups from each other. At the same time, riot control personnel were also deployed to prevent the groups from fighting each other. The result was that the rallies in favor of their respective figures were largely peaceful, and there were even interactions between the protesters and the onlookers who were curious about the rallies. Back in the Philippines though, the junta has imposed a dusk to dawn curfew to stop various political factions from engaging in open violence against one another. Checkpoints could be seen with members of the Philippine National Police, the National Volunteer Guard (a successor to the Philippine Constabulary) and the Prefectural Defense Battalions checking various vehicles for identifications of the drivers.
"We want to ensure that there will be minimal violence in this important period," says General Tarrazona, during the live broadcast in front of Kabankalan's National Assembly Building, where the Bayanihan's tricameral legislature houses often meet. "The international community is counting on us to move on from the dark years of my predecessor's dictatorship, which was marred by rampant crime."
--- JAPAN FORMALLY REVISES CONSTITUTION, LEGITIMIZING JSDF IN RESPONSE TO KOREA'S ADMISSION INTO ESTO, VOWS TO EXPAND ITS MILITARY TO PRE-WWII STRENGTH
Sydney Herald
March 21, 2012
 Two Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force vessels engage in patrols around the southern coast of Kyushu. The legitimization of the Japan Self-Defense Forces would have a massive repercussion on the international arena, as Japan would once again be allowed to have an official standing military.(Tokyo, JAPAN) - The Japanese Diet's decision to revise its constitution in order to legitimize the existence of its Self-Defense Forces had been approved through a referendum held just a week prior to the Eurasian Security Treaty Organization's announcement of the Korean Federal Republic's admission into said military alliance. The current Japanese constitution, prior to the Military Status referendum held back in March 14, 2012, had included Article 9, which forbids the establishment of a Japanese military and renounces the use of military force to settle its disputes with its neighbors. In addition, Prime Minister Shintaro Ishihara has also consulted with US President John Edwards on the possible creation of an Asia-Pacific-centric military alliance that would act in a similar manner to its North Atlantic counterpart in NATO, only it would consist of various Asian and Pacific nations that still harbor hostile relations with China. However, the Edwards administration had issued a mild warning to its Japanese counterpart regarding the resurgence of Japanese militarism in the face of Russian and Chinese aggression.
"We are watching with grave concern regarding Prime Minister Ishihara's desire to reassert Japan's role in international affair through the re-establishment of its military might," says President Edwards during a press conference in Cleveland, Ohio, while visiting the Cadillac Motor Company plant where the latest Sheridan model is being produced, called the M551A3 Sheridan III. "Yet, I could not fault him for wanting to see Japan defend itself, while having to deal with a brutal Chinese dictatorship known for its naked aggression against its neighbors in the wider Asia-Pacific region."
Japan's desire to legitimize the JSDF has garnered harsh criticism and outrage from various Asian countries that it once occupied during the Second World War, especially China and the Korean Federal Republic, which saw the Ishihara government as a revanchist regime that aims to restore its former glory. In fact, it was precisely Prime Minister Ishihara's declaration of his intention to legitimize the Japanese Self-Defense Force's status back in 2007 that led to Korean President Huh Kyoung-young's decision to formally apply for membership within the Eurasian Security Treaty Organization. Originally consisted of its founding members: the Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan (the three core members of the supranational organization, the Eurasian Union State), China, Mongolia, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, since its foundation in 2004, the Eurasian Security Treaty Organization had sought to function in a similar manner to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Georgia would eventually join in 2009, followed by Armenia and Azerbaijan in 2010 after a Russian-brokered border demarcation had settled the status of the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, Korea's recent admission into ESTO is an indication of its growing hostility towards the United States and its allies, namely Japan, Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Since then, the Japanese government and most of the Japanese public had now clamored to repeal Article 9 of its constitution, in order to authorize the potential deployment of the JSDF personnel overseas for the first time since the end of WWII.
"The time for Japan's era of self-loathing and self-imposed shame has come to an end," says Prime Minister Ishihara, while addressing the JGSDF soldiers during a parade just a few weeks ago. "We cannot allow ourselves to be shackled to this post-war guilt that the Americans had imposed on us any longer."
--- "The post-junta era was marked by the gradual expatriation of the Filipino diaspora from their self-imposed exiles overseas. Originally facilitated by the outgoing junta leader in General Hector Tarrazona, and continued by President Grace Poe, the Great Expatriation had involved a great deal of logistics involved. In cooperation with the countries that hosted the Filipino political exiles, the Poe administration, and its later successor in the Loren Legarda administration, had played a vital role in re-integrating the exiles back into Filipino society through a combination of re-certification of the skills they've obtained overseas. Much of the skilled workers who lived overseas during the Tadiar regime were valued for their experience, and much of the local workforce in the Philippines had benefited from the expatriates' experience working with various multinational corporations. Yet, the Philippine economy had continued to suffer from years of mismanagement as a result of the Tadiar regime's confiscation of wealth and property formerly owned by the local Filipino Chinese community, and used that amount of wealth to fund their military expansion. In addition, the Tadiar regime's reorientation of the Philippine economy from service based to massive industrial and infrastructure based economy had been done with a military viewpoint in mind, often using political dissidents as slave labor for various infrastructure projects and using what's left of their stolen wealth on vital industrial projects, such as the burgeoning defense industry. The rise of General Hector Tarrazona as Tadiar's successor in 2007, following Artemio Tadiar's death by a brain aneurysm, had been a key factor in the transition from a military dictatorship to a functioning democracy, although much of the junior military officers that held posts throughout the Tadiar dictatorship had favored the system that liberal critics called 'sovereign democracy' and 'constitutional authoritarianism'. Both Tarrazona and his eventual successor in President Grace Poe had collaborated on undertaking this huge project of expatriating the Filipino political exile population overseas, and they were successful to a certain degree that the departure of the Filipino exiles from their temporary homelands had resulted in a gradual labor shortage in those nations. The United States and especially Australia, had lost around 8% of their national workforce, which consisted of Filipino exiles. At the same time, much of the economies of the US, Canada, Australia, and the ECA as a whole, had slightly suffered from the departure of those Filipino exiles that lived there." From "The Rebirth of a Democratic Philippines", by Sky News AU Documentaries.
--- OpEd: The Controversial Legacy of the Tadiar Dictatorship
by: Tessa Pacino
Unang Hirip
When looking at the years of the Tadiar dictatorship from 1989 to 2007, one could easily say that it was worse than the Marcos dictatorship. To an extent, this is true. However, I would disagree. It was far worse than when Marcos was in power. Why do I say this? The Tadiar dictatorship was worse than his predecessor (who also happened to be his Commander-in-Chief, BTW) in a way that had ripple effects on the entire world. The Tadiar regime had not only managed to get dragged into a shooting war with China, but had seen much of its lands subjected to a massive Chinese aerial bombardment, followed by a worsening humanitarian crisis. The Tadiar regime had never signed a peace deal that confirmed the loss of Scarborough Shoal to China, and as a result, both the Philippines and China were in a state of war that was never resolved. Tadiar would use the Philippines' diplomatic isolation to his advantage, much to the horror of the world, when he organized one of the worst acts of terrorism in the modern age. We know it well by the 1998 Shanghai Oriental Pearl and Radio Tower attack, when a China Eastern Airline aircraft was hijacked by various mercenaries tied to the Tadiar regime, and deliberately crashed it into the tower, killing over 3,000 civilians in Shanghai. While the UN had imposed an arms embargo on the Philippines in 1990, it was gradually ignored by 1996 when it became clear that China was vetoing any attempt to lift the arms embargo, with its intentions clear. It was at that time that the Kemp administration had found itself becoming entangled with the Tadiar regime, in addition to its other allies that were also considered dictatorships: General Mario Chaparro's Mexico, and General Alvaro Corbalan's Chile.
Another controversial legacy that came out of the Tadiar years was the increase in Sinophobia among the Filipino public, which only made it worse by the conflict between China and the Philippines. Even before the conflict between the two nations, relations between actual Filipinos and the Chinese minority had been shaky at best. True, there were times when the relations between the two peoples were cordial, but most of the time both groups had distrusted one another. Indeed, the Tadiar regime's disenfranchisement of the Chinese minority had been condemned by the international community, but he didn't care. It was only thanks to Artemio Tadiar himself that the Japanese were being welcomed back to the Philippines with open arms. It was not surprising; approximately 86% of the humanitarian volunteers that arrived in the Philippines to help out with the displaced persons came from Japan, and many of them eventually applied for permanent residency, which enabled them to acquire Philippine citizenship. The Philippines under Tadiar would also emerge as a safe haven for Japan's marginalized social groups, such as the burakumin and the youths that used to be hikikomori. In addition, Hiroo Onoda would spend the last years of his life in Lubang Island, often making amends to the villagers that he once terrorized by sharing his prized crossbred carabaos with them. The large presence of Japanese immigrant medical workers had been the source of our anger towards the Tadiar regime, which was often tied with anti-Japanese demonstrations.
What could we learn from the controversial legacy of the Tadiar regime? For one, the Tadiar regime looked more to Tokyo than Washington, and various pro-Japanese collaborators were rehabilitated under the watchful eye of Tadiar himself. The Tadiar-era estelada flag of the Philippines eventually became the symbol of the Tadiar loyalists, and it's also used, ironically enough, by Western far-right organizations in protests against the Filipino exiled population. In addition to the Tadiar regime's quasi-Japanophilic tendencies, Tadiar and his successor Hector Tarrazona had also worked to reverse the decline of the usage in the Spanish language by hiring teachers from Latin America and Spain. They called it the reversal of the 'benevolent assimilation' policy that the Americans had imposed on the Philippines, by reviving the glories of the old Spanish colonial period. Were they guided by simple anti-Americanism, or something more? It's no wonder that when China wanted to launch an invasion of the Philippines, they cited de-colonization and de-Westernization as the main goals, with the sole intention of fully annexing the Philippines into China, or at the very least, to install a pro-Chinese puppet regime. While we can make no excuses for what the Tadiar and Tarrazona regimes have done, we can at least acknowledge that their efforts at addressing the issues facing the Philippines since the fall of the Marcos regime had borne fruit. The tricameral legislature introduced by the Tadiar regime had been a bureaucratic nightmare, but it served a useful purpose in frustrating China's efforts at formalizing a peace deal with the Philippines. Tricameralism also gave birth to Philippine Federalism, which allowed the Prefectures to acquire more powers for themselves, while simultaneously balancing the interests of the three assemblies. Charter change was achieved, though at the cost of how many millions of dead Filipinos, we do not know yet.
|
|
|
|
Post by kyuzoaoi on May 11, 2022 14:28:44 GMT
Would we get a different POD this time?
|
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 11, 2022 14:38:00 GMT
Would we get a different POD this time? The PoD would be the same, although the major change in this one will be an earlier death of Tadiar from 2019 (originally planned in the first version) to 2007, and it would be from brain aneurysm. However, another scenario that may play out is the effects on the world from Japan repealing Article 9 of its constitution. |
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609 
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on May 11, 2022 19:15:17 GMT
Subbed! This looks even promising than the first. I do hope we still get those conspiracies such as the Tadiar connection to the cartels, the Yakuza, Yamashita's treasure, and the Tallano Gold.
|
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 11, 2022 22:51:53 GMT
Subbed! This looks even promising than the first. I do hope we still get those conspiracies such as the Tadiar connection to the cartels, the Yakuza, Yamashita's treasure, and the Tallano Gold. Not sure what the Tallano gold is all about, but I may end up covering more cringe worthy pop cultures to deconstruct. |
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on May 12, 2022 12:59:20 GMT
Subbed! This looks even promising than the first. I do hope we still get those conspiracies such as the Tadiar connection to the cartels, the Yakuza, Yamashita's treasure, and the Tallano Gold. Not sure what the Tallano gold is all about, but I may end up covering more cringe worthy pop cultures to deconstruct. The Tallano is gold is just another myth about the Marcos ill-gotten wealth. It allegedly dates back to the Spanish Empire. One of the conspiracy theories on how the Marcoses became rich along with the Golden Lily. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tallano_gold |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 13, 2022 5:19:48 GMT
Not sure what the Tallano gold is all about, but I may end up covering more cringe worthy pop cultures to deconstruct. The Tallano is gold is just another myth about the Marcos ill-gotten wealth. It allegedly dates back to the Spanish Empire. One of the conspiracy theories on how the Marcoses became rich along with the Golden Lily. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tallano_goldI think that the Tallano gold would have been debunked already. All Tadiar has to do is to display Imelda's shoe collection, and then donate them to the poor. Anyways, this is the next update. Keep in mind that some passages from the original version will pop up here, but with a few expanded updates, especially the ones on Alex Jones, whom I will keep him as a mellowed guy in this reboot. Linda Tripp becomes the conspiracy nut ITTL. --- CHAPTER ONE: THE FRIGHTENING SITUATION
PROTESTERS CONTINUE TO GATHER ON THE STREETS AS MARCOS ORDERS DEPLOYMENT OF TROOPS TO QUELL POTENTIAL RIOTS
The Vancouver Sun
February 22, 1986
 Two Roman Catholic nuns stand in prayer as a Philippine Marine infantryman stand guard to prevent the protesters from going out of control.(Manila, PHILIPPINES) - Protesters infuriated with the contested results of the snap election held by the incumbent dictator Ferdinand Marcos have gathered at a popular street in the Philippine capital of Manila. Incensed by alarming detections of voter irregularity, as well as allegations of ballot stuffing and voter intimidation, many of these protesters have joined various longtime anti-Marcos regime activists in voicing out their displeasure in front of troops deployed on Marcos's orders. Tensions have also risen within the military over the President's order for deployment on the streets of the Philippine capital as his support have started to decline, while popular support for the relatively unknown candidate in the late Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino's wife and widow, Corazon Aquino, have grown steadily.
"We've waited for years now to get rid of the dictator, but he has shown repeatedly that he refuses to relinquish his power!" one of the protesters shouted in front of regime loyalists, while enduring insults and death threats aimed at him. "If he will not step down, we will launch an uprising to eject him from Malacanang Palace!"
Sensing the decline in embattled President Marcos's health and power, various left-wing activists have also joined in the protests on the opposition's side. The current chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose Maria Sison, have applauded the protesters' move to demonstrate the tainted electoral results in front of EDSA (the name of the street that the protesters have gathered in), even as the terrorist arm of the CPP, the New People's Army, have increased raids on Philippine military outposts throughout the country. To make matters worse, Muslim secessionists, long time opponents of the Marcos regime, have also started to expand their activities in the region of Mindanao as well.
"The time for the fascist dictator has come to pass. We now have a chance to take back our country from the puppet of the Americans, which we will not hesitate to complete," Sison said over a televised broadcast made in a remote jungle on the island of Leyte. "We shall resume our Protracted People's War against the fascists and reactionaries that have oppressed the working classes and peasants of our nation."
However, a battalion of Philippine Marine Corps soldiers have been deployed alongside the Philippine Army, on the streets of Manila. However, unlike the Philippine Army, which is divided between pro-regime and pro-opposition factions, the Philippine Marine Corps have remained staunchly loyal to the Marcos regime. An colonel by the name of Artemio Tadiar has led a detachment of the Philippine Marines towards Ortigas Avenue, with the sole intention to pacify the crowd upon Marcos's orders, while official reports of a failed coup have been confirmed, with Majors Saulito Aromin and Edgardo Doromal being among the arrested coup plotters.
--- Portions from the Interview with Former Philippine Air Force Colonel Antonio Sotelo
CTV Interview, April 3, 1991
Discussing the Prelude to the Ortigas Avenue Massacre
Interviewer: When the so-called People Power Revolution had been launched, your squadron was among the units of the Philippine Air Force that was ordered to suppress the growing demonstration, but upon reaching the civilians, you instead ordered your troops to land. It was already clear that your unit has defected to the opposition. Is that correct?
Sotelo: Yes, and we left Sangley Point in order to reach Camp Crame, but by that time, we've already defected. We were in fact, emboldened by the failure of Majors Aromin and Doromal to launch a coup against President Marcos.
Interviewer: All right. (pauses) Can you also confirm of the allegations of vote rigging made by both sides? It seems that the snap election was by far one of the dirtiest election campaign in the history of the Philippines, prior to Artemio Tadiar's seizure of power and the establishment of his dictatorship.
Sotelo: I'm not sure if the rumors were true, but I wouldn't be surprised if it was true. There were a few people who profited from the Marcos dictatorship, and the corruption had gone out of control. Yes, the world knew of the disturbing collection of shoes that the late Former First Lady Imelda Marcos had, but the various oligarchs that profited from Marcos's patronage were among the first victims of Tadiar's brutal purges.
Interviewer: OK. Can you also tell me what happened on the streets of what was the name....Ortigas Avenue? (Sotelo nods)
Sotelo: I could not describe it with my own words, long after it had occurred. To be honest, the majority of the entire nation was fed up with President Marcos and wanted change. The late Ninoy Aquino's widow Cory had the courage and integrity to run for political office, and her husband's assassination was the primary motivation to do so. However, it was tragic that we never got to see what her Presidency would be like. If Colonel Tadiar had managed to retain control of his troops and not lose control, we would not experience the catastrophe that we are experiencing today.
--- Excerpts from “A Nation in Mourning: My Life Through Two Dictatorships”
By: Arturo Tolentino
Atlas Publishing, published 2002
Chapter Seven: Out of Control
When I heard from President Marcos that a battalion of Marines had been deployed into EDSA, I was relieved that they were going to be able to keep the protesters from going out of control. Although I did not know who was leading the Marines at that time, I was somewhat glad that we were going to get through this crisis with our administration intact. By the time I arrived at Malacanang, several guards had frisked me before I was escorted into the President's office. I spotted Macoy on the telephone while he was giving out instructions to the rest of the military while several bodyguards stood aside.
“Mr. President, how goes the pacification?” I asked after Macoy hung up on the phone.
“It will go well, as long as my soldiers obey my command to not fire on the protesters,” Macoy replied confidently. While I agreed with his statement, there are some hotheads or fresh recruits who completed their basic training not a while ago who might panic at the sight of the civilians. “They will understand that I’m being merciful towards them.”
“And what will happen if they don’t disperse? This is even bigger than the Plaza Miranda bombing that the communists are responsible for,” I spoke frightfully.
Macoy scoffed. “Are you afraid, Arturo? Do you think that our troops will not be able to control their emotions while dealing with such rabble? How will that shriveled up housewife defeat me? I told General Ver that my order is not to attack, but to disperse the crowd peacefully.”
Suddenly, the phone rang again. Macoy grabbed it as soon as he can. I stayed behind to see and hear if the protesters had dispersed. What I saw next will haunt me, for Macoy’s facial expression rapidly turned dark.
“What did I just tell you, General Ver?" Macoy shouted angrily, shaking at the news that he heard from Fabian Ver, who was on the other side of the phone.
"Apparently three Marine Corps soldiers had panicked when the protesters approached us. I'm not sure if that soldier was nervous, or frustrated," said General Ver from the other line. "He thought that the protesters were going to take his gun away, and he fired by accident. I could hear the screams from the protesters though."
"Tell me who that moron is, and I’ll make sure he gets court martialed-" I froze as I can faintly hear more gunfire in the background. It was because of one frightened soldier that our situation has worsened. God can only help us now if the fallout increases.
By the time Macoy hung up the phone, several guards had entered the room while I was safely escorted out of the President's office. The massacre that occurred a few minutes ago was something that I constantly had nightmares with ever since, but I also feared that Macoy's health wouldn't survive because of what happened. It's bad enough that his health is already failing, but the incident that occurred might be the final nail in his regime, or worse, his own life.
--- Excerpts from Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation Coverage of the EDSA Revolution
February 22, 1986
(We see TV reporter Vilma Pascual on the ground, and Oliver Kidlat)
Pascual: We see the protesters just simply standing there on the streets of EDSA and Ortigas Avenue while the nuns there are leading the prayer. Just across from where the protesters are standing are the soldiers of the Philippine Marines, who are simply standing there and keeping the peace to make sure that things do not go out of control. Oliver, what is the situation back in the Palace?
Oliver Kidlat: (from Malacanang) President Marcos is still waiting for the election results that is still contested, and multiple reports of voter fraud have been confirmed. I can also see the officers and the remaining soldiers from both the Army and Marines guarding the Palace. It is on a de facto lockdown down there. Any changes down there?
Pascual: (pauses) No changes so far…… (sees protesters walking with nuns giving out rosaries to the soldiers) Hold on, we are seeing the nuns trying to calm the soldiers down and I see one of the nuns trying to talk to- (gunfire erupts) Oh, my God! What we just saw now is that a nun was shot in the chest. The soldier who fired his rifle was clearly shaking, and the protesters are now converging upon the outnumbered marines and- (more gunfire) Jesus!What we are now seeing is a panic leading to a massacre! The nuns who tried to pacify the soldiers are down on the ground. They are clearly dead, as we can see by the bullet holes in their chest and in their head. (Pauses) Hold on, we are getting another response.
(Scene turns to a reporter from GMA as he tries to flee from the carnage caused by another section of the Marines)
GMA Reporter: To my colleague at Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation, please save this footage! The Marines have gone out of control! They are getting agitated by more of the protesters and are starting to fire back!
Pascual: (makes the sign of the cross) God help us. God help the Philippines, for this will not end well. (hears another gunshot) That was a warning shot! One of the officers is shouting to the protesters that they should disperse, or he will order his troops to shoot at them, intentionally this time.
--- "The troops under my command had been in shock when we arrived at Ortigas Avenue, hours after Artemio Tadiar's Marines had opened fire on the civilian protesters. There was much blood everywhere, and some of the nuns were crying because one of them was shot by the soldier who panicked. The thing is, the dead nun was holding a bloodied rosary. That was the image that I could not get it out of my head. Overall, there were more than 30 people who died in Ortigas Avenue, but another officer told me that it was actually over 66 people that died. 30 people were shot, and an additional 33 people were trampled to death when they were trying to run away from the warning shots that the other Marine Corps troops had fired. By the time Tadiar himself arrived at Ortigas Avenue, he and I were engaged in a shouting match that only ended when he aimed his service pistol at me. But to think that he would eventually become the second dictator after we've gone through the first dictator in Marcos, what am I supposed to think? I did not regret for a moment that I fought in the Filipino Civil War on the side of the rightful President in Corazon Aquino, but even she could not stop Tadiar, especially when he won the loyalty of the arrested coup plotters in Aromin and Doromal. Heck, I also followed President Aquino into exile in Canada, but could not organize a military unit that had ties to the government-in-exile." General Alexander Yano, while testifying in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission on the Tadiar Junta.
--- Excerpts from “Alex Jones: A Man Wrapped in an Enigma”
By: Issac Feldman
University of California Berkley Publishing Press
Chapter Two: The Fateful First Meeting
Though I have not heard much about Alex Jones’s life when he was a teenager, he mostly kept to himself throughout high school, but he did play varsity football at Anderson High School until 1993 when he graduated and went into Austin Community College. I was one of his classmates at college since we both took two history courses together, as well as one course on English literature. Most of the people at Austin Community College did not really interact with Jones that much, although he did contemplate on dropping out at one point after having failed another English exam, but I convinced him not to drop out. I even helped him study throughout his college years, which he greatly appreciated. In return, he would often invite me to play some football with him on the field. However, the one thing that kept our friendship on a knife’s edge was the book he would obsess over, which was called ‘None Dared Called It Conspiracy’. I was nervous after reading its contents, mainly because of some hidden anti-Semitic undertones here. However, Alex did not really display any kind of racial hatred towards non-whites, as evident by his willingness to talk to a few African American students who studied at our college.
Eventually he became more interested in politics as our college years progressed, and he even joined the local chapter of ‘The American Cause’ hosted by the notorious paleoconservative Patrick Buchanan, rising to become one of the activists at some point. I was initially neutral in politics until a couple of left-wing students started causing trouble at the college campus. Having been raised as an Orthodox Jew, I was not really interested in the whole progressive garbage they were spewing, but Alex saw potential in me when I helped him write some speeches for the American Cause. By 1994, I also joined the American Cause as well. One of the things that helped us both propel into student politics and later, American politics was the situation in the Philippines. The junta, as Alex calls it, was the subject of his constant rants on the radio. Pat Buchanan himself was impressed by how Alex conducted himself with his talks on the radio that he even hired him as an unpaid intern with the American Cause, but Alex also insisted that Buchanan hire me as an unpaid intern as well. I was surprised because I was just getting into politics myself.
Alex’s speeches continued to improve throughout the rest of our college years, while I did give out some speeches myself on the side. The topics he would often talk about are the Filipino junta (which he claimed, was some sort of a deep state where the military controls everything in the shadows and a puppet leader would be its front man), the economy, banking system, and the government itself. He even envisioned himself as America’s savior, cleaning the government of so-called secret society infiltrators and collaborators. It was then that I began to slowly distance myself from him, but I was not jealous at Alex’s growing popularity with the rest of the college population. I was still his friend long after we both graduated, but by then I had an eye on becoming a corporate lawyer while Alex had his eye on becoming a politician. I told him that he was too young to become a politician and that he had to wait until he was 35 or older to officially run for political office. Thus, Alex would work for the American Cause throughout the rest of the 1990s until the 21st century when he officially joined the Libertarian Party and slowly worked his way up into the top ranks, not achieving anything until 2012 when he first campaigned for a seat as a candidate for the House of Representatives in his Austin electoral district. That had been a major challenge for us, since the Libertarians were up against the Republicans, Democrats, and the odd ball fringe politicians belonging to James Traficant's far-right National Revival Party.--- VATICAN CANONIZES 'ORTIGAS SIXTY-SIX' MARTYRS DURING EPIPHANY SERVICE, CALLS FOR FILIPINO CHRISTIANS BELONGING TO OPUS DEI-BACKED PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENT TRADITIONALIST CATHOLIC CHURCH TO RE-ENTER COMMUNION WITH PAPACY
Boston Globe
January 6, 2014
 Pope Clement XV holds a communion bread during an Epiphany Holy Mass in the Vatican.(Vatican City) - Pope Clement XV, whose real name is Dom Odilo Pedro Scherer, had announced the canonization of the sixty-six people that died during the Ortigas Avenue Massacre as a part of the EDSA People Power Revolution that brought the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos to an end. In a special Epiphany service, Clement XV had also warned the parishioners against the toxic influence of certain extreme elements of the Catholic Church, namely Opus Dei, the Sedevacantists, and even the Society of Saint Pius X, that have not only been influential in the development of the Philippine Independent Traditionalist Catholic Church, which is considered a heretical group by the Papacy, but called for all Filipino Catholic adherents of the breakaway church to rejoin the Papal-controlled Roman Catholic Church. The PITCC, which was formed by Filipino Catholic clergymen that supported the Artemio Tadiar dictatorship, had become a refuge for disgraced priests and other clergymen whose vocal opposition to the Second Vatican Council had led to their expulsion. "We continue to pray for the Philippines to rejoin the mother Church, even as its rebellious offspring continue to dabble with certain heresies that do not have a place in the modern era," says Pope Clement XV. "Opus Dei is known to have been a major backer of not only the Tadiar military dictatorship, but that of the Mexican and Chilean military dictatorships of Mario Chaparro and Alvaro Corbalan, respectively."The Ortigas Sixty-Six, a motley collective consisting of sixty-six civilians who were shot dead by the late General Tadiar's Marine Corps soldiers along Ortigas Avenue, had also included two Catholic nuns, whose photo of their deaths had become the symbol of the EDSA People Power Revolution, although the significance of the photo was not picked up, until Tadiar's rise to power and the establishment of his dictatorship, which surpassed his former boss's dictatorship in terms of the number of victims that were tortured and murdered. In addition, the main organizer of the canonization of the Ortigas Sixty-Six was Cardinal Antonio Tagle, who was exiled from the Philippines during the early years of the Tadiar dictatorship, and had been a symbol of religious opposition to the Tadiar regime. However, the canonization of the Ortigas Sixty-Six had not gone well in the Philippines today, which struggles to move on forward from the eras of two dictatorships. Indeed, the Church of Christ, of which Felix Manalo was its founder, had denounced the move as an attempt to turn the victims of the Ortigas Avenue Massacre into mythical heroes. In addition, various Protestant factions within the Philippines had also protested the Vatican's move to canonize the Ortigas Sixty-Six as another Catholic stunt that would turn the victims into idols of worship."We are well aware of the Catholic Church's attempts to regain much of its influence in the Philippines since Tadiar had imposed his diplomatic isolation on the country, and to be honest, it is alarming," says Reverend Miguel Abayan, who leads a local Philippine Baptist Church in the town of Aguisan, several kilometers northeast of the new capital city of Kabankalan. "Yet, at the same time, Tadiar had cleverly used his alliance with the more extreme elements of the Catholic Church to break the power of the Papacy over the country, as well as allowed more Protestant missionaries to conduct their work in the Philippines under his hands-off approach to religion." |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 17, 2022 5:21:31 GMT
CHAPTER TWO: TROUBLE COMES AROUND THE CORNER
Excerpts from "A House Built on Corroded Stone: From Gorbachev to the Civil War"
by: Anatoly Lukyanov
Molodaya Gvardiya, published 2010
Chapter Two: A Simple Solution, Yet Difficult to Understand
To anyone who was listening to one of Comrade Gorbachev's speeches, it was rather dull. Almost to the point of boredom, when no one else bothered to listen, except for those few souls that were eager to be assigned a position within the Soviet government. Not only was I not interested in what Comrade Gorbachev was saying, but I wanted him to get to the most important part of the 27th Congress of the CPSU: the costly war that our forces are fighting in Afghanistan. Not only were the bodies of dead Red Army soldiers continued to return back to the Motherland from that hellhole we helped create, but there wasn't any progress with the fight against the Mujahideen. Only a few officers within the Red Army leadership knew that the Mujahideen are receiving aid from the Americans. It made sense, since we helped the Viet Cong during their struggle against the American military, and President Reagan is retaliating against us by doing the same thing. Don't get me wrong: I don't mind Comrade Gorbachev, but some of the things that he spoke of, such as proposed political and economic reforms, are long ways from being accepted, and in my opinion, they're bound to end in disaster.
I was shaken out of my boredom when Comrade Dinmukhamed Konayev stood up to speak. Suddenly, everyone was shaken out of their trance and looked at the Kazakh delegate as Comrade Gorbachev gave way to him on the podium.
"While some of the ideas around glasnost seem to be promising on paper, how will this be applied in practice? We've been raised in the tradition of keeping some of the more intristic things behind closed doors," Konayev spoke first. "There are potential drawbacks to this kind of reform you're proposing, Comrade General Secretary."
Comrade Gorbachev frowned. "Drawbacks? Why would that be the case? Are you afraid that the proposals that I came up with would cut into whatever corrupt practice you've engaged in the Kazakh SSR?"
"Corruption? Do you have evidence to back up your claims, Comrade General Secretary?" Konayev asked back skeptically.
"Let's see. Comrade Nazarbayev had criticised you for your selection of your brother Askar as head of the Kazakh Academy of Sciences, appointing your friends and allies to crucial positions that are important for the Kazakh SSR. Should I list some more?" Gorbachev's list of accusations only infuriated Konayev.
"Scheming bastard wanted my position so badly, he'd stoop low to hurl false accusations of corruption against me," Konayev growled.
I stood up to interrupt the shouting match, to everyone's relief. "Whether or not Comrade Konayev is guilty of those charges, I think that's rather irrelevant. He has a legitimate grievance against what you're proposing, Comrade General Secretary."
Comrade Gorbachev sighed in frustration. "This kind of hesitancy is exactly the reason why earlier attempts at reform have ended in disaster for the Motherland. Unless I have come across concrete proof that opposes my reforms, I will continue to push forward with much needed reforms."
"Speaking of reforms, I noticed that the lines for groceries have increased more frequently. There's complaints that the shelves are half-empty, and that they often received things that they didn't want, but have to barter for basic necessities," I spoke back. My comment had started to garner some attention, because I can hear the furious muttering in the background. "Is it possible that some of the collective farms are not performing as admirably as the others?"
No one else spoke out after that, but Comrade Gorbachev's decision to temporarily ignore the issue and to come back to it at a later time was proven to be correct, for the most part. I say that, because hours after the session at the politburo was finished, I was approached by Konayev himself, who looked a bit livid after the session at the politburo. I didn't like where this discussion was going.
"Is there any truth to Comrade Gorbachev's accusations of corruption levied against me?" he growled.
"I don't know, but I would not be surprised if Comrade Nazarbayev had his people dig up something to support the Comrade General Secretary's accusations of corruption against you, so you'd be best on your guard," I advised him. Suddenly, I saw a man coming up behind Comrade Konayev. He looked a bit exhausted, but pleased with himself. Unlike Comrade Konayev, this stranger had the looks of a Siberian resident. I was right too.
"Comrade Lukyanov, I needed to see you for one reason only," Gennady Kolbin told us, only after we all climbed inside the car that was driven by one of his people. "One of my spies within the Central Committee had been talking to Comrade Gorbachev. He's really trying to dig up evidence of Comrade Konayev's corruption."
I snorted. "Like I haven't heard of that before."
"No, I don't think Comrade Konayev is being investigated for corruption." Kolbin looked disgusted at what he was about to say next. "There's talk of replacing him."
"I know the bastard that's replacing me. It's Comrade Nazarbayev, isn't it?" Konayev asked angrily.
Kolbin shook his head. "Comrade Gorbachev wanted to find a compromise candidate to lead the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR. He's thinking of appointing me to fill up that post, but I won't take it. I'd be a fool to trigger an ethnic riot in the Kazakh SSR."
Konayev's eyes widened. "Why would Comrade Gorbachev want to select you, of all people, to lead the Communist Party of the Kazakh SSR? You're not even a resident of that republic!"
"I'm not sure, but we could use this to our advantage," I told them both. I looked around, to make sure that no one was spying on us, before tapping the back of the driver, beckoning him to start driving. "If we could find something that could bring down Comrade Gorbachev, we can replace him with someone who's not gung-ho about these reforms. I fear that the practical solutions to our ongoing problems must be addressed first, before the political reforms come into being. Overall, we must also think about preserving the Union together."
--- Portions from the Interview with Brigadier General Oscar Canlas
Sky News AU Interview, November 17, 2011
Discussing the Rift Between Marcos and Tadiar
Interviewer: You were among one of the few officers that have fought in the Filipino Civil War on the side of former President Ferdinand Marcos. In fact, the former dictator's loyalists had hailed you as the last surviving military officer to refuse to defect to either President Aquino or her eventual successor in then-Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar. What was your view on the growing rift between former President Marcos and Tadiar?
Canlas: I don't buy into whatever excuse Tadiar made to our President, but when he and Alexander Yano had argued about what happened in Ortigas Avenue, Tadiar threatened to shoot him before cooler heads prevailed.
Interviewer: The rift was seen by other Marcos loyalists as evidence that Artemio Tadiar had become a loose cannon within the Philippine military. Yet, Tadiar was able to win over the loyalty of the two failed coup plotters in the late Major Generals Saulito Aromin and Edgardo Doromal. How was he able to accomplish such a fear?
Canlas: Tadiar's Marines simply detained the troops guarding the failed coup plotters and freed them. Yet, only minutes after Aromin and Doromal were freed, Tadiar told the detained troops that they could either defect to the opposition, or swear loyalty to him. It didn't take long until those detained troops immediately joined the protesters. It was pretty reckless of Tadiar to have offered his erstwhile prisoners their chance at freedom.
Interviewer: (pauses) OK. Can I also ask you another question?
Canlas: Of course.
Interviewer: The Reform the Armed Forces Movement was a faction that consisted of Philippine military officers who wanted to overthrow former President Marcos. Yet, out of the majority of those officers, over 78% of them eventually pledged their allegiance to Artemio Tadiar. How did those officers went from overthrowing a dictator to pledging an allegiance to another dictator, and a leader of an emerging military junta?
Canlas: (sighs) The Filipino Civil War exposed the weakness of the Aquino presidency, in that some of the troops that fought for President Marcos had the advantage in heavy weaponry. Moreover, Tadiar was also able to win over the allegiance of the notorious Alsa Masa paramilitary group on the premise of giving them more autonomy of fighting the New People's Army. The civil war radicalized much of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement to the point where they saw Tadiar as the man who can only save the Philippines. Those officers who also pledged their loyalty to him included his eventual successor Hector Tarrazona and Proceso Maligalig. Maligalig was eventually turned over to the Hague for his role in the various mass murders of detained activists accused of having ties to the Communist Party of the Philippines, and additional charges of human trafficking and piracy was also levied against him.
Interviewer: Was the Reform the Armed Forces Movement successful in their endeavors?
Canlas: (snorts) If success, they meant getting rid of President Marcos, sure. If success, they meant getting rid of Corazon Aquino, possible. Tadiar's rise to power was marked by purges, but the communists were not his first political victims. The ones who still held membership in the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan were among the people that Tadiar ordered to be killed.
--- Excerpts from “A Nation in Mourning”
By: Arturo Tolentino
Atlas Publishing, published 2002
Chapter Eight: Boiling Tensions
When Artemio Tadiar arrived at Malacanang Palace, many of the guards there openly glared at him for defying the President’s order to not fire on the protesters. To no one’s surprise, Fabian Ver showed up at the entrance of the palace and did not say any word to him. Some of the junior officers were busy giving orders to various subordinates on the ground while other officers constantly kept the President busy with their briefings. Thirty minutes later, I saw another group of officers arrive at the palace, all of them were Philippine Marines who were not attached to Colonel Tadiar but were connected to Fabian Ver. I approached the office an hour later where President Marcos was briefing Tadiar as if he were being court martialed. I also noticed General Alexander Yano arrive with three other infantrymen, feeling a bit nauseated at having to clean up after Tadiar's mess. From what I heard with a junior officer who was situated a couple of miles away from Ortigas Avenue, the paramedics kept coming back to the street to load the wounded civilians.
“I did give out an order for all the troops to not fire on the protesters, correct?” the President asked angrily. Tadiar did not give out the answer, which only made Macoy angrier. “Why did you disobey the order?”
Tadiar didn’t speak for a minute before recomposing himself and responded, “Mr. President, one of my troops panicked when the protesters tried to approach him. He thought they were going to disarm him and fired back by accident.”
“That accident can cost me the election and the presidency!” Macoy shouted back before gasping for breath. All of us grew nervous at his state of health, for many of us know that Macoy’s health is slowly declining over the years. “Do you understand the severity of your fucking mistake!?”
“Mr. President, I have already taken steps to discipline one of my soldiers who shot by accident…” muttered Tadiar, but Macoy slammed his hand into the desk.
“That's not the fucking excuse I'm looking for!” the President shouted again, but he started to gasp for air as the rest of the officers saw what happened and rushed to give him some water.
Fabian Ver growled as he entered the President’s room and glared at Tadiar. “You just costed us the only chance for the President to survive this whole ordeal. Moreover, your screw up might as well result in that idiotic housewife winning the Presidency.”
It was at this moment that Tadiar kicked an empty chair aside. Ver turned his gaze back at him, but this time the Colonel grabbed his pistol and aimed at his head. Most of the officers who were present gasped in horror as Ver pointed his own gun at him. The tension was tighter than a raw longanisa, but when I looked at Tadiar's face, I was seeing a different man altogether.
"How long do you think Macoy has until he dies from whichever disease he has? It's not a secret that Macoy's looking for a suitable successor, mostly because he doesn't have long to live, and if you're suggesting that you would become President, you must be out of your mind." Tadiar then turned to me and pointed at the phone. I realized what he wanted me to do, but who would I call? "Call Colonels Honasan and Bibit." I started to dial the tone, but Tadiar raised his hand. “Call Colonel Bibit first, Vice President-elect Tolentino."
“Why? The Reform the Armed Forces Movement has thrown their lot behind that 'idiotic housewife' whom Macoy loves to call very much,” I replied in an astonished voice, but General Ver snatched the phone out of my hands.
“You take orders from the President, Mr. Vice President-elect. Not a lower ranking officer. Have you forgotten the chain of command?” Ver said to me as he slammed it down. “Do you want to lose your own Vice Presidency?”
“The people are growing more bolder, General Ver. Can’t you see it outside? We only have a thousand supporters, compared to tens of thousands of people who came out for that bitch!” I snapped angrily. I gestured outside and still saw the calmness of Malacanang Palace. “The RAM might even launch a coup against the President if we don’t do something about it!”
Tadiar and I soon walked out of Macoy’s office while being escorted by the Presidential Security Detachment detail three hours later, with Ver acting all smug about how he singlehandedly stopped the coup that preserved the Marcos administration. Unfortunately, when we tried to go back to Malacanang Palace, we found out that the security has been tripled. In an instant, I turned to Tadiar and pushed him to the side, where we cannot be overheard. We approached the banks of the Pasig and sat down.
“What can we do now? General Ver is closer to the President, and the people are even more eager to get rid of the old man. Time is running out before that housewife gains even more support from the people,” I hissed. Tadiar nodded in agreement. “Perhaps we could go somewhere where there is a telephone.”
Tadiar shook his head. “We can’t risk it. The President would be monitoring the phone calls being made from Malacanang Palace. We need to reach out to General Honasan first and foremost, but more importantly, we need to get a hold of the two coup leaders who were jailed.”
“And who are the jailed coup leaders, if I may ask?” I asked again. Tadiar gazed at me and spoke in a hushed tone.
“Majors Doromal and Aromin.”
--- "We've just received confirmation from our colleagues in the Philippines that former Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and his colleague, former Philippine Constabulary Chief Fidel Ramos, have resigned from their posts and have defected to the opposition. Their resignation comes to a surprise as embattled President Ferdinand Marcos is struggling to contain another coup attempt, this time led by renegade Philippine Marine Corps Colonel Artemio Tadiar. Colonel Tadiar, who is the mastermind of the recent massacre in the outskirts of Manila, has been formally charged with insubordination, in that he disobeyed the President's order to not open fire on civilians on the streets, although his reasoning was the lone soldier's inability to control his emotion has been met with skepticism from within a faction of the Philippine military that is fed up with the Marcos regime. Moreover, there's also news that the Philippine Army leadership is negotiating with their counterparts in the Philippine Marine Corps on a truce in order to coordinate efforts on putting an end to the Marcos dictatorship, once and for all." Unnamed CNN news anchor, reporting from Washington, DC, on the Ortigas Avenue Massacre.
--- SPLIT WITHIN REFORM THE ARMED FORCES MOVEMENT! ANTI-MARCOS MILITARY LEADERSHIP DIVIDED BY EMERGENCE OF HONASAN AND TADIAR CAMPS, WHILE VICE PRESIDENT-ELECT TOLENTINO DEFECTS TO TADIAR CAMP IN OPEN DEFIANCE TO MARCOS
Manila Times
February 26, 1986
 Survivors of the Ortigas Avenue Massacre gather in front of Camp Aguinaldo, where Juan Ponce Enrile is expected to make a visit.(Manila) - The Reform the Armed Forces Movement had witnessed the beginning of an emerging split between two prominent Philippine Marine Corps officers in Gregorio Honasan and Artemio Tadiar. The split between the two officers happened because of the Ortigas Avenue Massacre, and the growing anger aimed at Colonel Tadiar as the military leadership saw him as the mastermind behind the massacre, despite Tadiar's insistence that his troops lost control and opened fire on two nuns who offered rosaries to them. Colonel Honasan in turn, has declared his allegiance to the opposition led by Corazon Aquino, taking with him a few junior officers. However, the majority of the officers who are a part of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement had sided with Colonel Tadiar, mainly because they were nervous at the idea of being led by a Presidential candidate who has no virtual experience in politics, and only ran because of her late husband's murder. The split within the military wing of the anti-Marcos opposition had only emboldened the pro-Marcos loyalist faction, which was confident of their ability to withstand any challenges from the opposition."The traitors who have exposed themselves will be dealt with, starting with Colonel Artemio Tadiar," says General Fabian Ver, who also announced the upcoming court martials for all members of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement. "We have failed to execute Majors Aromin and Doromal, but Tadiar's emergence as a renegade general will give us a second chance at purging the military of subversive elements."However, only hours after General Ver's announcement of a court martial against all Reform the Armed Forces Movement members, the Marcos regime was dealt another major blow, when it is revealed that Arturo Tolentino, Marcos's running mate on the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan ticket, has announced his resignation from his post as Vice-President, and has opted to join Tadiar's faction, citing the President's declining health and Ms. Corazon Aquino's questionable political credentials."President Marcos doesn't have much time. He's dying, but he has no successor to name," says former Vice President-elect Tolentino, when asked about Marcos's deteriorating health. "My decision to join Colonel Tadiar is driven by the necessity of forming a caretaker government, until new elections can be held."Former Vice-President-elect Tolentino's proposal of the creation of an interim caretaker government was met with skepticism, especially by his rival in Salvador Laurel."I don't know why that moron wants to create more hassles for us when it's clear that Marcos lost the election," says Laurel, during a rally where he addresses the survivors of the Ortigas Avenue Massacre. "He's already resigned from his post, but doesn't want to join us? It's becoming clear that Tolentino has an ambition of his own, or he's increasingly becoming the civilian face of what we might see is a military junta emerging."--- KILUSANG BAGONG LIPUNAN ANNOUNCES EXPULSION OF SEVERAL MEMBERS OVER THEIR DEFENSE OF CONTROVERSIAL COLONEL, EXPELLEES ANNOUNCE FORMATION OF BREAKAWAY PARTY
Manila Times
February 28, 1986
 A platoon of Philippine Marine Corps stand guard on another neighborhood within the Philippine capital. This platoon was the same unit that Colonel Tadiar commanded that masterminded the Ortigas Avenue Massacre.(Manila) - In yet another blow to the Marcos regime, approximately 144 members of his own political party, the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan, had been expelled over their comments on the Ortigas Avenue Massacre. The expulsion was announced by President Marcos himself, amidst the ongoing protests throughout the Philippines, although most of the expellees came from the provinces of Batangas and Nueva Ecija. In addition, the splinter group of the KBL also included former Vice President-elect Arturo Tolentino and former Prime Minister Cesar Virata, who has come out against the Marcos regime for his ineptitude, but refused to join the opposition, due to his status as an expellee from the KBL. The official name of the new party, as the expellees had announced, was to be called the Kilusang Pambansang Soberanya. The KBL breakaway faction had retained much of Marcos's policies, but had not yet declared for either side, as they viewed both President Marcos and Ms. Corazon Aquino has unreliable elements, declaring for Arturo Tolentino as their interim party leader, with a party leadership race to be held sometime later on this year.
"As former members of Kilusang Bagong Lipunan that have now declared their enmity with President Marcos, we will strive to create a new Philippines that is stridently anti-communist. That being said, we are also negotiating with the Tadiar faction of the Reform the Armed Forces movement for a formal alliance," says Tolentino, upon his decision to accept the position of interim party leader, in a ceremony just outside Caloocan, where the new Kilusang Pambansang Soberanya headquarters is located. "We have defended the earlier achievements of President Marcos, but the time has come to change the old guard."
Various activists who are opposed to the communists, but at the same time have been disillusioned with the embattled dictator's liability on the international stage, have made their decision to join the new party. Approximately 15,000 Alsa Masa paramilitary fighters have also declared their allegiance to the new party, citing their promise to continue the war against the communists and the separatists in the south. Lieutenant Colonel Franco Calida, who leads one of the largest Alsa Masa paramilitary forces in the Philippines, have declared his allegiance to the new KPS.
"We are relieved to see a new face in the fight against the New People's Army, and we are also glad to see a few military officers willing to step up in this war. We must win this conflict, while dealing with the inevitable collapse of the Marcos government," says Calida, during one of the KPS's membership recruitment drive in Surigao. "Make no mistake: the Philippines is at war with itself on multiple domestic fronts, and the fall of the Marcos regime will give us a new kind of energy and zeal in the fight against our domestic enemies."
|
|
simeon
Petty Officer 1st Class
Posts: 62
Likes: 57
|
Post by simeon on May 25, 2022 8:54:21 GMT
I suspect that Grace Poe is way more dispassionate than Loren Legarda. Is the latter sledgehammered as a bleeding-heart activist that she was?
Second: is federalism that strong of a buzzword to pick it over simply devolving powers from a unitary government?
Also, I hope that the Santa Barbara Project this time will be depicted less as a successful super-project and more as failure of a SIX-TUBED MLRS that it is IOTL, which is, well, ABSOLUTELY USELESS (even their more capable Soviet counterparts) to America's air power and logistics-heavy doctrines in warfare.
I can stand Tallano Gold being explained away as a vastly-overstated fraction of Yamashita's loot, but please, not that engineering failure.
|
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 25, 2022 12:57:51 GMT
I suspect that Grace Poe is way more dispassionate than Loren Legarda. Is the latter sledgehammered as a bleeding-heart activist that she was? Second: is federalism that strong of a buzzword to pick it over simply devolving powers from a unitary government? Also, I hope that the Santa Barbara Project this time will be depicted less as a successful super-project and more as failure of a SIX-TUBED MLRS that it is IOTL, which is, well, ABSOLUTELY USELESS (even their more capable Soviet counterparts) to America's air power and logistics-heavy doctrines in warfare. I can stand Tallano Gold being explained away as a vastly-overstated fraction of Yamashita's loot, but please, not that engineering failure. I would most likely say that the Santa Barbara project might be scrapped in the reboot, though given the lack of a more potent anti-aircraft and heavy rocket artillery fire, they might lean more on the US to supply them, unless the arms embargo is applied. I’d also say that federalism in the original TL was more of Nur Misuari’s complicated partnership with Tadiar. |
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on May 25, 2022 15:19:06 GMT
The Santa Barbara and Roman Candle will make a comeback as seen in the original timeline. It was the backbone of the Tikbalang and Aswang series of launchers.
|
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 25, 2022 16:49:57 GMT
The Santa Barbara and Roman Candle will make a comeback as seen in the original timeline. It was the backbone of the Tikbalang and Aswang series of launchers. The only reason why those projects failed was because the Philippines didn’t have a sophisticated technology required to complete them. They’d come back in the reboot though. |
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on May 25, 2022 19:52:21 GMT
The Santa Barbara and Roman Candle will make a comeback as seen in the original timeline. It was the backbone of the Tikbalang and Aswang series of launchers. The only reason why those projects failed was because the Philippines didn’t have a sophisticated technology required to complete them. They’d come back in the reboot though. Marcos administration's economic misfortunes forced both the Santa Barbara and the Roman Candle to remain in prototype stage. Here, Jack Kemp would be more than happy to restore it with the help of the CIA Corsairs. |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on May 25, 2022 22:39:09 GMT
The only reason why those projects failed was because the Philippines didn’t have a sophisticated technology required to complete them. They’d come back in the reboot though. Marcos administration's economic misfortunes forced both the Santa Barbara and the Roman Candle to remain in prototype stage. Here, Jack Kemp would be more than happy to restore it with the help of the CIA Corsairs. True, and the upgraded versions of said projects might actually become more popular with other US-aligned nations if they were simplified in their design. |
|
simeon
Petty Officer 1st Class
Posts: 62
Likes: 57
|
Post by simeon on May 26, 2022 3:09:47 GMT
I would most likely say that the Santa Barbara project might be scrapped in the reboot, though given the lack of a more potent anti-aircraft and heavy rocket artillery fire, they might lean more on the US to supply them, unless the arms embargo is applied. I’d also say that federalism in the original TL was more of Nur Misuari’s complicated partnership with Tadiar. The Santa Barbara and Roman Candle will make a comeback as seen in the original timeline. It was the backbone of the Tikbalang and Aswang series of launchers. The only reason why those projects failed was because the Philippines didn’t have a sophisticated technology required to complete them. They’d come back in the reboot though. Marcos administration's economic misfortunes forced both the Santa Barbara and the Roman Candle to remain in prototype stage. Here, Jack Kemp would be more than happy to restore it with the help of the CIA Corsairs. True, and the upgraded versions of said projects might actually become more popular with other US-aligned nations if they were simplified in their design. It's bad enough that that ramshackle of an MLRS they've come up with was designed to be put on the chassis of a 6x6 truck; the funds would have been better allocated as additional orders for artillery pieces and shells if that's the case, especially considering that - well - how the hell can an MLRS be used against jet fighters and bombers? By that, Santa Barbara and Roman Candle don't need an upgrade, especially when they can just steal much more superior Soviet tech. Rather, I'd recommend starting a totally new program, and I doubt that Tadiar's regime by then regime is keen on giving credence to a bitch as bumbling and ungrateful as the Marcos regime. Also, the pressures of the Philippine War and the piracy campaign can also pressure the Philippines' military procurement industry to innovate in drone warfare, especially as president Kemp is keen on infusing them tech, which surely included the electronics needed for even its more technically-advanced versions. ~~~ Anyways, can't Nur Misuari, with his reputation as a closet Marxist, be partial on granting protection for leftist refugees within his territory, or at least arrange for their escape? With that, I can also see the Tadiar regime abetting an Islamist opposition to check their power. |
|
