Rogue Generals V2 Reboot: A Different Post-EDSA Uno Philippines TL

I think that the naval and air arm might become more important as the years go on, although I think a stronger set of mosquito fleets would be more appropriate for a poorer nation like the Philippines, as they can use the mosquito fleets to harrass the larger Chinese vessels. Patrol boats and frigates would therefore be more crucial than destroyers, but mini submarines would also be as important as well.

That is indeed true, and the missile boat swarm tactics would become an integral part of the West Philippine Sea piracy campaign as well.

Though given that the arms embargo wouldn't be imposed on the Philippines until say, 1990 or 1991, it may be difficult for the Philippines to acquire the necessary missile boats needed to conduct such a thing. In this case, the Malvar-class corvettes would have to be employed for now, until they could get better ships, and even they wouldn't be able to maintain the cost of keeping such corvettes, hence the whole piracy mission.

I would also have to stress the importance of selecting which missile boat class ships would be better for the Philippine Navy. So far, I have a few candidates:

- Norrkoping-class missile boats from Sweden (alternatively, the Swedish government may be able to give license to the Philippines to build it, but the political fallout might be huge)
- a licensed version of the Dogan-class fast attack craft from Turkey 
- Hayabusa-class missile boats from Japan (only possible in the 2010s, but would be built for export)
- Asheville-class gunboats from the United States (possibly donated, with refurbishment costs to be borne by the Philippine government, though only possible after 1997)
- Helsinki-class missile boats from Finland (see the note on Sweden regarding the possible political fallout)

Consequently, I could see the Tadiar regime wanting to emphasize on the development of their own shipbuilding industry as a means of developing their own infant defense industry so they could be self-sufficient. Here are the possible scenarios regarding the ATL Philippine defense industries that would most likely happen ITTL:

- As it was hinted in the original version, the manufacturing of firearms would happen in this reboot, especially if more crude gunmakers would be sponsored by the Tadiar regime as a means of incentivizing them to create their own kind of firearms for testing and competition. 
- Engineering equipment would have to be acquired from other nations by means of third party interventions and reverse engineered to make their own designs, especially combat support vehicles (Army and Marines), amphibious and support vessels (Navy), and ammunition. 
- The aircraft manufacturing industry here wouldn't exist, like IOTL. For the Philippine Air Force, Japan and possibly France might be suitable candidates to supply the Philippines with transport aircraft, though I could also see the likes of Poland and perhaps the Baltic States wanting to trade some of their Soviet-era aircraft to purchase the Rafale, Eurofighter or even the F-18s.

True, but in the original version of this TL, the US itself started to supply weapons to Tadiar’s regime. It only expanded after the beginning of the Second Korean War.

I may have to cover that in a future TL, but let’s say China wasn’t pleased. I would suspect that the modernization would only begin after Tadiar’s death. The arms embargo might also be the motivation for the Philippines to develop and expand its own defense industry as well.

CHAPTER THIRTY FOUR: RED TERROR UNDONE

"Although the Soviet bloc had not yet known it by then, the coup launched against Mikhail Gorbachev and the rise of Anatoly Lukyanov had started the process towards the 1989 Revolutions that toppled much of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe. It was also shocking that while the Western world had greeting the first day of Christmas, December 25 would also be known in the Islamic world as the day that the Mujahideen had launched an invasion of southern Afghanistan from their bases in Pakistan. Although much of the DRA Army had been stuck besieging the city of Peshawar, their position was becoming more vulnerable as the Mujahideen had began to seize Afghan border towns, all the while they're being greeted with jubilation by the civilians who were forced to live under a regimented Marxist-Leninist regime that has come to power in Kabul. The news of various violent revolutions that toppled communist regimes in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria, along with a mutiny breaking out in East Germany, had dampened the mood inside both the Soviet Union and Afghanistan. For the latter, the fears of the Soviet Union's collapse is tied to its own fate as well, since any loss of Soviet support would mean that the Mujahideen would be poised to topple them from power. Indeed, the elections of non-communists in power was the first time since the 1930s or 1940s that Central and Eastern Europe held free elections, and the victory of virulent anti-communists in the crumbling Soviet bloc was the precursor to what was to follow inside the Soviet Union itself. A rare foresight by Premier Lukyanov had been displayed when in January of 1990, the Lukyanov government had called for the resolution to what it saw as a growing threat to its southern borders by the calls for attaching the Nagorno Karabakh region, which was an autonomous republic within the Azeri SSR, to the Armenian SSR. Seeing as an extremely risky but hugely rewarding gamble, both Premier Lukyanov and Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevernadze called for a meeting with the leaders of the Armenian and Azeri Communist Parties in the city of Grozny, in the Chechen-Ingush ASSR. The meeting between those leaders had been extremely tense: both Stepan Pogosyan and Abdurrahman Vazirov had shouted at each other, trading accusations of inciting ethnic violence against each other's minorities. It has gotten worse to the point where Shevardnadze had threatened to sanction the two feuding leaders unless they silenced themselves. Lukyanov, eager to prevent any further violence in the Caucasus, was desperate to keep the loyalty of all three Caucasian republics within the Union. He knew that Nagorno-Karabakh, with its Armenian minority there, would be used by any hostile rival to instigate the instability of the Soviet Union. At the same time, there was also the issue of Nakhichevan, which was an enclave of the Azeri SSR that was cut off from its homeland by the Armenian province of Syunik. One of the proposals that Lukyanov had come up with was that Armenia would cede the southern raions of Syunik, or what they call the Zangezur Corridor, to Azerbaijan. In return, Azerbaijan would surrender three western raions of Nakhichevan to Armenia, along with the surrounding lands south of Nagorno-Karabakh called the Lachin Corridor. Although this agreement had been met with such outrage by the Armenian and Azeri delegates, Lukyanov warned that the alternative would either be further instability in the Caucasus, or both Nagorno-Karabakh and Nakhichevan would be directly administered by the Soviet government as an oblast under the jurisdiction of the Russian SFSR. To ensure that permanent peace would be established in the greater southern Caucasus region, the Soviet Army would supervise the population exchanges between the Armenians and Azeris living on each other's lands to prevent potential acts of ethnic cleansing. The infamous Grozny Proposal that came out of it, had been a source of tensions between Russia and Turkey, seeing the proposal as something that favored Armenia more than Azerbaijan, since it robbed the Azeris of a common border with Turkey, all at the same time it expanded Turkey's border with Armenia. Yet, the Grozny Agreement had benefited both Armenia and Azerbaijan as they were able to connect their ethnic kin that were living on the wrong sides of their respective borders. To ensure that the peace would continue, the Soviet and later Russian Army would expand the Gyumri military base in Armenia, while building a new base in Bilasuvar, and has expanded the Vaziani military base in Georgia. The presence of those Russian bases had been a source of controversy in the Caucasus, since those bases represented much of Russian imperialist influence in the region, until the foundation of the Eurasian Security Treaty Organization in 2004, which Russia and the Caucasian successor states had been the founding members." From 'Caucasian Gambit: Russia and the Caucasus Beyond the Cold War', released by Radio TRT Documentary.

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Portions from the Interview with Former Philippine Air Force Colonel Antonio Sotelo
CTV Interview, April 5, 1991

Discussing the First Few Years of Artemio Tadiar's Dictatorship

Interviewer: Just before your exile in Canada, you were constantly issuing warnings to the entire world about the dangers of Artemio Tadiar's dictatorship, calling it a 'stratocratic regime' where the military calls the shot in almost every aspect of the lives of the Filipinos that are now facing what is essentially a worse dictatorship than the ones that they suffered under the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos. From the management of the scarce economic resources to even the administrative work of running a series of labour camps for the political dissidents that challenged him. However, the year 1990 was also when the Tadiar regime had faced its greatest challenges, namely the Mount Pinatubo eruption and the earthquakes that were triggered in central Philippines. Were you scared of the Tadiar regime's inability to handle such challenges?

Sotelo: I was, but to my surprise, the Tadiar regime quickly mobilized in response to the earthquakes and typhoons. The military reforms that the Chilean officers introduced through their stint as teachers in the Philippine Military Academy had placed a heavy emphasis on disaster response and preparedness, which extended to the civilian half of it. The Philippine Coast Guard was also being reformed as well by introducing the Joint Naval-Coast Guard Command structure, where officers of the Coast Guard and the Navy would collaborate on disaster preventions, as well as deploying Coast Guard vessels as auxilliaries in the event that the Philippines would get involved in a naval battle. While the Tadiar regime would no doubt take the credit for the lessened casualties, it awoke the entire nation to the truth that most of our buildings wouldn't last long against a stronger earthquake. That was the lesson the Americans learned with the Loma Prieta Earthquake.

Interviewer: The reconstruction efforts made by the Tadiar regime was hampered by a lack of sophisticated construction equipment and materials. Keep in mind that this was also happening while the Jackson administration had issued the order for all US military personnel to withdraw and evacuate from their bases in Clark Air Base and Subic Bay Naval Base. Did the Philippines eventually received some form of assistance?

Sotelo: To an extent, it did. However, it was mainly Japan and Australia that provided the humanitarian assistance, and given that the foreign humanitarian volunteers were still working in the Philippines long after the Filipino Civil War was over had made it easier to administer aid to the displaced persons affected by the typhoons and earthquakes. The US government gave over 400 million dollars in aid, which the Tadiar regime used to purchase mainly food and medical supplies. Britain donated something around 100 million pound sterling, which was used to purchase construction equipment and parts to help maintain it.

Interviewer: Was there any sign of corruption while the foreign aid was flowing into the country?

Sotelo: None at all, because Tadiar issued orders to all military and civilian personnel working for him that any sign of corruption and embezzlement would be punishable by death, with the perpetrator being shot without a trial. He called that threat Article Dos, and to my shock, Article Uno was revived and revised for the current junta. Article Uno states that any military or civilian who disobeys an order issued by the military will be shot without a trial. Article Dos covers the punishment for graft, embezzlement and corruption.

Interviewer: (pauses) In any case, what did the Tadiar regime do with the properties in the Philippines that were owned by the Marcos family?

Sotelo: Tadiar had turned all of the Marcos mansions into emergency centers where the displaced persons had temporarily resided. After the earthquake and typhoons were over and the civilians returned to their homes, they've placed the Marcos properties in Metro Manila on sale, which was bought by the former Marcos cronies that switched their allegiance to Tadiar. The rest of them were turned into dormitories for military personnel. Talaga Beach, which had been exclusively reserved for the Marcos family, was turned into a Philippine Marine Corps training ground for the Marines, while the seaside resort in Tolosa, Leyte had been purchased by the Tadiar regime and sold it to a Japanese billionaire named Yoshiaki Tsutsumi.

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Excerpts from "Pancevski and Yugoslavia Beyond the Cold War"
by: Ljubomir Kovacic
Ravna Gora Publishing Press, released on March 17, 2021

Chapter Three: Of Refugees, Political Intrigue, and Collapse

The events of the Iran-Iraq War had awoken the international community to a horrific realization that there may be a looming refugee crisis unfolding. Though it was not just the potential amount of Iraqi and Iranian refugees that may flee their homelands due to the war, a large number of overseas Filipino migrant workers who were unable to return home because of the rise of Artemio Tadiar and his military dictatorship are facing an extremely difficult task of finding another country to settle in, even on a temporary basis. Yet, inside Yugoslavia, a political crisis of its own is unfolding as the situation in the autonomous province of Kosovo and Metohija have brought to the world press the crisis involving the Albanian population that resides within Kosovo. The Yugoslav government knew that they had to stop what appears to be a powder keg from exploding, but they could not do it in such a way that would invite unwanted trouble from outside. Thus in 1987, the president of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, Ivan Stambolic, decided to travel to Kosovo, to speak to the residents there. Stambolic's rival and opponent, hardline Serbian politician Slobodan Milosevic, had complained that he was not being chosen to travel to Kosovo to speak to the residents there, but the Yugoslav government had a good reason to not send him down there. The growing danger of a reawakened Serbian nationalism, and Milosevic's own support of the hardline policies of the late Aleksandar Rankovic, was the reason why President Lazar Mojsov was not willing to trigger a nationalist backlash. However, what Mojsov would not realize, was that another danger to Yugoslavia was waiting in the wings. One of the emerging pro-Lukyanovite politicians that had championed the same kind of slow reforms that Soviet Premier Anatoly Lukyanov himself had proposed for the Soviet Union was Milan Pancevski. Pancevski had also joined a few Yugoslav politicians who advocated for the entry of Middle Eastern and Overseas Filipino refugees stuck in the warzone between Iraq and Iran into its territory. Indeed, Pancevski had personally supervised the construction of several refugee camps throughout Yugoslavia, starting in Kumanovo, and Bitola. By March of 1988, the first few thousand Iranian and Filipino refugees had landed in Yugoslav territory and were sent to those refugee camps. Iranian and Iraqi refugees that fled from their homeland had been sent to the camps in Bosnia and Kosovo, while Filipino refugees would be sent to other camps elsewhere in Yugoslavia. Though they only stayed there for two years, due to Yugoslavia's discussion with western governments on the amount of refugees that they're willing to take in, they've built a semblance to normalcy in those new camps. Locals would often visit them to check up on them, and the Iraqi and Iranian refugees would eventually be able to leave for the West after 1991. However, Filipino refugees have taken a lot longer to be accepted by other nations because of their own societal problems relating to immigrants and refugees. In 1990, US President Jesse Jackson had met with President Borislav Jovic to discuss the potential nations willing to take in the Filipino refugees that have been stranded inside Yugoslavia. It was by this time that President Jackson had revealed to President Jovic that under no circumstances should any refugee of any nationality be allowed to end up in Tadiar's Philippines, especially the Filipinos that fled from that country because of him.

The refugee crisis in the Middle East on the other hand, had already placed an agonizing strain on much of Yugoslavia's declining economy as Pancevski had come out against the Yugoslav government's decision to adopt certain neo-liberal reforms imposed by the International Monetary Fund in exchange for the IMF loans needed to stabilize much of Yugoslavia's economy, and to help it recover so it can repay the loans that it obtained from the West for its economic revival. Pancevski had called for the gradual introduction of agricultural cooperatives and many other plans for the sales of agricultural land to any foreigner that wanted to move to Yugoslavia, though the latter had been vetoed by the hardliners led by Milosevic, not wanting to see any more Yugoslav economic assets taken over by various foreigners tied to international commerce. To help mend and improve ties between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, President Jovic would send Pancevski and several other officials, including Milosevic, Momir Bulatovic and Petar Goshev, to Moscow in August of 1989, for a meeting with Premier Lukyanov. The meeting there had not yet produced any tangible result, though Lukyanov had placated the Yugoslav delegation by inviting them to the upcoming Sino-Soviet Summit of 1990 in the city of Zabaikalsk, with other communist regimes that remained loyal. However, Yugoslavia would be unable to attend the Zabaikalsk summit in 1990, on account of growing political turmoil breaking out across its territory, with a military coup launched in April of 1990 by several JNA generals led by Veljko Kadijevic.

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YUGOSLAVIA REJECTS CALLS BY PHILIPPINES TO EXPATRIATE FILIPINO MIGRANT WORKERS AS FEARS OF POLITICAL REPRESSIONS CONTINUE TO RISE
Vancouver Sun
February 15, 1990

(Belgrade, YUGOSLAVIA) - Yugoslav authorities had rejected a demand made by Filipino military dictator Artemio Tadiar to repatriate the thousands of overseas Filipino migrant workers that were stranded in the Middle East, but had now temporarily resided within its borders. The Filipino migrant workers who were employed in Iraq and Iran, but were also employed in untouched nations like Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, had been relocated from the Middle East to Yugoslavia on a temporary basis, citing the international community's lack of infrastructure needed to accommodate the large number of refugees willing to stay in their territories. Furthermore, the Filipino migrant workers that are now inside Yugoslavia are either opponents of the late former dictator in Ferdinand Marcos, or had relatives who fought on the side of deposed former President Corazon Aquino. Migrant workers who belonged to both factions had a lot to fear from returning to a junta-controlled Philippines, citing the political repression inflicted by the Tadiar regime. Additionally, the same migrant workers who are temporarily residing inside Yugoslavia were concerned that much of their hard earned foreign currency may be stolen by desperate remittance workers inside the Philippines, or worse, as the Philippine peso's value had continued to decline to the point where 1 US dollar is now worth over 200 Philippine pesos.

"My grandmother told me that the money that I sent to her in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija, had not yet reached her, despite sending it almost a month ago," says 19 year old Filipino migrant worker Antonio Belmonte, who used to work as a janitor in a Mosul hospital, before evacuating from Iraq and temporarily residing in a refugee camp close to Mostar, in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina within Yugoslavia. "She also told me that her neighbors have caught several remittance workers stealing the money that was meant for them, and the thieves have been arrested as a result."

Veterans of the Filipino Civil War who fought on the side of the New People's Army are also finding it difficult to stay in the Philippines, as the Tadiar regime is frequently employing both regular military forces and paramilitary personnel in destroying the communist cells that are often found in the center of the country. However, anti-communist atrocities and reprisals were so brutal that it single handedly triggered another communist rebellion, forcing the Tadiar regime to place the country back on a war footing, this time hoping to wipe out the communist guerrillas for good. Moreover, the presence of Chilean military officers sent by the Augusto Pinochet regime to the Philippines in order to help the Philippine military reform itself as a means of making up for the lost opportunities to mend and improve diplomatic ties due to American intervention and their role in preventing General Pinochet from visiting the Philippines while the late Ferdinand Marcos was still alive. As a result, the military reforms introduced by the Chilean military delegation to the Philippines have yet to bear fruit, though captured communist guerrillas have been reported to undergo severe torture for interrogation purposes, before being summarily shot.

"It's very dangerous to carry out the struggle for the liberation of the working class from the brutality of this fascistic military junta led by the Butcher of Ortigas Avenue. They're taking off the gloves, so to speak, and treated some of our comrades that have been captured like cattle," says Joseph Paduano, after fleeing from the Philippines and arriving in Vietnam. "The Tadiar regime is now using the concept of the protracted people's war against our movement, and is now calling on all of the reactionaries to start exterminating us like cockroaches."

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1990 TREATY OF COPENHAGEN (SIGNED ON MARCH 24, 1990)

Terms of the Treaty of Copenhagen are as follows:

1) The Islamic Republic of Pakistan will cede the territories of eastern Punjab with significant Sikh populations and where the holy sites of Sikhism are located to the Republic of India. The ceded territories of eastern Punjab will be from the Jhelum River in the north, to the Pir Mahal-Bahawalnagar line.

2) The Islamic Republic of Pakistan will cede the provinces of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan to the Republic of India, and in return, India will abandon any additional territorial claims to Pakistani territory.

3) All Indian troops inside Pakistani territory not subject to annexation will withdraw within three months, witthout interruption. In return, Pakistan will commit to the withdrawal of all foreign volunteers that have fought to defend the territorial integrity of Pakistan.

4) Both the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Republic of India will dismantle the network of known separatist groups belonging to the Khalistan movement, and to formally bring to justice any known Khalistani separatist leaders who refuse to surrender to either Pakistani or Indian authorities.

5) The Islamic Republic of Pakistan will pay to the Republic of India approximately $80 million US Dollars as war reparations for damages that it incurred, though the Republic of India shall agree to pursue no further demands for additional reparations.

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"We are just receiving news from the city of Tallinn, in the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic. Approximately around 0900 hours local time, 50,000 Soviet Army forces returning from their tour in Afghanistan have arrived at the border town of Narva, with the sole intention of putting down what appears to be a large unsanctioned gathering that have erupted throughout the Baltic Republics. At the same time, 60,000 soldiers have also arrived in the Latvian border town of Karsava for a similar operation, and 40,000 troops have been airlifted to the Lithuanian town of Medininkai. It is becoming clear that the Soviet forces that have now arrived in the Baltic republics have been given an order from Soviet Premier Anatoly Lukyanov to put down the rebellions that have broken out in the region. The commander of these forces sent to the Baltics, General Igor Rodionov, have acknowledged Premier Lukyanov's order and has stated that it will carry out the order to the best of the abilities of the Soviet forces. It is becoming clear that the Soviet Union will not show any mercy to the Baltic protesters fighting for their own freedom from Soviet occupation, and as the international community has never recognized the Soviet annexation of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, it is pressuring the United Nations to intervene on the side of the three Baltic republics." From NBC's breaking news on April 30, 1990, regarding the Soviet military intervention to stop the Singing Revolution.

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"It was a sad tragedy that the collapse of the Soviet Union happened, though we did our very best to preserve what was left of the Union. Unfortunately, as the USSR was expelled from the United Nations for trying to suppress such counter-revolutionary activities that broke out in its western republics, we were told that we can only rejoin the UN as separate republics, and that the Soviet Union was not allowed to exist in any form at all. There is no doubt that traitorous forces inside the Union, as well as the so-called international community, wanted our Union to die. I have no doubts that certain vermin like that Pole Brzezinski, who has an atavistic hatred of anything Russian, due to his ethnic origin, is behind it, as well as the rest of the American political establishment whose hatred of Russia matches that of Brzezinski's. His fingerprints were everywhere; he has played a role in inciting the Lithuanians to take control of Kaliningrad Oblast, and subject 200,000 of our compatriots to such ethnic terror that they were expelled at gunpoint. The tragic expulsion of our compatriots, which occurred on August 15, 1990, was the real start of what the international community would refer to as the Second Russian Civil War, though the Baltic politicians would say that we initiated such a conflict with the suppression of their Singing Revolution and the Voru Massacre that had happened seven days before the Kaliningrad Expulsion. No matter what we would say, the so-called international community will never trust or listen to the words of what an ethnic Russian would say. If the so-called international community does not want to listen to what we would say, then our answer should be, 'fine! we just won't have to listen to what you have to say!', for we do not tolerate being treated like some sort of vassal of a growing empire built on exploitation of its own people, as well as the bones of certain races that have been exterminated." Igor Rodionov, from his 2001 speech on the expulsion of the USSR from the United Nations after the notorious Motyli Massacre of 1993 was uncovered, where the bodies of 14,000 Belarusian Poles were uncovered.

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Portions from a Leaked Conversation between Former US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski and Ex-Ku Klux Klan Klansman David Duke

BRZEZINSKI: Do you know why I made this risky decision to call you to this meeting here in New Orleans, Mr. Duke?

DUKE: (shrugs) I have no idea, Mr. Brzezinski, although I have other things to do thank to waste someone's time.

BRZEZINSKI: (laughs) Well, maybe perhaps I could offer you something that you won't refuse.

DUKE: What would that be?

BRZEZINSKI: You see, I'm thinking of recruiting several thousands of people to go fight in the coming civil war that will break out in the Soviet Union. You're a former Klansman and a Grand Wizard at that, so perhaps you know some people within the Klan who would love to obtain some military experience in fighting communists.

DUKE: (pauses and closes his eyes) I've been out of the Klan for a very long time, but I do know some people that are still sore about the failure of Red Dog, and our attempt to make Patrick John the Prime Minister of Dominica.

BRZEZINSKI: (grins) Can you contact whoever is still in the Klan?

DUKE: (sighs) I'll have to talk to Don Black about organizing another Red Dog like operation, but I'll have more success getting our Canadian brothers in the Klan to join us.

BRZEZINSKI: In that case, how long until you're able to form the necessary unit that will be sent to fight in the Soviet Union? Ideally, we'll need around 12,000 or more, but if you can only drudge up to 5,000, that would be okay as well.

DUKE: (nods) I agree. Of course, are we fighting as an independent unit?

BRZEZINSKI: (shakes his head) No. You and your unit will be joining this new formation that I'm organizing with the members of the National Rebirth of Poland, who will lead the unit. Of course, we'll be naming the organization consisting of the foreign fighters that are anti-communist as the Euro-Atlantic Foreign Legion.

DUKE: That has a nice ring to it. And I trust that you'll also allow my friends in the Klan to form their own branches throughout Eastern Europe?

BRZEZINSKI: Why in God's good heaven would I allow you to export your hillbilly hooliganism to Eastern Europe? (snorts) Honestly, we have a different behavioral style to the ones that we can find in the backwoods of the South.

DUKE: (glares at BRZEZINSKI) It seems that as a politician, you're out of touch with the realities that the average American is facing. You're like every other sold out politician; always thinking of the world at large when the needs of the people at home are being neglected. That black President of yours has already decided to expand on Jacob Javits's plan to make America less white by bringing in those browns from the Philippines. I'm starting to realize that America's annexation of those bunch of islands was a mistake.

BRZEZINSKI: A mistake!? Don't you realize that the United States became a superpower because of its annexation of the Philippines?

DUKE: And how many of those dark skinned folks did we kill before deciding that they'd be better off as servants of the more superior whites? Year after year, we're seeing more of them arrive here, and with a military junta that has taken power, I'm starting to think that maybe Artemio Tadiar was right to stabilize the country first.

BRZEZINSKI: (growls) Can we change the subject then?

DUKE: Sure. As I've said, if you can allow my colleagues to establish the new Eastern European branches of the KKK, they'd be more than happy to help fight for this new Euro-Atlantic brotherhood, as long as it's built on a more ethno-nationalist pillar. Western Europe is starting to face the consequences of multiculturalism, and I know who's behind it.

BRZEZINSKI: Look, I don't have time for your racial crap. So, do you accept my terms then, Mr. Duke?

DUKE: We'll accept it if you accept our offer to allow the Klan to build new branches in Eastern Europe.

BRZEZINSKI: (snorts) On that, I'll have to pass.

DUKE: Then we won't join in your little crusade. Let us not forget though, you were the one that approached me for my help in your noble anti-communist crusade. I offered my terms as a precondition, and I'm going to add one more. Perhaps if you allow me to circulate my own writings, as well as the writings of William Luther Pierce, and share it with the rest of Eastern Europe, then we'll have a more sound footing.

BRZEZINSKI: I know too well of your writings, and that of Mr. Pierce. Europe has stringent laws against the publishing of those writings that you have, and don't forget, I won't tolerate any more of that Nazi crap that you're spouting.

DUKE: Any more than your rhetoric of turning the United States into the lone unipolar power? While I agree with some of your plans to make America the only unipolar power in the world, who's going to benefit from such a thing? Yourself?

BRZEZINSKI: Everyone will benefit from America being the only top dog in the world.

DUKE: (laughs) Everyone? Or is it the ruling class that is tied to international finance?

BRZEZINSKI: You know, I could pitch this idea to Mr. Rothschild and Mr. Soros about it instead of wasting my time with you.

DUKE: Really? Do you think Mr. Rothschild and Mr. Soros will want your input about the same proposal that you've given to me? They'll spit on you the moment they find out about our conversation here. Moreover, they don't have any best interests of the entire Euro-Atlantic alliance at heart.

BRZEZINSKI: They definitely will. It's their money that's going to be used to destroy Russia.

DUKE: Ah yes, destroy Russia, and what comes next? More dead white Russians that could have been used as another group of white soldiers against the colored tide?

BRZEZINSKI: I don't expect you to understand the bad blood between my people and that of the Russians.

DUKE: True. but it only plays into the hands of the ones that triggered the conflict in the first place. While I think that the Soviet Union deserves to die for the crimes it has committed against its people, destroying the Russian people will only be counter-productive in the long run. Besides, such a humiliation on a large scale could be fertile ground to spread some of our writings, and even that of Adolf Hitler, into Russian soil.

BRZEZINSKI: As I've said, drop that Nazi crap. I'll ask you one last time: do you agree with my proposal?

DUKE: (frowns) What other hidden conditions do you have for me?

BRZEZINSKI: You can become a Roman Catholic.

DUKE: (laughs) Me? A Catholic? Dr. Jones* already tried that, and it failed. It is laughable to think that a Klansman can become a Catholic. Do you even know the history of the Klan and why we're opposed to the Papists?

BRZEZINSKI: At the very least, your Klan could be more open to bringing Catholics into the fold.

DUKE: (stands up) You know what? I'll take the deal. Just don't cry to me if it fails, because then you should have listened to what I've said about the opportunity for a new Europe to arise from the ashes of the Cold War. (walks out)

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"The bizarre and dangerous plan to recruit known neo-Nazis and white supremacists to fight against the Soviet government in the Second Russian Civil War had been one of the riskiest ventures that former US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski had developed, on par with his decision to use the Afghan Mujahideen to fight the Soviet Army occupying Afghanistan. While the blowback from using the Mujahideen was that Islamic fundamentalist terrorism had emerged as a result, the blowback from using known white supremacists to fight the Soviet government had been the sharp rise of domestic extremism and violence that the veterans of the Second Russian Civil War had used in their fight against their perceived enemies. It was not an accident that the Klansmen that were recruited as mercenaries had committed various war crimes against civilians, mostly ethnic Russians. What was worse though, was that ethnic Russian paramilitary groups had used the atrocities committed against them as an excuse to justify their revenge killings by targeting their ethnic enemies for such extermination campaigns. In the Baltics, the Russian paramilitaries had slaughtered over 9,000 Estonians, 12,000 Latvians, and 8,500 Lithuanians over the period between 1991 and 1994, on top of the massacres of the Poles living in Belarus. The genocidal rhetoric displayed by both sides during the Second Russian Civil War had surpassed the tragedies of its First Civil War that broke out in Russia almost 80 years ago. What was the most damaging legacy of the Second Russian Civil War? First, the Ku Klux Klan had established local Eastern European branches of their organization as a means of promoting their hateful rhetoric against ethnic Russians (despite being white as well), non-whites, and Jews. It has gotten worse to the point where the early members of the notorious Logos Defense Corporation mercenary unit were active far-right extremists. In 1996, far-right extremists connected to the Polish branch of the Ku Klux Klan had firebombed a neighborhood of Warsaw called Bielany, where the local foreign population had lived. The foreigners, mainly Filipino refugees fleeing from the Tadiar regime, but other Asians as well, such as Vietnamese and Indians, and also Africans, were targeted for such a pogrom. The Polish public was outraged by the attacks, eventually leading to Poland banning extremist organizations from operating on its soil. However Polish intelligence had given the Polish branch of the KKK a deal: fold and create a new group that would be used for political purposes, or they would stand trial for hate crimes and be sent to life imprisonment. The Polish extremists would take the deal, but would join the Logos Defense Group instead of forming their own extremist successor to the short lived Polish branch of the KKK. Much of the later members of the Logos Defense Corporation would be hired by the American government, especially during the Kemp administration, for a major conflict against Cuba, Nicaragua, and against a leftist uprising in Venezuela led by members of a left-wing breakaway faction led by Ramon Rodriguez Chacin. Logos Defense Corporation members had acquired a ruthless reputation for its merciless treatment of prisoners of war, executing them in cold blood. However, it was thanks to this kind of foolhardy gamble that both Logos and its Russian rival in Terminal Division Group would acquire a horrific reputation as a pack of mercenary killers." Alex Jones, from 'Brzezinski: The Monster Behind America's Mask', courtesy of TrippWire.

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MOLDOVAN PARAMILITARY UNITS FORM IN RESPONSE TO GROWING SOVIET MILITARY DEPLOYMENT INSIDE BALTIC REPUBLICS WITHIN USSR AS FEARS OF CRACKDOWN ON UNSANCTIONED GATHERINGS CONTINUE TO RISE
Calgary Herald
April 17, 1990

(Kishinev, MOLDOVAN SSR) - As news of continued Soviet military deployment into the Baltic republics within the Soviet Union continue to circulate, the government of the Moldovan SSR has announced the formation of paramilitary forces that would act separately from the regular Soviet Ground Forces units that are stationed inside the Moldovan SSR. As a series of unsanctioned gatherings continue to break out, posing a challenge to the Lukyanov regime, Soviet authorities had authorized not only the additional deployment of troops from the Interior Ministry, as well as OMON special police units that were deployed to the Moldovan capital. Moreover, over 85,000 Soviet troops have been redeployed from their stint in Afghanistan to the unrecognized Gagauz ASSR, as a means of keeping much of their troops prepared for any possible intervention. Fearing a similar crackdown to the Baltics, the Moldovan SSR's neighbor, the Ukrainian SSR, had opted to adopt the same countermeasure by forming similar paramilitary forces from Ukrainian troops serving in the Soviet Army seeking to switch their allegiance to a future independent Ukrainian Republic. So far, the Soviet authorities have not yet done anything to provoke further violence.

"We are growing worried about the possibility of a conflict breaking out inside the Moldovan SSR. There is no doubt that the Moldovan people are growing tired of Russian tyranny and are awaiting liberation by our own forces," says Romanian General Nicolae Militaru, when asked by a Yugoslav reporter about the crisis within the Moldovan SSR. "We are also aware that the Ukrainians are also eager to get rid of the Russian tyrant occupying their territory, and are eager to collaborate with us in expelling the unwanted reminder of Russian imperialism in Transnistria."

Adding to the volatile fears of a wider war within the Soviet Union, the Special Congress of the Representatives of the Gagauz People had filed a petition to Premier Lukyanov on the creation of a Gagauz SSR and its admission into the USSR as a separate republic citing the underrepresentation of the Gagauz minority that resides within the Moldovan SSR. Likewise, the breakaway Transnistrian separatists were also lobbying for the recognition and formation of a Transnistrian ASSR that would transfer itself from the Moldovan SSR to the Russian SFSR, though this proposal was not accepted by the Lukyanov regime, as it didn't want to add any more destabilization efforts towards the Ukrainian SSR. However, the Gagauz case had been presented by the leader of the breakaway Gagauz entity, Stepan Topal. Topal had argued that the Gagauz people had never been represented well within the Moldovan SSR, and that the fate of his homeland and his people hangs in the air when mentioning the possibility of Moldova reuniting with Romania and the mood of the Ukrainian SSR in response to the growing instability within the Moldovan SSR.

"For too long, our people have been denied the right to represent ourselves within the Soviet Union as a whole. We have advocated for our right to establish our autonomy within the Moldovan SSR's constitutional framework, only for that authority to deny us that right based on their interpretation of the constitutional framework that's different from our own interpretation," says Topal, in front of a cheering crowd of supporters in the newly declared capital of the Gagauz SSR, Comrat. "Together with the Russian minority that resides in the region of Transnistria, we can help prevent the breakup of this great Union and stop the Romanian irredentists from reabsorping the Moldovan SSR."

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Portions from the Interview with Former Ukrainian Paramilitary Leader Oleksander Muzychko
Radio Television Ukraine, released on August 23, 2017

Discussing the Outbreak of the Second Russian Civil War and the Second Ukrainian War of Independence

Interviewer: Mr. Muzychko, the recent decision by former President Tenyukh to step down from his position as President of Ukraine had been met with applause by the international community and the eventual election of Vitalii Linetskyi as Ukraine's second President. We're thankful for your efforts in freeing our homeland from the shackles of Soviet terror and Russian imperialism.

Muzychko: I appreciate it, Ma'am.

Interviewer: Anyways, our ECA application is still on hold because of the territorial disputes that we have with the empire that should never be named, and it is really a source of anguish and frustration on the part of our people. Are you in support of integration into the ECA?

Muzychko: I'm already skeptical about Ukraine being a part of this Intermarium project led by Poland, since it's basically the replay of when our ancestors were working as virtual slaves for Polish landlords before Bohdan Khmelnytskyi launched his uprising that ultimately created what would become modern Ukraine in the Cossack Hetmanate. Yet, even he has committed a great sin by asking the bloody Muscovites for help!

Interviewer: Setting that aside, what was your role as the leader of the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense paramilitary group during the Second Ukrainian War of Independence?

Muzychko: Well, before that conflict broke out, I had to convince most of my comrades in arms that were fighting in the Soviet Ground Forces to desert their unit and to join the UNSO. In addition, we also had to create our own paramilitary unit that was inspired by the Moldovan paramilitary formations. We were basically an army without much needed heavy weapons.

Interviewer: But you've managed to get your hands on several Soviet weapons though, right?

Muzychko: Of course. As much as I hated Anatoly Lukyanov, he was smart enough to not station any heavy weaponry inside Ukraine, such as heavy bombers and the newer T-80 and T-72 battle tanks. Unfortunately, his so-called wisdom had robbed us of an opportunity to acquire some nuclear weapons.

Interviewer: But didn't the 37th Guards Rocket Division and the 50th Rocket Division joined the right side?

Muzychko: They did, but the rest of the 43rd Rocket Army had opted to join this breakaway entity based in both Donetsk and Kryvyi Rikh. Damn traitors. I also had to mention that the current head of the damned pack of mercenaries in the Terminal Defense Group hailed from Zaporizhzhia Oblast. That fool Balitskyi.

Interviewer: We know too well about him. So how did the UNSO gradually evolve into the modern Ukrainian Ground Forces?

Muzychko: Well, we had to tap into the knowledge of both the Ukrainians who served in the Soviet Army and some of the older veterans of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army for advice and support on how we needed to form a modern army to resist the Soviet Ground Forces. Luckily, approximately 300,000 Ukrainians who served in Afghanistan had opted to desert their units and to join our side. Those very same guys had actually played a role in the Transnistria conflict, where we managed to 'evacuate' the Russian colonists from those lands, but we only ended up taking them to Odesa, where they were evacuated on a Russian ship, bound for Crimea. This happened a few months after the Lithuanians had 'evacuated' their Russian colonists from the former Kaliningrad Oblast which is now a part of Poland that Lithuania had ceded the land to.

Interviewer: You've managed to score a major victory over the Russians in that Transnistrian conflict, often with the collaboration of the Romanian Army that helped reunite Moldova with the Romanian state. Was that conflict hard for your guys?

Muzychko: Yes, it was. As much as I hate to admit it, the Russian conscripts in the Soviet Ground Forces were fighting fanatically to defend their crumbling empire, but a third of the Soviet soldiers that were stationed in Transnistria had deserted their posts, or defected to either us or the Romanians. The story was the same in Lithuania, but in Estonia and Latvia, you had the expellees from Kaliningrad Oblast that were resettled in the so-called Russian Trans-Baltic Republic. Those guys were out for revenge, and eventually played a role in the massacres of innocent civilians.

Interviewer: What was the first day of your fight against the Russians like? Given that the Soviet Ground Forces were trying to reach Kyiv quickly, I'm sure it must have been difficult to resist their onslaught.

Muzychko: True. I remember on March 14th of 1991 that the Soviet soldiers were stuck besieging Ribky, turning into a pitched battle that we barely won, since they were needed for another offensive, this time aiming at Sumy. However, we also realized that Kyiv itself is vulnerable to Soviet capture, so we voted in favor of relocating the seat of the Ukrainian Provisional Government to Ivano-Frankivsk first, and then Lviv.

Interviewer: What about the other UNSO fighters that were deployed to eastern Ukraine?

Muzychko: Well, they unfortunately had a tougher time trying to capture parts of Kharkiv Oblast, since a good portion of the Soviet Ground Forces were deployed there. The other Soviet forces that were withdrawn from Eastern Europe were redeployed to Eastern Ukraine and to Belarus. A significant portion of Soviet troops in Kharkiv, and to a lesser extent, Donetsk, Luhansk, and even Sicheslav were from the Southern Group of Forces that were stationed in Hungary.

Interviewer: Were there any supporters of Ukrainian independence in those disputed regions?

Muzychko: Of course! However, there were a few misguided citizens that still believed in the existence of the Ukrainian SSR, and the ones that actually resisted us had openly established both the Priazoviya and the Chornozemske Sovereign Republics in response to our attempt to bring in those regions into an independent Ukraine.

Interviewer: At least you were more successful in securing the stretch of land from what was then Izmail Oblast to Kherson.

Muzychko: That, we did. It also helps that Odesa is the only port that we still have, even though we're getting foreign assistance in the development of Mykolaiv and Ochakiv as viable ports.

Interviewer: In your other opinion, what do you think triggered the civil war in the former Soviet Union then?

Muzychko: Well, you had loudmouths like Dmitry Rogozin who had been calling for the eventual consolidation of a Greater Russia within the Soviet Union where ethnic Russians reside. This was the kind of thing that justified the continued presence of those Russian colonists in eastern Ukraine, plus they were only there because of their famine genocide in the Holodomor. On the other hand, you also have a growing divide between Ukrainians and Russians, especially mixed families as well. President Tenyukh had once stated that over 98% of divorces in Ukraine during the years of 1991 to 1995 came from mixed Ukrainian-Russian families, once their political and ethnic allegiances were pronounced.

Interviewer: And what of the infamous Clash of the Dinamos that marred the 1990 Soviet Cup between Dinamo Moscow and Dynamo Kyiv? I heard that the match was postponed due to the fights that broke out between the supporters of those teams. Some called it the Soviet equivalent of the infamous Dinamo Zagreb-Red Star Belgrade clash, but unlike the one that happened in the Balkans, the Clash of the Dinamos ended with Soviet OMON personnel firing tear gas and rubber bullets into both stands. However, it was the political slogans that were actually uttered that caused the fight to break out in the first place. What do you think?

Muzychko: (sighs) I wasn't there when it happened, but Andriy Shkil attended that match in Moscow, despite being a wanted man by the KGB for his activities in Ukraine. He told me that both supporters were shouting 'Slava Ukraini!' and 'Slava Rossii!' before taunting each other. It wasn't surprising that the ultras that attended those matches would trade their football jerseys for fatigues and rifles. The Ukrainian football ultras eventually enlisted into the UNSO, while the Russian ultras joined both the Soviet Ground Forces and the Russian Frontier Guards, which was their paramilitary answer to the UNSO.

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"The infamous 1990 Soviet Cup final was probably the only black mark that was etched in the history of the Soviet Union's athletic history, mainly due to the brawls that erupted in the stands between supporters of Dinamo Moscow and Dynamo Kyiv. Before the match had begun though, the political climate inside the Soviet Union had reached a boiling point as the Soviet Army's brutal suppression of the Baltic pro-independence protesters back in April 30th of 1990 had reached international headlines. Suddenly, the division has now become more clear as supporters of formerly deposed Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev had come out from his place of house arrest in Sochi to condemn the crackdowns, saying that the Pandora's Box of counter-revolution has now been opened. To his horror, not only was he proven right, but Anatoly Lukyanov's proposed for the Reformed Union Pact which would have preserved the Soviet Union in a new form was dangerously close to being destroyed. Lukyanov would personally select some of his loyalists to head the positions of the Communist Parties of their respective republics. From the Caucasus region, Tengiz Khakhva was chosen as the leader of the Communist Party of Georgia (USSR), while Aram Sargsyan headed its Armenian branch and Hussein Ibragimov would head the Azerbaijani branch of the Communist Party. From Central Asia, Serikbolsyn Abdildin would head the Kazakh Communist Party after Nursultan Nazarbayev was passed over due to internal disputes. Meanwhile, Apas Jumagulov headed the Kyrgyz Communist Party, Allaberdy Kochekov headed the Turkmen Communist Party, Fayzali Avazov headed the Tajik Communist Party, and Obidzhon Abobakirov would lead the Uzbek Communist Party. What these regional leaders had in common were that they had been scouted and viewed by Premier Lukyanov as his proteges who would carry out the reforms needed, albeit on a slower pace. Most importantly though, these regional leaders owed their position to Lukyanov himself, meaning that they would be expected to obey his wishes, though Lukyanov was careful to not push too much. It was in the city of Shymkent five days after the notorious Clash of the Dinamos that the Shymkent Accords would be signed, which placed the Reformed Union Pact in effect, creating the Union of Soviet Sovereign Republics. Although the hammer and sickle was still kept, a half black gear would be added while the color of said hammer and sickle would change from yellow to black. Adding to the Reformed Union Pact was the Belarusian Communist Party, in which Aleksander Lukashenko would lead it. With the Reformed Union Pact in effect, it also allowed for the creation of regional branches of the KGB, including a separate Russian KGB that would have authority over the Russian SFSR. However, the regional leaders of the KGB have decentralized command, though they would take the final orders from the head of the federal Soviet KGB. The Reformed Union Pact though, would be forcefully abolished when the USSR was expelled from the United Nations for its brutal conduct during the Second Russian Civil War, and their re-entry into the UN was conditional, though harsh: they would have to re-enter as separate republics, in essence forcing the Soviet Union to abolish itself." From 'Russia Against the UN', released by TASS Documentaries, August 23, 2015.

Oh shit. That's really terrifying.

Ah nod to OTL's Russian invasion of Ukraine.

What is Zelensky doing in this TL? He's not yet of legal age and I'm sure his acting career is severely butterflied away.