Rogue Generals: A Different Post-EDSA Uno Philippines TL

OMAKE SEVEN: Of Chaos and Order



“People of Liberia, I am Hezekiah Bowen. I have come here, to Monrovia, with an armed force consisting of soldiers whose families have suffered economic hardships from the corruption of the previous regime of Samuel Doe. As I speak, my comrades have arrested most of the cabinet ministers still loyal to President Doe, and upon my authority, I have given the order for their incarceration. We are marching towards a new, democratic dawn in the only African nation that has managed to avoid European colonization, only because our ancestors were sent from the United States to reconnect with their ancient, African roots. Our ancestors were once taken from this very soil by the white slavers, and shipped to the New World, often without our consent. We were exploited, abused, and even tortured, before being dragged into the American Revolution that failed to give us the liberty that we were promised. However, a chance of building a new nation in Africa that consisted mostly of former slaves have been seized in the 19th century, but since then, we felt more like the abandoned stepchild of America. An abandoned stepchild that has been neglected and forced to come up with ways to survive on its own. Now that we have come to the present, we must take this chance to build a new Liberia, one on top of the old and inept. However, let me reiterate to you, my people, that I am not the bloodthirsty butcher who rules a country that is also treated like an abandoned stepchild of America. I am not Artemio Tadiar, who will resort to a civil war to purge his opponents. I am someone who will be even better than Tadiar, and all the other African leaders who resorted to autocracy. No, I am the antithesis of Tadiar. I shall be the guiding father of the new Liberia!” Hezekiah Bowen, while addressing his supporters after his army launched the December 19, 1989 Monrovia Coup that toppled the Presidency of Samuel Doe.

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In the Heart of the Russian Steppe: Recalling the Journey of a Former White South African Refugee in Russia
Courtesy of Time Magazine
March 24, 2016



When looking briefly on the Mulder family, one may mistake them for a Russian German family. However, after conversing with them, they revealed their Afrikaner heritage to any curious onlooker, but their journey from distant South Africa, to the tiny Russian town of Zhigulevsk, across from the city of Tatishchevsk, had been an unusual one. Like most White South Africans of Afrikaner descent, Mathias Mulder and his family had to flee from their home in Doringbos, in what was then the Western Cape. Unlike his fellow Afrikaners, Mulder was a former South African Army officer who took part in the Bush Wars. In 1990, fears of a potential civil war increased as the instability erupted within the South African Bantustan entity of Bophuthatswana. Lucas Mangope was facing opposition from his rule, and the African National Congress had increased much of their support among the poorer Bophuthatswanan people. Moreover, Nelson Mandela had been campaigning for the end of apartheid.

“I did not have any use for Mandela or any of his thugs, but my aunt and uncle were among the people who were killed by ANC terrorists back in the day,” Mulder commented after being asked about his opinion on the ANC that has now taken power in South Africa, though without their iconic leader, who was sadly killed in a car bomb planted by radical right-wing assassins connected to the infamous Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging, or the AWB, in August 21, 1990, in Cape Town, while on a tour of the entire South African state. “I did not like the way the AWB had resorted to terrorism, because by doing so, we had sunk down to the same level as our ANC enemies.”

The notorious Cape Town Stadium assassination of Nelson Mandela was notorious for its brazen attack, even in daylight, as three AWB-aligned right-wingers had rigged one of the cars that Mandela had ridden on and blew it up. Mandela, his driver, and two of his personal guards, were killed instantly. When the ANC learned of Mandela’s assassination, they realized the consequences of the death of their leader.

“It was only a matter of time before things had gone worse. I recall seeing an AWB rally where Eugene Terreblanche had rallied some of his thugs, and when the police had arrived to break up the rally, Terreblanche shouted ‘no one shall dare gas you!’ and turned his head towards the police. At one point, I thought of joining the AWB, but since I was still an active officer in the SADF, I could not afford to appear extreme in front of the other officers,” Mulders recalled seeing a huge gaggle of far-right activists waving a weird variant of the Nazi flag, which was the official AWB flag. “It was also official news that some people like this David Duke guy were also present at the rally.”

The growing instability in South Africa as apartheid slowly came to an end had attracted the infamous Ku Klux Klan into the African continent. When the AWB learned of the KKK’s presence in South Africa, they initially hesitated to welcome them, as the KKK were mainly consisting of white Americans of Anglo-Saxon and Celtic stock, which made them technically the enemies of the Afrikaner-centric AWB, who were primarily of Dutch descent. However, Terreblanche had reached a pragmatic agreement with David Duke, where the KKK would train the AWB members on their rituals, while the AWB would train the KKK members in military tactics. Some of the former SADF officers and soldiers who deserted from the military after Nelson Mandela was released had joined the AWB.

“The deserters who joined those thugs have disgraced their uniform,” Mulder spat angrily. “Unlike them, I resigned from the army with the rank of Colonel, and I moved back to my farm in Doringbos. However, our farm was torched by extreme elements of the ANC, and that was when I realized that I could either stand and fight or flee.”

Mulder’s decision to form an unofficial paramilitary unit, consisting of other former SADF soldiers who resigned from the military, but did not join the AWB, had been popular with the residents of Doringbos, which gave the name the Afrikaner Volunteer Guard. Though he was initially appointed the commander, he was eventually succeeded by Joffel van der Westhuizen, who took over as commander of the AVG. Once the AVG was set up, they began retraining those recruits who were former SADF members, but gave a different training for the new recruits. While the hastily assembled AVG began to take shape, events outside their control spiralled further. On October 9, 1990, two of South Africa’s Bantustans, Bophuthatswana and Transkei, had declared their independence from the Republic of South Africa. Lucas Mangope and Bantu Holomisa had declared themselves Presidents of their respective republics, with Ciskei following suit. Both President Holomisa of Transkei and his Ciskei counterpart, Oupa Gqozo, had approached each other with a joint proposal to unite the two statelets into a single, unified, Xhosa-speaking nation that was to be called the United Xhosa Republic. Their dreams were ironically enough, supported by the AWB, which saw the formation of various Black South African ethnically pure states as a foundation for the eventual recognition of the Bantustans as actual, sovereign states.

“The AWB saw the potential for the puppetization of the former Bantustans that were to be independent. However, the South African government had grown nervous at the idea of losing more of their territories, especially when Namibia is set to become independent. All of us saw the dangers of those states becoming safe havens for various terrorist groups,” Mulder commented after meeting with a representative of the Bophuthatswanan people. “After Mandela’s death, we are seeing more of these guys become bold in their proposal.”

One of the main tasks of the AVG was to guard the border between South Africa proper and the Bantustans of which the various ethnic groups were to be established. From time to time, Mulder and his group would often shoot at the terrorists who came over from neighboring Swaziland and Namibia. However, their biggest problem remained the issue of weapons and other supplies.

“I suppose we had it better than the regime in the Philippines,” Mulder chuckled, recalling a time when the AVG and other active members of the SADF had to confiscate assault rifles taken from captured or dead enemy soldiers of the South African Bush Wars. “Unlike in the Philippines, we managed to acquire enough weapons and ammunition to arm an entire division.”

The AVG’s main challenge came in 1991, when they were deployed to the borders with both Transkei and Ciskei. At that time, the only strip of territory separating the Transkei from the Ciskei was the area in the Wild Coast region, but thanks to the machinations of the AWB and the assistance of the AVG, Kei Mouth was taken by surprise, with the armies of both the Transkei and Ciskei marching in, despite objections from local residents there. By February 27, the United Xhosa Republic was officially declared, with the capital of Umtata being established. Curiously enough, there was not much fighting going on in the Wild Coast, but in neighboring KaNgwane, the local militias there eyed the situation in their border with the independent kingdom of Swaziland, before they changed their name to Eswatini in 1999.

“I am not sure as to why Terreblanche was negotiating with the Swazi king on the transfer of the entirety of KaNgwane when our government failed to do so back in the 1980s,” said a fellow AVG and a friend of Mulder. Unlike Mulder, the fellow whom we called Billy had extensive experience in dealing with the Bantustans. “Then again, Terreblanche was taking advice from one of the top bosses of the American KKK.”

The growing alliance between the KKK and the AWB has resulted in the international community’s growing fear that South Africa would become a white supremacist’s laboratory for their fringe ideology. Their fears were confirmed when on November 21, 1991, three KKK members had tortured and murdered two ANC terrorists who were unlucky enough to fall into their hands. The nature of the ANC men’s deaths had shocked the South African nation, but another discovery would horrify the South African government to their core.

“We started finding out about various European and North American Neo-Nazis arriving in places like Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Bloemfontein. Unlike the KKK, these Neo-Nazis were armed. Some of them had recently arrived from fighting inside the Soviet Union,” Mulder replied when asked about the dangers of the Neo-Nazis in South Africa. “Luckily for us, there was one man who wanted to get out of his outfit. Said that he only went there to fight communists, and did not want to do any more killing.”

That one man who wanted to get out, was a man named Peter Jonsson, originally from Iceland. He traveled to the Soviet Union in order to fight the Soviet loyalist forces there, but was roped into fighting the Russian rebels in Estonia and Latvia.

“Fighting communists were one thing, but fighting non-communists who happen to be of a different ethnic group was something I did not want to do,” Jonsson confessed. “Even so, I still believed in a unified Europe for white Europeans.”

Jonsson and Mulder became friends after connecting through their missions together. The more Jonsson confessed to his main reason for joining the fringe right group, the more he was determined to get out of it. At one point, Jonsson even saw two Boers berating an Englishman for not knowing basic Afrikaans, resulting in his intervention. Eventually, Jonsoon was given a tour of the Bantustans by Mulder, and saw for himself the harsh reality of the Bantustan system.

“Honestly, it looked like crap,” Jonsson replied once Mulder asked him about the state of the Bantustan. “I am lucky to have lived in a clean environment like Iceland.”

When the South African Civil War erupted on December 29, 1991, it pitted the loyalist South African government against both the ANC and the AWB. It was there that the AVG soon found itself battling both factions, with predictably tragic results.

“In addition to my aunt and uncle who were killed, my mother-in-law was shot dead by the ANC radicals while shopping just outside Doringbos. When the ANC eventually consolidated their control around the other breakaway Bantustans, we realized that we had to carve out our own ethno-state,” Mulder told reporters after his unit was ambushed and barely survived the attack by the ANC in what became known as the Last Stand in Middlepos. “At this point, we wanted to relocate all the surviving Boers out of the other parts of South Africa, in order to concentrate on our stronghold in the western coast.”

Unfortunately, the presence of the far-right groups in South Africa had triggered a response from international left-wing organizations, which donated money to the ANC’s cause. Left-wing veterans of the Second Russian Civil War traveled to South Africa in order to help the ANC form their own paramilitary groups, which were often armed with equipment donated from the Soviet loyalist government (although the items in question were obsolete), or taken from executed AWB fighters. However, with the rise of Gwede Mantashe as Nelson Mandela’s successor as leader of the ANC, his anti-Afrikaner rhetoric increased the potential for inter-ethnic violence between whites and blacks within South Africa, a factor in the eventual expulsion of the white population after 1996.

“Demographics and fertility were not on our side. Even if we allowed immigration of the Brits and Portuguese from other parts of Africa that became independent from their mother countries, the blacks would have outbred us,” Mulder sadly commented. He recalls a time when his unit had encountered a poverty stricken village that held a house, containing a single mother with seven children. “It was the same in the Bantustans: lots of Black South Africans having children at an alarming rate.”

Unfortunately, the situation only worsened when Magnus Malan, a former South African Defense Minister, had began to openly train and arm the AWB and other far-right volunteers, prompting the ANC to do the same with the left-wing volunteers who showed up to fight them. In addition, another infamous incident had occurred that would force the international community to pay attention to the rise of the far-right in South Africa.

“The brutal torture and murder of Joe Slovo was something I cannot forget, since it was our unit that was responsible for his death. I was ordered to tie him up inside this empty room here.” Mulder showed journalists the room in which former South African Communist Party General Secretary Joe Slovo was killed. “We only played a minor role here, while the Neo-Nazis did the actual killing. Since Joe Slovo was also Jewish, that only made the Neo-Nazis more excited at the prospect of killing a ‘communist Jew’, in their own words.”

It was this incident in the town of Reneen, only a few miles away from Doringbos, that prompted the Israeli government to sever ties with South Africa, which was a shock, considering that it was the Israelis who were also responsible for South Africa’s nuclear program. However, the arrival of the Neo-Nazis and other white nationalists from North America, Australia, and New Zealand had forced the hand of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. On the other hand, the debate as to who ordered the murder of Joe Slovo had raged on, even to this day, as the more radical elements of the AWB insisted that they carried it out on their own initiative. The ANC on the other hand, believed that it was Magnus Malan who gave the order. Still, the bloody ethnic conflict that has erupted within South Africa’s Bantustans had started to resemble more of the Philippine Civil War of 1986-88 than the civil war in the former Soviet Union. The Filipino migrant workers who stayed in South Africa had arrived in the Australian and Canadian High Commissions after hearing of Magnus Malan’s decision to contact Artemio Tadiar for negotiations regarding the Filipinos in South Africa.

“Magnus Malan had this insane idea of sending the Filipino migrant workers back to Tadiar, to curry favor with him. He even offered the services of various South African veterans of the Bush Wars for assistance with the Tadiar regime’s fight against the communists. At first, we were kidding ourselves when we asked if we were going to be sent to the Philippines. However, we learned later that Malan was going to deport the Filipinos to Tadiar, which explained the sudden arrival of the Filipinos in front of the two High Commissions in May of 1992.” Mulder pointed at the Australian High Commission building and the spot where the Filipinos lined up.

Even as the civil war escalated, the AVG mainly stuck to fighting the ANC, alongside the AWB. It was not until July of 1992 that relations between whites and blacks in South Africa were permanently damaged. On July 15, 1992, in Jakkalsfontein, AWB paramilitaries and Neo-Nazi mercenaries had rounded up over 9,000 captured ANC guerrillas and proceeded to execute them, with their corpses buried in hidden mass graves that were later covered by newly planted trees. Some of the AVG personnel did participate, except for Mulder and Jonsson.

“We felt sickened by this kind of mass murder. Even a few of the KKK members that we talked to had become disillusioned by their experiences here. As much as they wanted to keep the whites and blacks separate, either in the United States, or in here, they did not really want to resort to such mass killings. All in all, I can say that five KKK members had left the organization, including that David Duke guy. While he can still recall his experiences with the KKK, his adventure here in South Africa had genuinely horrified him,” Mulder said. He showed the journalists the discarded uniforms that the five KKK defectors had discarded, though it appeared to have been burnt. “It reminded me of that book written by this Turtletaub guy about the AWB time travelers who went back to the time of the American Civil War and changed history, but their treatment of the blacks in the States had resulted in the Confederates turning against the AWB.”

Eventually, the South African Civil War had begun to turn in favor of the ANC, with supplies reaching them through newly independent Namibia, which had turned to the United States for support in its fight against South Africa in the aftermath of the Jakkalsfontein Massacre, and it was Great Britain, France, and the reunified German Republic that sent most of the military aid to the ANC. By then, Magnus Malan had only succeeded in carving out an independent Boer-majority state, called Kaapstad, which existed from 1991 (when the South African Civil War had started) to 1995, when the combined forces of the ANC, the Namibian Army, and left-wing volunteers, had stormed the border into Kaapstad and started to expel the white minority from what is left of Kaapstad. Tales of white families fleeing into the port city of Cape Town were sadly common, as Mulder and his family were among the fleeing families.

“The ANC and other leftists have started to confiscate the lands that we worked on for several generations. It was only because of the intervention by the US and Great Britain that we could stay in Cape Town, but only for a year while the embassies there will ask us if we want to go to the countries that offered us asylum. In the end, we chose to go to Russia, rather than Australia, as my wife originally wanted, but the Australian government had banned the entry of former South African military personnel from immigrating to Australia, due to the potential backlash from the Australian public,” Mulder explained while mentioning the former Bob Hawke administration’s policy regarding the South African refugees. “Unlike Australia, the Russians were eager to welcome anyone as long as they can help rebuild their country after the civil war there.”

It was not until 1996 that the Mulder family would be allowed to arrive in Russia, where they chose to settle in the town of Zhigulevsk, not far from Tatishchevsk, which was originally called Tolyatti, until 1995, when the official policy of ‘De-Bolshevization’ and ‘De-Communizaton’ had been passed by the Burbulis-led government. In Zhigulevsk, the Mulder family was granted a medium sized farm and some assistance from the Russian families that resided there. Moreover, Russia’s newly appointed Minister for Resettlement and Immigration, Eduard Rossel, had been a major factor in not only helping the Boers to settle in Russia, but also helping the repatriated prikhodniks coming home from abroad. Since settling in Russia, Mulder has become a famous family brand, associated with the production of dairy products like cheese, yogurt, and of course, milk.

“Mulder Farm Dairy has become a popular hit with the Russian public, and the fact that our family came from a line of ranchers has played a vital part in why we became famous.” Mulder offered some milk from his factory to three Russian guests. “It has become famous, even in Ukraine, Belarus, and Siberia as well.”

Since settling in Russia, the Boers have become experts in agricultural entrepreneurship, with names like Mulder, Mostert, Prinsloo, and De Bruyn, being associated with food brands. Of all the Boers that resettled in the Russian Federation, 49% had settled in Russia proper, 13% had settled in Belarus, and 38% had settled in Ukraine. The Boers who lived in Ukraine, had mostly settled in Zaporizhia Oblast, where their expertise in farming had helped their Ukrainian neighbors. It has reached a point where intermarriages between Ukrainians and Boers are common, as was the intermarriages between Boers and their Russian and Belarusian neighbors. Other Boer refugees have landed in the United States and Australia, where they were met with suspicion by the locals because of the Jakkalfontein Massacre.

“My son Henryk had written back to a close friend of his from our time in Doringbos about how the white Americans in the south did not talk to him much, while the blacks there had spat on him because of the Massacre. Thanks to the AWB in Jakkalfontein, the ANC and many other leftists have started their own anti-Boer songs, like ‘kill the Boer’,” Mulder recalled his son’s angry reaction to his best friend’s treatment. “But now, without the white minority in South Africa, it has become worse than Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe.”

Post-civil war South Africa under President Gwede Mantashe had reached out to Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe for diplomatic recognition, which the latter had accepted. However, the economic situation in South Africa after the civil war has reached a point where the South African Rand had suffered from hyperinflation, with 1,000,000 rand being the equivalent of 1 US Dollar. In an unexpected twist, both Zimbabwe and South Africa would turn, not to Russia or the US for help, but China. After 1997, when China became an international pariah because of their reckless bombing campaign against Vietnam and the Philippines that resulted in much of their agricultural farmland being torched mercilessly, over 420,000 Vietnamese and 500,000 Filipinos have starved to death. Even with international aid, the famines continued until 2001, when both Indonesia and Japan offered to help rebuild the agricultural productivity of the Philippines and Vietnam. Zimbabwe and South Africa on the other hand, became staunch Chinese allies, even defending China’s campaign against Vietnam and the Philippines on the grounds that Vietnam was not accommodating China’s interest, and the Philippines was mired with colonial crab mentality.

“I suppose it does fit with the whole ‘pariahs stick together’. Yet at the same time, China is getting a bit richer, through its meager investment with Zimbabwe and South Africa, to the point where they have become de facto colonies of the communist regime in Beijing,” Mulder retorted. “The Chinese have introduced collective farms into those areas with a modern twist: the state would decide what kind of agricultural produce that will be made in those two states.”

A famine broke out in 2009 when it became clear that Zimbabweans and South Africans had struggled to grow enough crops to feed the entire country. Even when the famine happened, both governments did not turn to the international community, fearing that if they did so, they would have to admit that their policies have failed. This was on top of the horrendous economic disaster that Uzbekistan had suffered from implementing their Islamo-Maoist ideas on economic reforms. As for the Mulder family, they have never felt so happy being in Russia than when they lived in South Africa.

“I suppose Magnus Malan and Eugene Terreblanche should count themselves lucky that they only shot themselves in the head when they heard the news of Kaapstad’s fall to the ANC,” Mulder spat angrily. “They were the ones who are responsible for the exodus and expulsion of the Boers from South Africa. All of that history, gone down the drain.”

I pay attention to the close details of the butterflies that even it won't be a carbon copy of OTL. So sites like Facebook or Instagram would have a different name or layout here.

True, and TTL's Facebook is called VossCode, which is basically an alternate Facebook if it was invented by the Winkelvoss twins. Not sure if Instagram might even exist at this point, though an alternate counterpart might arise. TikTok would definitely not exist, as TTL's China wouldn't have the necessary funds to create and develop it due to much of their national budget being invested in the military, and infrastructure.

Thanks for catching the typo, although originally I was going to say western Siberia, but yeah.

Not sure yet, although you may have a different nation doing something like this. Or the whole gratification thing is butterflied due to a bit more conservative mindset.

Before I publish the next main update on the Second Russian Civil War, there is one OMAKE that I have to publish before that: the 1992 US Presidential Elections (yes, this is the election that Jesse Jackson eventually wins, though who would be his challenger remains to be seen).

Chapter Thirty-Five: The Second Russian Civil War Part Ten



Portions from the Interview with Former Russian President Semyon Domash/Siaimon Domash
Vesti News
June 17, 2016


Discussing the Civil War in Belarus and its Factor in the Decisive Rebel Victory in the Western Theater


Interviewer: How was it that the moderate Belarusian nationalists managed to win their conflict inside the former Belarusian SSR, while simultaneously fighting other Soviet loyalists from Russia and Ukraine?

Domash: Well, it was mostly the Ukrainians who helped us with the war inside Belarus. I remember seeing the Zaporizhian Cossack paramilitary forces arriving in Gomel from Chernihiv and seeing as how they recently fought against the loyalists there and won, they were naturally better armed, and battle hardened.

Interviewer: By this point, much of Ukraine had declared itself sovereign within the USSR, but they have not declared independence yet. However, Mykola Azarov had openly declared that Ukrainian rebel forces would help their Russian and Belarusian brethren if they would also recognize Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union. Yet a few years later, Azarov becomes president of what was then the East Slavic Federation, before changing the name back to Russia, in addition to his role as the President of the Union State of Ukraine and Belarus. How did this come to happen?

Domash: Only a few months before the civil war in the former Soviet Union had ended, Azarov had declared the formation of the Union State of Ukraine and Belarus. I was among the people who supported the project, and I also stood in as the opposing candidate who was going to win the Presidency. Unfortunately, I only got 43% of the votes to Azarov’s 57%.

Interviewer: Were you nervous at the idea of Ukraine dominating the Union?

Domash: I was at first, but it was preferable to being absorbed by Russia wholesale, even though after 2000, we eventually merged with Russia, so it was pointless to fear being absorbed by Russia when we did the absorbing in the first place.

Interviewer: Most Ukrainian nationalists have denounced Azarov for ‘selling out’ to Russia, but you seem to have the opposite view from most Ukrainian and Belarusian nationalists. What did you mean by what you said about not selling out to Russia?

Domash: We knew that we would not survive without the help of the Russians, and the Russians knew that they would no longer count themselves as a European power without possession of Ukraine and Belarus. It was mutually beneficial, plus now that there is a strong Ukrainian Lobby in the Kremlin, we can pry out some concessions out of the Russian government. The communist nostalgists have denounced the Russian government for kowtowing to the Ukrainians, and even protested the Russian recognition of the Holodomor.

Interviewer: It is a bit disgraceful that there are some who still believe that the Holodomor was not a genocide, but an honest mistake that Stalin had made. Did you feel angry at the remark?

Domash: Of course. Many of our families had suffered under Stalin, but there were also a bunch of people who benefited from the Stalinist dictatorship after all.

Interviewer: How did the Battle of Chernobyl become the most defining moment of the Second Russian Civil War? It seems that it was more than just a repeat of the Great Patriotic War’s Battle of Kursk.

Domash: The Battle of Chernobyl was more than just a defining moment. To some anti-communists, it was akin to the medieval Battle of Kulikovo, or the Great Stand at the Ugra, where the Soviets were depicted in a similar vein to the Mongols of the Golden Horde, something that upset some Tatar minorities, but basically one could also say that it was the reverse of the 1613 Liberation of Moscow from Polish occupation. Most importantly, the presence of the Grey Legion, and the former Warsaw Pact member states’ volunteers had been a welcome sight, as well as our Serbian, Romanian, and Bulgarian brethren who also showed up.

Interviewer: Do you also think the pan-European movement and the far-right extremists have positive views of the Battle of Chernobyl?

Domash: That, I can also say that they had a positive view on it. In fact, it is also celebrated in white nationalist and neo-fascist circles as the final victory over international communism. The most controversial part of the Chernobyl battle was the rebel bombing campaign against the loyalist positions within Russia itself. However, it was a massive bombing campaign a few days after Chernobyl was successfully defended by the National Redemption Army that ultimately killed the coup leaders who took over the Soviet Union from the late Premier Gorbachev, though leaving Dmitry Yazov alive as the sole survivor who would be pivotal in the relocation of the Soviet government to Shymkent, in the Kazakh SSR.

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MOLDOVA BECOMES SECOND SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC TO SECEDE FROM SOVIET UNION, REQUESTS REUNIFICATION WITH ROMANIA
Vancouver Sun
January 20, 1993



Chisinau, REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA – The government of the Moldovan SSR has announced the country’s secession from the USSR, in an unprecedented move that would electrify the anti-Soviet elements within the Soviet Union and give more discomfort to the Soviet government itself. The Moldovan pro-reunification movement, led by Gheorghe Ghimpu, had called on the Romanian government to not only recognize the legal existence of Moldova, but to call in the Romanian military to march into Moldova to restore order, with the Moldovan Army marching into Romania to symbolize the two nations’ reunification. In response, Romania’s first post-communist President, Ion Iliescu, had supported the plan, but could not officially endorse the plan without significant backlash from the Soviet Union. However, as the Soviet government is mired in a civil war, the Romanian government decided to sever its diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union and recognized the Russian Provisional Government as the de facto legal successor to the USSR. Even more astounding is that the de facto breakaway Ukrainian Republic has also recognized the independence of Moldova and is negotiating with Moldova on the territorial adjustments between the two nations. According to the Bender Agreement, recently established by both the Moldovan and Ukrainian governments, Ukraine would annex the predominantly Slavic majority region of Transnistria, in exchange for Moldova acquiring the region of Budjak, giving it access to the Black Sea.

“We congratulate President Ghimpu on his successful journey to Moldova’s independence from the Soviet Union,” says Romania’s second president and Iliescu’s successor, Emil Constantinescu after hearing about Moldova’s independence referendum that resulted in over 98% of Moldova’s population voting in favor of independence, and only 2% opposed. “As Romanian volunteers are busy defending Moldova from Soviet loyalist forces, we are unable to contribute more to the fight against the Soviet Union alongside the Russian Provisional Government.”

As of today, Romania has officially become the 10th nation in the world to recognize the legitimacy of the Russian Provisional Government, and the 2nd former communist nation to do so. However, it has the distinguishment of being the 1st former Warsaw Pact member to officially recognize the legitimacy of the Russian Provisional Government, with Bulgaria and Hungary expected to follow suit, though Bulgaria is amid a crisis involving its Turkish minority. In addition, Romania also recognizes the de facto independence of Ukraine, even though the Ukrainians have not yet declared its independence from the Soviet Union. However, the first Soviet republic to have formally seceded from the USSR was actually the Azeri SSR, when it declared its independence back on June 12, 1992, with Indonesia being the 1st nation to recognize its independence, followed by the Philippines (both nations recognized it on the same day, and since Azerbaijan declared independence on the same day as Philippine Independence Day, the Philippines and Azerbaijan have the distinct honor of celebrating their statehood together).

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GIRLS UND PANZER DER FOLGE UNDER INTENSE CONTROVERSY OVER ONE OF THE SCHOOLS’ DISPLAY OF SYMBOL SIMILAR TO FAR-RIGHT MLADOROSSI POLITICAL MOVEMENT
AnimeVice
June 12, 2013



(Tokyo) – As if China had already banned the popular tank enthusiast Japanese anime show ‘Girls Und Panzer der Folge’ was not enough, the Russian audience had raised a minor complaint about one of the schools featured in the anime show. Although Pravda High was the school with a Soviet Bolshevik theme, a rival school in Japan with another Russian theme, this time of the White movement, has called itself ‘Voskresenniya Academy’, with a symbol that resembled that of the unknown Mladorossi movement. Furthermore, the marching song of Voskresenniya High was originally called ‘We Go on the Wild Fields’, until Russian fans had written a letter to the creators of Girls Und Panzer, requesting them to change the song to a more, politically neutral song. Their main reasoning was that ‘We Go on the Wild Fields’ was the popular but notorious song of the WWII collaborationist Russian Liberation Army, led by Andrey Vlasov. Fearing a potential backlash from Russian fans if the request was not honored, the creators changed it to ‘Farewell of Slavianka’, a more popular song from the First Russian Civil War era.

“I do not know what went through the minds of these creators, but had they done a bit more research on what the Russian Liberation Army did during the Great Patriotic War, they would not have made this mistake,” comments Russian GuP fan Dmitry Lyapunov while being asked about the popularity of Girls Und Panzer in Russia. “I also think that this was also a reference to how the National Redemption Army was originally going to be called the Russian National Liberation Army, until the comparison with the Vlasovites became too obvious.”

Since the late 1990s and into the 2000s, Japanese anime has been broadcasted in all Russian TV channels, with Russian animators being forced to adapt to the changing environment to compete with Japanese, Western, and Chinese animators. While Russian media moguls have also helped set up studios where the anime shows were to be dubbed in Russian, as well as the languages of Russia’s ethnic republics, Russian voice actors are also facing competition from Western voice actors on how to home in their talent. In 2009, a joint Russo-Japanese collaboration was launched with the release of the controversial anime ‘Khalkhin Gol’, retelling from an anime perspective of the 1938 Soviet-Japanese border war that garnered public outcry in Japan over some of the inaccurate portrayal of some Japanese officers who chose to retreat. The same collaboration between Russia’s Molot Entertainment and Japanese animators would eventually lead to the release of the first Gundam anime since 1999’s final Gundam show made by original creator Yoshiyuki Tomino, Turn A Gundam. Both Molot Entertainment and Sunrise would eventually create ‘Mobile Suit Gundam 00’, being the first Gundam show to depict a timeskip, with its spiritual successor, ‘Mobile Suit Gundam XN’ (pronounced as ‘sun’), being released in 2012, with the additional collaboration between Seiji Mizushima and Susumu Nishizawa being the dominant feature of the project.

Girls Und Panzer der Folge is the sequel to the original Girls und Panzer series, this time focusing more on the sudden rise of Voskresenniya Academy, which had started to take the world of Tankery by storm by their weird experimentations with Soviet, German, British, and Japanese tanks by melding different turrets and chasses together. Their Frankenstein tanks had shocked the tankery world, as they would defeat Chi-Ha-Tan academy first in their practice match, before entering the Nemuro Tournament, where they would face off against the top tier schools, mainly Saunders, Pravda, Kuromorimine, and the surprise guest, Ooarai Girls Academy. However, the rivalry between Voskresenniya and Pravda in the semifinals is the main highlight of the sequel, as it explains in greater detail as to the origins of both Voskresenniya and Pravda. The references to both Russian Civil Wars are present, most especially with Voskresenniya’s students making references to certain battles in the Second Russian Civil War, with one of the students even wearing a uniform like the 106th Guards Airborne Division. The leader of Voskresenniya’s Tankery team, Kseniya, was expelled from Pravda for getting into a fight with Katyusha, referring her as a midget. She, along with the other former Pravda students, had later transferred to Voskresenniya Academy, where they joined their Tankery team. Ksenia’s philosophy regarding her own style of tankery is like that of Pravda’s but tends to adopt the tactics of her rivals, mostly Saunders, Chi-Ha-Tan, Kuromorimine, and Ooarai. Moreover, her penchant for tank experimentation has resulted in the creation of variants of Soviet, German, British, and Japanese tanks. One of the Frankenstein tanks featured by Voskresenniya is a tank with the Type 4 Chi-To’s turret mounted on an experimental A-32 prototype tanks, while the tank personally commanded by Ksenia is, ironically, an unexperimented IS-3 heavy tank.



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BATTLE OF CHERNOBYL (February 14, 1993 – March 14, 1993):



Before February 14, 1993: Northern Group of Forces, now under the command of Sergei Ivanov, had gathered just outside the towns of Strakholissya in the south, Dytyatky in the center, and Pry’pryat in the north. Southern Group of Forces, under the command of Viktor Shilov, arrives at the city of Kyiv, alongside the Eastern European volunteers. Western Group of Forces, under the command of Matvey Burlakov, arrive at the Belarusian town of Chermerisy, with the Grey Legion. Finally, the Central Group of Forces arrive in the town of Kirovo, close to the Belarusian-Ukrainian border. General Mieczyslaw Debicki, commander of the Eastern European volunteers sent to fight the Soviet loyalists, orders their deployment at the town of Karpylivka. The Balkan Volunteer Legion, a unit comprised of the Serbian, Romanian, and Bulgarian volunteers, led by disgraced former Yugoslav Army officer Blagoje Adzic, who was sacked by Kadijevic for warning Zeljko Raznatovic about an arrest warrant being served for both him and Vuk Draskovic, is deployed in the town of Kosachivka.

February 14, 1993: Soviet loyalist air force bombers launch a bombing campaign on Chernobyl, Kyiv, and Strakholissya. Rebel forces respond by deploying their anti-air units to shoot down the aircraft. Meanwhile, Ukrainian, and Belarusian paramilitaries lay low, waiting for an opportunity to ambush the loyalist forces.

February 15-17, 1993: Soviet loyalist ground troops begin to push into the city of Chernobyl, from their front-line base in Hdzyen’, Belarus. Hdzyen’ is the last sole remaining town in Belarus under Soviet loyalist control, as the rest of Belarus had fallen under rebel control. Meanwhile, a joint NRA-Zaporozhian Cossack-Don Cossack-Kuban Cossack coalition force attacks the loyalist-controlled city of Belgorod, from the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv. The offensive into Belgorod is meant to serve as a distraction for the rebel forces just outside Chernobyl to creep closer.

February 18-22, 1993: A four-day battle in the vicinity of the Hostrytstya River basin results in a brutal stalemate, with both rebels and loyalists suffered massive losses. Meanwhile, General Debicki’s volunteers march towards the remaining loyalist-held Ukrainian town of Prokhoriv, to ambush the loyalist forces. This ambush fails, as the loyalist forces encircle the rebel volunteers in a pincer movement. However, the rebel volunteers do not surrender, knowing that execution is the likely response should they surrender. The Battle of Mizhrichynskyi Forest becomes another stalemate.

February 23-26, 1993: The rebel advance into Chernobyl from Pry’p’yat’ proceeds, although loyalist air force bombers from northwestern Russian SFSR continue to pound them. The advance is slowed down but stops outside Chernobyl.

February 27-March 1, 1993: Soviet loyalist forces defeat the rebel troops and push them back from the Hostrytstya River, but little did they know, they are being lured into Chernobyl. Meanwhile, Belgorod falls to rebel troops, who proceed to move towards Kursk. At the same time, General Khabarov, hearing of Alexander Lebed’s advance into the Russian city of Voronezh (it was revealed that after Lebed’s defeat in Aktobe, his forces managed to sneak past the loyalist forces into the city of Saratov, and then managed to relieve the rebel forces fighting the loyalists in Volgograd, making its conquest official by March 1)

March 2-6, 1993: Lebed’s push westwards takes the loyalists by surprise, as his army makes their way into his hometown of Novocherkassk. Meanwhile, the Balkan Volunteer Legion makes a mad dash across the Dnieper River crossing and launches a riverside attack on the loyalist forces when sailing into the Staryk River. Zeljko Raznatovic’s Serbian Volunteer Legion and Gelu Voican Voiculescu’s Romanian Volunteer Legion capture over 3,100 Red Army troops and sent them to POW camps in the Ukrainian town of Chyhyryn.

March 7, 1993: Soviet loyalist forces enter the city suburbs of Chernobyl to take up positions as the rebels are nowhere to be seen. While it may seem to them that they have taken the city, they are in fact, caught in a trap sprung by the rebels. Rebel artilleries begin to pound loyalist positions inside Chernobyl.

March 8, 1993: Leonid Khabarov’s forces arrive at Sverdlovsk to relieve Aleksey Lebed’s besieged forces as they encircle and trap the loyalist forces besieging Svverdlovsk. The attackers are forced to surrender after an entire day of fighting in which the rejuvenated rebel force break out of Sverdlovsk to attack the loyalist position.

March 9-11, 1993: Prokhoriv falls to General Debicki’s forces, at the same time as the Balkan Volunteer Legion’s rapid capture of Nizhnie Zary, in Belarus. P35 Highway is then secured by rebel forces to prevent loyalist reinforcements from arriving in Chernobyl.

March 12, 1993: Alexander Lebed’s replenished forces make their way towards Chernobyl, stopping by Donetsk and Luhansk Oblast to capture the two oblasts to force the remaining loyalists in Ukraine to surrender and join his forces instead. Meanwhile, Matvey Burlakov’s Southern Group of Forces block the loyalist advance into the rest of Chernobyl, as the rest of the rebel forces begin to encircle them.

March 13, 1993: Lebed splits his army into three: one by Igor Rodionov, to advance along the Ukrainian coast to link up with Ukrainian troops fighting on the same side as the NRA, another by Vladimir Kvachkov, to secure Crimea for the NRA and Ukrainian paramilitaries as well, and the third by Lebed himself, who will go for Zaporizhia. Zaporizhia International Airport and Melitopol Airfield falls to Lebed’s forces, who use the airfields to airlift the 106th Guards Airborne Division for a behind enemy lines style landing. Inside Chernobyl, the loyalist forces find themselves surrounded by advancing rebel troops, as urban warfare now dominate the city. Rosgvardiya troops, Justice Brigade paramilitaries, and foreign volunteers now engage in guerrilla warfare against remaining Soviet loyalist forces.

March 14, 1993: Pavel Grachev is wounded by a rebel airstrike while giving orders to the loyalist forces in the Russian city of Bryansk, but survives (he eventually dies in 1998, by Islamists). Additional heavy bombing of Chernobyl continues, though they are careful not to hit the V.I.Lenin nuclear plant (already closed due to safety concerns) Lebed’s VDV forces finally land in the vicinity of Chernobyl as their entrance into the city had demoralized the badly weakened Soviet loyalist forces. The surviving troops of the Soviet loyalist forces now surrender to rebel forces, crippling the fighting strength of the Soviet Red Army.

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“With the successful operation against the Soviet loyalist forces in Chernobyl, morale within the National Redemption Army had soared, as more nations had begun to sever ties with the Soviet Union and recognized the Russian Provisional Government as the legitimate governing body that represented all of the Russian SFSR. In addition, southern Russia would fall to the National Redemption Army, once it became clear that rebel troops control the river traffic between the Don and Volga Rivers. Once the supply lines between the Urals and the Caucasus became secure, representatives from the North Caucasian republics had flown to Krasnoyarsk to negotiate a power-sharing deal with the Russian Provisional Government, and Gennady Burbulis had made it clear that all the deported North Caucasian Muslims expelled under the Stalinist regime are to be given compensation for their ordeal, once the Russian economy booms once more. Chechnya, one of the most troubled republics within the North Caucasus, is given special attention, as the Chechen diaspora in Central Asia could return, and another deal involving Adyghe has been secured, though with promises of ceding some territory to the Adyghe Provisional Autonomous Government as compensation for the Circassian Genocide. With Tatarstan and Bashkortostan’s revolution against the Soviet government successful in expelling the local Communist Party apparatchiks from their territories, they too, received the same power sharing deal with the Russian Provisional Government. All over the Belarusian, Ukrainian, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Georgian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Moldovan SSRs and the Russian SFSR, statues of Lenin and other communist figures were toppled, as properties controlled by the Communist Party were confiscated by the Provisional Governments of those respective SSRs, who now declared their sovereignty within the USSR, except for Moldova, which declared its independence from the Soviet Union. Although the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union would not happen until January 7, 1995, the secession of those SSRs that declared their sovereignty within the USSR would not happen, until the fall of Moscow to the National Redemption Army on February 14, 1994, after Operation: Campsade, or the St. Tryphon Offensive. As a result of the growing success of the rebel forces, the Russian Provisional Government also announced that it is taking over the seat on the UN Security Council held by the USSR, and that its Permanent Representative had officially ‘defected’ to the Russian Provisional Government.” From the Russian Documentary “The Second Russian Civil War and the Rise of Modern Russia”.

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Episode 1 of “Girls Und Panzer: Der Folge”

Title: Meet the New Challenger, Voskresenniya Academy!



Summary: The scene begins with Voskresenniya Academy’s scenery, especially the garage. Yaroslava and Ksenia arrive at the garage where the mechanics are busy installing the 6-pounder cannon on the turret of a T-26 tank. While Yaroslava asks about the current request she made for the installation of a 3-inch howitzer on the BT-7 tank she commands, Ksenia spots a nearby garage where modifications for the 122mm gun that is to be installed on the turret of the T-44 tank. Just then, Zhenya and Esenya arrive with a letter, detailing the academy’s invitation to the upcoming Nemuro Winter Wonderland Tournament, where they will try to dethrone first-time champions from the 63rd National High School Tankery Tournament, Ooarai Girls Academy. The scene moves towards the section of the garage where the completed and upgraded tanks are parked:

- 1 BT-8 tank with a 6 pounder cannon installed on its turret
- 1 A-32 tank with a 3-inch gun M1918
- 1 BT-ST tank with a Matilda II turret plus its main weapon
- 1 Type 98 Ke-Ni with a 47 mm anti-tank gun on its turret
- 1 Valiant tank with a modified Type 5 Ke-Ni light tank turret
- 1 Excelsior with a turret of a Tortoise Heavy Assault tank
- 1 AC1 Sentinel with a Type 3 Chi-Nu tank turret
- 1 Cromwell tank with a T-43 tank turret
- 1 Panzer IV with a QF-17 pounder gun (turret is unchanged)
- 1 KV-122 with an IS-2 turret and a 122mm M1931/37 (A-19) gun – (Ksenia’s personal tank)

Further discussions between Ksenia and Yaroslava reveal that while Voskresenniya Academy is not as financially challenged as Ooarai Girls’ Academy, their obsession with keeping their finances secure is the reason why they normally acquire old, useless tanks that other academies are no longer using, refurbishing it and combining it with other parts, in order to save money. However, Voskresenniya Academy employs non-modified T-26s and BT-7s for training new Tankery team members, as well as leftover old tanks, including an old Panzer III that was once owned by Ooarai before it was sold to them. Later on, an old church bell is ringing, indicating that it is time for mass. All the Voskresenniya Academy girls attend Mass at a chapel, and here we see one of the few male characters in the series, a middle aged man who is called Father Kirill, who presides over the mass. Icons are seen everywhere, as Voskresenniya Academy’s students wear head coverings as well. Two nuns are also there, to help the girls with their personal problems, while the monks help cook the meals for the entire academy. Father Kirill then gives a sermon, criticizing Pravda’s de facto dictatorship that is essentially running the entire school.

The scene then changes to Ooarai Academy where Momo Kawashima tells the Ooarai tankery team that the upcoming tournament will be the last one that many third year students will participate in, and that while she almost failed her university entrance exams, she had neglected her studies. Her chance to act as Squadron Commander is the only chance she would get to make up for her near-failed exams, and that she had to win the tournament. Miho Nishizumi would temporarily step down as Squadron Commander and become Vice-Commander, and at the same time, efforts at recruiting more students for Ooarai’s tankery team intensifies. In Pravda High, Katyusha and Nonna arrive at the school grounds to talk to Klara, who is revealed to have transferred from Novosibirsk, Russia, but she chose to attend Pravda, instead of Voskresenniya Academy because her parents were lifelong communists who were targeted by the pro-Lebedite rebels during the Second Russian Civil War. Nonna had no expression regarding Voskresenniya, but Katyusha angrily denounces the academy as the refuge of ‘traitors’ and ‘wreckers’ who were too scared to face their punishments for insulting her height, plus making references to kulaks and other so-called ‘enemies of the people’. Klara also reveals that while both Pravda and Voskresenniya were founded by ethnic Russians during the Tsarist period, the Bolshevik Revolution had pitted the two sides, and the students who belonged to the middle and upper class eventually left this unified school and became Voskresenniya Academy, while those students who were on the lower and working classes ended up forming Pravda High. The ideological rivalry between the two Russia-themed schools is also evident by the presence of an Orthodox chapel and the clergy that are housed inside the academy, as well as its more affluent status, as evident by its ability to purchase different sets of tanks. References to the Second Russian Civil war are also present, with most of the Voskresenniya Academy tankery teams being named after prominent generals of both Russian Civil Wars:

- Ksenia’s team: Team Lebed (after Alexander Lebed, the overall leader of the SRCW)
- Yaroslava’s team: Team Dubynin (after former Northern Group of Forces Viktor Dubynin)
- Irina’s team: Team Chechevatov
- Esenya’s team: Team Denikin
- Zhenya’s team: Team Petliura (after leader of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Symon Petliura)
- Lyudmila’s team: Team Kolchak
- Yuliya’s team: Team Kornilov
- Sofiya’s team: Team Skoropadsky (after Pavlo Skoropadsky, the erstwhile Hetman of Ukraine)
- Anastasia’s team: Team Budanov (after Yuri Budanov, one of Rosgvardiya’s founding officers)
- Svetlana’s team: Team Khabarov

The ending scene reveals the challengers that would participate in the Nemuro Winter Wonderland Tournament:

- Ooarai Girls’ Academy
- Kuromorimine Girls’ Academy
- Pravda High School
- Voskresenniya Girls’ Academy
- Saunders University High School
- St. Gloriana’s Girls College
- Chi-Ha-Tan Academy
- Koala Forest Academy
- Topkapi High School (TTL’s name for Kebab High School)
- Anzio Girls High School
- Jatkosota High School
- Blue Division High School
- Waffle Academy
- Yogurt Academy
- Count High School
- BC Freedom Academy

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PHILIPPINES RECOGNIZES RUSSIAN PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, FOREIGN MINISTER TOLENTINO TO TRAVEL TO KRASNOYARSK TO ATTEND THE FIRST POST-SOVIET SUMMIT AS REPRESENTATIVE OF THE PHILIPPINES
Philippine Daily Inquirer
March 19, 1993



Krasnoyarsk, (Breakaway) RUSSIAN SFSR – The Philippine government today announces its withdrawal of its ambassador from its embassy in Moscow in the midst the Tadiar regime’s decision to recognize the legitimacy of the Russian Provisional Government. By doing so, it has joined the ranks of Iraq, Syria, South Korea, India, Mongolia, Finland, Chile, Japan, Indonesia, Romania, Hungary (which recognized the RPG on February 17), and Bulgaria (which recognized it on February 21) as the 13th nation to recognize its legitimacy. However, the Philippine recognition has garnered controversy over its role in the UNAACP mission in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region when several of its peacekeeping personnel were revealed to have sold their weapons to both the Armenian and Azeri sides to supplement their meager income to send back home. Moreover, the Zangilan AWOLGate controversy had enraged the Soviet loyalist government because it appeared that the Philippines was actively sponsoring separatism in the Caucasus region when in fact it was participating in a peacekeeping mission sanctioned by the United Nations. Finally, while Indonesia did recognize the legitimacy of the Russian Provisional Government, it was the first nation to formally recognize Azerbaijan’s independence and secession from the Soviet Union.

“We are following the events in the Soviet Union with a keen eye and have consulted with our American friends on what to do in this situation at hand,” comments Foreign Minister Arturo Tolentino when asked about the Second Russian Civil War. “In addition, we have also negotiated with the representatives of the Russian Provisional Government on the acceptance of any refugee who wishes to leave the Soviet Union for the Philippines.”

Any chance of refugees coming from the Soviet Union to a Philippines that is ruled by a military junta led by Artemio Tadiar may be small, but the idea of Russians coming to the Philippines as a refuge is certainly not a new concept. Back in 1949, over 5,000 White Russian refugees fleeing from the communist takeover of China had landed in the Philippines upon the Philippine government’s offer to the International Refugee Organization to take them in. While they stayed, they formed bonds with the local Filipinos there and when the White Russians were eventually allowed to leave for Western Europe, North America and Australia, there was a tearful goodbye at the memories they made while staying in the Philippines. With Tolentino set to travel to Krasnoyarsk, he will eventually bring up the Philippine role in saving the White Russian refugees from certain incarceration and death.

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LEGARDA TRAVELS TO RUSSIA FOR A MEETING WITH PRESIDENT BOHOMOLETS, WILL TAKE PART IN THE REDEMPTION DAY PARADE TO MARK THE ANNIVERSARY OF END OF SECOND CIVIL WAR
Manila Times
August 21, 2019



Moscow, RUSSIAN FEDERATION – President Loren Legarda has arrived in Moscow for an upcoming meeting with her Russian counterpart, Olga Bogomolets (Ukrainian: Olha Bohomolets), on various diplomatic, economic, and military negotiations, as well as to attend the Redemption Day Parade in Red Square to commemorate the end of the Second Russian Civil War when on August 24, 1994, the victorious Russian Provisional Government and what is left of the Soviet loyalist government had signed an armistice in the city of Isetgrad (formerly known as Sverdlovsk and Yekaterinburg) that temporarily ceased all combat between the two sides, until the formal dissolution of the Soviet Union (reduced to just the Central Asian republics) on January 7, 1995. Participating nations in the Redemption Day Parade (not to be confused with the WWII Victory Day Parade that commemorates the Soviet Union’s victory over Nazi Germany) include: the Russian Federation plus its Autonomous Auxiliary Guards from the ethnic republics, Poland, Romania, Hungary, Bulgaria, Czechia, Slovakia, Finland, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Mongolia, the Korean Federal Republic, and Japan, though Legarda is among the VIPs that will be present in the parade.

Main issues like the prevention of future juntas from forming, as well as economic trade, investment, tourism, and cultural exchange, will become the main feature of the negotiations between Presidents Legarda and Bogomolets, while at the same time the Philippine ambassador to the Russian Federation, Pedro Dalisay, will meet with President Legarda on the status of the repatriation process for the 8,000 Filipino residents living in Priamurye Krai who wishes to return back to the land of their birth after arriving there in 1998 as refugees fleeing from the disastrous war with China that saw much of its territory being subjected to heavy Chinese bombing, often merciless and without any hint of remorse for the deaths of its victims. Much of the Filipino émigré community in Russia have been assimilated and integrated, although most of them remained irreligious, as there are no Catholic churches present in the territory of the Russian Far East after the infamous 2001 Anti-Vatican Countermeasures Act passed by former President Mykola Azarov that targeted the Roman and Greek Catholic Churches present in what is now Russian territory after the merger between Russia and the Union State of Ukraine and Belarus had been completed for official persecution. Much of the Catholic Churches throughout the Russian Federation were forced to close, and its adherents either ‘encouraged’ to convert back to Orthodoxy, or to leave the country. While Russian Catholics eventually converted back to Eastern Orthodoxy through the support of the more outspoken Orthodox clergymen, Ukrainian and Belarusian Catholics were given a tougher time, as they formed the backbone of various anti-government protests aimed at the Russian government, although they tried to frame it as a secular anti-government demonstration.

After completing her Russia tour, Legarda will travel to the Georgian Federal Republic for a similar meeting and negotiation with Georgian President Nino Burjanadze, while accompanying her back to Georgia after the Redemption Day Parade ends. Only in the case of President Legarda’s meeting with the Georgian President, she would try to use Georgia as a mediator in her attempt to repair the damaged relations between the Philippines and Armenia, which have been affected by the participation of the Filipino military in the UN-sanctioned peacekeeping mission in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, as well as Armenia’s open diplomatic support for China’s military aggression in the West Philippine Sea conflict. President Legarda’s final foreign trip will conclude with a visit to Azerbaijan where she will meet with Azerbaijani President Sabir Rustamkhanli for the same negotiations she will make with her Georgian counterpart.