James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on May 30, 2019 6:28:07 GMT
As an intensive anti-submarine hunt was launched to locate the vessel, Kaluga fired another spread of torpedoes, sinking the frigate USS Reuben James, moments before an ASROC from a patrolling Seahawk helicopter finally homed in on Kaluga and sent her to the bottom. Another tip of the hat to Red Storm Rising with the Reuben James ? Can I just point out ASROC is not launched by helicopters, The RUR-5 ASROC (for "Anti-Submarine ROCket") is an all-weather, all sea-conditions anti-submarine missile system. Developed by the United States Navy in the 1950s, it was deployed in the 1960s, updated in the 1990s, and eventually installed on over 200 USN surface ships, specifically cruisers, destroyers, and frigates. There is also a vertically launched version, The RUM-139 VL-ASROC is an anti-submarine missile in the ASROC family, currently built by Lockheed Martin for the U.S. Navy. The first VLS ASROC missile was an RUR-5 ASROC with an upgraded solid-fuel booster section and a digital guidance system. It carries a lightweight Mark 46 homing torpedo that is dropped from the rocket at a precalculated point on its trajectory, and then parachuted into the sea. Beginning in 1996, the missile was replaced by the newer RUM-139A and subsequently the RUM-139B. The torpedo has remained the Mark 46, though at one time an improved torpedo called the Mark 50 was proposed and then cancelled. Since October 2004 the RUM-139C is now in production with the Mark 54 torpedo. I look forward to the next update and see which way the war will go. forcon I think a Mk54 torpedo would be best if you want to stick with an air-dropped attack.
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forcon
Lieutenant Commander
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Post by forcon on May 30, 2019 9:03:35 GMT
Changed it to a Mk54. My bad.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on May 30, 2019 11:23:27 GMT
NATO will be liberating Belarus in tonight's update. Whether the people there are willing to welcome 'freedom' might be a different matter.
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James G
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Post by James G on May 30, 2019 19:10:48 GMT
One Hundred and Seventy
NATO’s invasion of Belarus continued unabated. Opposition to the advance deep into the territory of Russia’s closest ally couldn’t stop the US V Corps – with its multinational components – getting deeper and heading eastwards. There was no chance now that they could be pushed back out, over the border in Poland. Belarus’ armies had been lost there and Russian forces fighting inside the country were on the verge of defeat themselves. The orders for the V Corps was to conduct a broad front advance to the east with Minsk the first objective though the Russian-Belorussian border being the end goal. Maybe they would go further afterwards though at the moment, that distant frontier was the planned stop line.
Across eastern Belarus, the fight moved further and further away from the Polish-Belorussian border. Russia’s Thirty-Sixth Army fell apart trying to stop the movement. Their orders were to fight a mobile defensive battle and counterattack where possible. They were outnumbered three-to-one. In the skies, NATO aircraft reigned supreme with only SAMs as a worry now. Where were Russia’s fighters? What were left had been recalled back into Russian skies. Belorussian reservists and militia units fought isolated and unfair engagements with superior forces who ran rings around them, pounded them from above and then moved in to sweep up what was left.
If things carried on like this, NATO would be in Minsk within a week and on that border with Russia not long afterwards.
In the northeast, only part of the US Army’s 101st Air Assault Division had taken part in that airmobile assault to secure the approaches to the city of Grodno as well as the crossings over the River Neman nearby. The whole division, all four brigades, was meant to be involved though the rapidity which success had come there for the lead two brigades meant that the other two were kept back. There was the intention for everyone else to be used again in another similar operation, here in the northeast too, and soon enough. The only issue was enemy air defences. The losses of several transport helicopters to MANPADs had seen heavy casualties inflicted. No guarantee could come that there would be no lone soldier with a man-portable SAM but better defences were needed to guard against them next time around.
The Poles with their 11th Armoured Cavalry Division, the two American heavy divisions – the 1st Armored & 1st Cavalry – and the French Division Rapiere formed that ‘broad front’ of the main advance going through the centre. This was a huge force, not just in combat power but with the external firepower supporting it and then the logistical tail behind. Hundreds upon hundreds of tanks, armoured vehicles, self-propelled guns and a lot of other vehicles drove forwards with tens of thousands of soldiers inside them. They pushed towards the River Shchara. This ran across their line of advance and wasn’t itself much of a defensive position that could be used to stop them though it was surrounded by more of the many forests which littered Belarus. The denseness of terrain like this especially in summer was favourable for a defender and NATO was well-aware that the Shchara position was something that Russia was going to try to hold based upon the cover provided in the forests rather than fighting out in the open. As the V Corps pushed towards that river, aircraft streamed overhead dropping bombs. Visual sighting of the enemy were rare. Instead, target selection was done by infrared and radar images. The area was generally free of civilians too which allowed for the liberal use of a lot of explosives. Napalm, fuel-air bombs and WP was dropped as well. Following the barrage came those ground units who battled their way through scattered though often deadly opposition to reach the river and then get over it. After the night of September 4th, the Shchara was no longer a barrier to the advance. It was crossed and the V Corps pushed onwards. They came in behind the town of Slonim to surround it and the defenders pushed into there but focused on moving onwards still. The communications centre of Baranavichy was next. Rail links converged upon that town and there was that significant, though smashed-up, airfield outside of it.
Baranavichy lay on the road to Minsk too.
In the southwest, Brest had fallen in recent days when French units detached from their division used the distraction of the Italians engaging Russian forces nearby to sweep in there and take it. There had been preparations underway to make it a ‘fortress city’, one to reflect its history as such. It fell before those could occur though at a significant cost. The Italians – and the US Army’s 11th Cav’ which had aided them in entering Belarus – pushed on afterwards. The Americans moved down along the Polish-Ukrainian border engaging anyone who stood in their way in what was in many ways a large raiding operation. Ukrainian troops were on the other side of the border and watching them do this. In Krakow, Brussels and Washington, what happened here was regarded with significance: they wanted the Ukrainians, who’d been on their best behaviour for sometime now since Operation Crowbar in the Crimea, to understand that should they forget who was the strong and who was the weak, they would pay. Around the town of Kobryń, east of Brest, the Italians moved against what was left of Russia’s 131st Motor Rifle Division that hadn’t been already lost. Another communications centre, where transportation links converged, Kobryń was somewhere that the Italians couldn’t yet reach. The Russians remained on the withdrawal, just not as dramatic here as elsewhere.
Advances with Operation Noble Sword in these early days of September to drive so far into Belarus saw the final surrenders of those left on the wrong side of the border in Poland. The smaller pockets had all fallen but there now came the final collapse of the Podlaska-Brest Bulge / Pocket. What was left of the once proud First Guards Tank Army, full of some of the best Russian and Belorussian troops, gave in. NATO units assigned to the German-Dutch I Corps overcame resistance to the breaking of the outer lines with American, German and Polish troops all involved. Other defenders started dropping their rifles and throwing up their arms.
The senior Russian general, a man who had in his mind fears of what Putin and his cohorts would do to him, didn’t want to surrender but his hand was forced by this. Attacking from all four sides, NATO tanks sliced right into the middle with lead German units making stunning progress. They should have been stopped by anti-tank teams but their Leopard-2s kept on coming past men who’d discarded their weapons. It was their progress, supported by others it must be said, which convinced the general to give in. They’d torn apart what he had left of fighting forces. His own tanks had no ammunition nor fuel while the 10th Panzer Division had plenty. However, he wouldn’t surrender to a German though. There was a dispute over this and a Pole was found instead. The surrender eventually came though after many more deaths than were necessary had occurred because of one man’s pride based upon historic hatred.
Another huge number of POWs had fallen once more into NATO hands. At the end of August, it had been what was left of the Second Guards Army. Now a second field army had surrendered with thousands of men to be disarmed, gathered up, transported away from the frontlines, guarded and provided for. With the latter, there was much medical attention needed for those POWs. International law drove NATO responsibility on this and it was no easy task. It had to be done though. Military police units which were called upon for the security task of those POWs, those taken in that big surrender yet others falling into NATO hands in the fantastic multitude of other engagements. They were sorting through the prisoners as well looking for special forces personnel, officers from key fields and suspected war criminals: these POWs tried to hide among others, fearful of the treatment which they would face.
Where such NATO military police units would have been useful in the numbers that they were tied up with duties in Poland was over in Belarus. The security situation inside this country was far more difficult than foreseen when Noble Sword was planned. Belarus was being liberated, such was NATO’s official position. It was an invasion in reality and those on the ground knew that.
Belorussians fought to defend their nation.
There had been protests against the regime for several years and ones this year and last had been part of the general period of crisis which led to this war. Calls from governments in the West for Lukashenko to stand down and for democracy – real democracy – to occur in Belarus had helped drive Russia’s decision to go to war. Once the fighting started, NATO heads of government had decreed that the Minsk regime must fall when the nation was liberated. It was one of their major war goals, only secondary to the liberation of the Baltic States. The expectation was that once NATO armies rolled in, the Belorussian people would rise up in revolt. Not in their hundreds like they had done in protests against the regime, but in their hundreds of thousands. They did come out to fight in September but it was against those invading their country. Nationalism had a big role in this – the people were defending their country out of a sense of patriotism – but so did external influences. Belorussians hadn’t taken much note of their own regime’s lies about supposed NATO war crimes. However, Russia’s FSB had been busy with black propaganda which sunk in with many across Belarus. The Germans were coming! This played well in Belarus. There weren’t German troops entering the country like it was 1941 again but many believed that they were. The Americans, the British (who also weren’t with the UC V Corps) and the Poles were also sold as foreign invaders about to rape and pillage across Belarus. ‘Evidence’ of intent was shown beforehand with promises of more to come. They’d bomb and gas civilians once more, it was said, unless you can stop them.
Should NATO have stopped at the border after liberating Polish soil, the Minsk regime would have regretted all the arms it supplied to its people to fight those invaders. They could have turned those weapons upon Lukashenko. However, the foreign invaders came and those weapons were used against them. Militia groups formed up ready to fight but there were also lone volunteers who were out to act independently too. Their weaponry wasn’t very heavy – assault rifles, sniper rifles, RPGs and such like – yet it was still useful. Fights came against frontline NATO units which tore through anyone who stood in their way. It was against secondary forces, the supporting network for the V Corps, where these patriotic volunteers had real success. They attacked the supply lines and NATO units not directly engaged in the bigger battles. Pinpricks on their own, these were taking place with greater frequency. NATO took serious casualties. Their men had strict ROE when it came to dealing with armed attacks – which varied from national army to another though – and fought back where they could.
Alongside those who actively defended their nation, far more Belorussians provided a different kind of resistance. There was no welcome for NATO’s armies who said they were here to liberate them. Non-violent actions took place with hostility shown everywhere. Every action taken by the armed foreigners who were in their towns and villages was treated as an insult to their national pride. Cooperation wouldn’t come when it came to helping NATO with anything at all, not even when there were efforts made to try to dismantle the oppressive arms of the state.
Belarus and its people were showing how unwelcome they were to this apparent liberation to bring them freedom.
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archangel
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Post by archangel on May 30, 2019 20:52:24 GMT
Belarusian society, IIRC correctly, is more aware of the democratic nature of the west than Russia.
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James G
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Post by James G on May 31, 2019 6:22:30 GMT
Belarusian society, IIRC correctly, is more aware of the democratic nature of the west than Russia. Probably. I just don't think they would welcome any conquerer.
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Dan
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Post by Dan on May 31, 2019 7:08:23 GMT
"We will happily give up to flattery, that which we would defend to the death from rape" - Originally this was attributed to a British civil servant in the aftermath of the Falklands conflict when talking about Argentina's attempt to wrestle control of the Falklands from the British the wrong way, unfortunately poisoning that particular well for life.
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forcon
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Post by forcon on May 31, 2019 19:31:24 GMT
One Hundred and Seventy One
Moving adjacent to the American-led V Corps under General Ryan, Lt.-General Shirreff's I Corps pushed on with its northerly offensive, Operation Baltic Arrow, moving deep into Lithuania and occupying major parts of Kaliningrad in the process of doing so.
Most concerning to those at the top levels of NATO's command structure was the presence of those Iskander missiles within Kaliningrad.
Airstrikes had been called in to neutralise many of them while others had fallen victim to ground assaults. General Mattis at CJTF-East called in some of his Special Forces assets to get the job done and bring an end to the imminent tactical nuclear threat. US Rangers performed that task very well indeed, capturing the known missile batteries and finding the locations of others, after which B-52s and F-15Es were called in to finish the job. Allied commanders felt confident enough that the immediate threat of nuclear weapons usage had passed as Ranger units directed in precision airstrikes across Kaliningrad.
Those American commandos were followed closely by the Polish and Dutch ground forces which formed the northern prong of I Corps' advance.
Though the number and quantity of Russian troops fighting in Kaliningrad was diminishing, resistance became stiffer as the 16th Mechanised Division led the attack. This was Russian soil being fought over, just like Sakhalin was, and the enemy was a determined one despite the superiority of NATO forces now bearing down on them. Heavy urban battles occurred in Kaliningrad throughout the day as Allied troops slowly gained more ground at a major cost in both men and material.
Though the fighting in Kaliningrad did not incur the same truly horrendous casualty rates as Sakhalin, it was nearly as brutal and no quarter was shown by either side. Progress was made by the Poles and the Dutch units to their south as well, but the need to cater for the basic needs of Russian civilians in Kaliningrad slowed the advance yet further.
Much of the enclave's water and power supplies had been cut off or destroyed during the fighting, and although NATO and Russia were at war, international law placed responsibility for civilians in occupied territory firmly in the hands of the occupier. This was a responsibility which the Dutch took rather more seriously than the Poles, though at the official level, all NATO forces were under strict orders to adhere to international law.
The situation was somewhat different on Lithuania as the bulk of I Corps' formations liberated town after town across the western countryside amidst opposition from Russian forces. Airpower again came into play here as efforts were made to knock out the remaining mobile SAM batteries and carry out large-scale airstrikes against the forces that remained active in Lithuania. British Harriers took part in this effort, and so too did Tornados belonging to the RAF and the Luftwaffe, as well as American, Dutch, Danish, and Belgian F-16s.
Russian units found themselves more and more isolated as NATO forces manoeuvred expertly against the. The US 4th Infantry Division again spearheaded this advance after winning the unofficial race to the last major objective. Vilnius was to be the next target, and the British 1st Armoured Division took its objective of reaching the Lithuanian capital first very seriously.
The Neman River had been successfully crossed, firstly by the Americans and then by the remainder of I Corps. The British, Belgians, and Canadians with the 3rd Mechanised Division had come across strait after them alongside the 1st Panzer Division, bringing NATO up to full strength on the eastern bank of that river. NATO ground forces again clashed with what was left of the 20th Guards Army, now a shadow of its former self.
Those Russian units dug-in on the eastern sides of the Neman had spent the better part of last night under relentless air attack, leaving them open to a strike on the ground. Said strike was led by the US 4th Infantry Division once again, with the Germans in their 1st Panzer Division also playing a prominent role in the offensive throughout the day.
Enemy air attacks were few and far between, although several Russian helicopters were able to sneak close enough to Allied advance units to engage them with anti-tank missiles, using the terrain for cover. Those aircraft were dealt with quickly by the arrival of NATO warplanes, however, and although casualties were significant, the Alliance continued its advance.
Vilnius, still behind Russian lines, was slowly but surely raised to the ground as the uprising in that city continued. Its tenants, aided by NATO commandos and airpower, fought hard to regain control over the Lithuanian city. This effort was aided by broadcasts from the Lithuanian government-in-exile urging the people to continue their fight back against the occupiers even as many thousands of civilians and soldiers alike became casualties. Block-by-block, Vilnius was falling into the hands of the Lithuanian resistance; at what cost would the city fall?
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James G
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Post by James G on Jun 1, 2019 11:01:01 GMT
An approach which Russia could take now with Vilnius would be to pull their last men out and then drop a fuel-air bomb on it. Wipes out opposition and should put the frighteners on everyone else.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jun 1, 2019 16:54:52 GMT
One Hundred and Seventy–Two
The Russian Navy’s submarine arm had been rather effective during the war at not just attacking NATO vessels – warships and civilian ships – but more than that tying-up protective assets. The Russian Army had killed NATO soldiers aplenty, the Russian Air Force had caused waves of destruction (primarily with cruise missile attacks) and the surface flotilla of the Russian Navy had died an inglorious death. However, with its submarines, Russia was able to strike at sea as well as have a large opposing force dedicated to defending against it. NATO had to be prepared to protect its own assets everywhere whereas the lesser numbers of Russian submarines available strike where they did. NATO began the process of eliminating most of them since the start of the war. A month into the conflict, there weren’t many of them left. It had taken a lot of effort, and significant casualties of their own were caused, but NATO had sunk dozens of them. Quiet they might be and armed too with some very fancy weapons yet NATO had the advantage over Russia. Their boats were even better and the crews trained to a far higher standard.
When it came to sub-hunting, away from using its own submarines to go after the Russian ones, of which NATO especially the Americans had so many, Russia’s wartime opponents were able to dominate that field too. Russian boats operated far from their homeland and into what NATO would consider its own waters. In and above them, they would use their ships, helicopters and aircraft to hunt to extinction the efforts of Russian submarines to remain active. They had all of the advantages in that. It was all quite unfair…
…but when was war supposed to be fair?
The Kilo-class submarine RFS Vologda was one of the last few Russian boats active and at sea. It had sailed after war had been declared and initially took some time to see action. It had been in the English Channel where this effective weapon of war had been employed. Attacks against NATO shipping had been made by the Vologda in a flurry of activity before then the boat had ‘disappeared’. There was no magic involved in that disappearance though. Instead, a voyage had been made away from the stretch of water between Britain and France where the submarine had previously had much success to go back out into open waters. Kilo-class boats weren’t nuclear-powered vessels and so the Vologda needed to recharge her batteries by surfacing. This was done over several nights – a little bit at a time – in the North Sea. There were several close calls with NATO anti-submarine forces but the Russian submarine avoided those.
Then there had been a return staged back into the English Channel once more.
NATO threw everything including the kitchen sink at trying to get at the Vologda. They had warships, submarines, aircraft and helicopters. Military assets of more than half a dozen nations were involved. An attack was undertaken by the Russian submarine off Calais at the start of her second raid where she hit another one of those cross-Channel ferries being used for military purposes. That ship was sunk within sight of land and took her cargo of military vehicles to the sea-bottom. This alerted NATO to her presence but the Vologda was able to evade detection. Running once more from all of that effort being expended to kill her, the little boat hid again. This time it was off the British coast in shallow waters rather than out in the open sea where the Vologda escaped to. The Sussex shoreline included such places as Hastings, Eastbourne and Brighton. Russia’s submarine stayed away from them directly though always near to land as ever-so-slowly the boat moved westwards further along the Channel and far away from the distant hunting of her.
A new attack was made at the time of the captain’s choosing, back out in deeper water again. HMS Monmouth, a Royal Navy frigate assigned to protect the English Channel, had the tables turned on her as she sought to locate the Vologda. A lone torpedo impacted her and ripped off her bow. She would start to sink as her crew abandoned ship. Her killer got away unscathed.
This was the fourth kill of the war made by the Vologda: two frigates (one American, one British) and two ferries. The Russians believed they had killed a further pair of frigates as well though those ships had survived. These six attacks had seen the usage of ten torpedoes in total. Upon setting sail for war, there had been eighteen carried in the magazines. This meant that before a return home, taking several with her to fight during that journey if necessary, there remained a few more torpedoes to be used before then by the Russian boat. Sinking ships carrying military goods remained the priority and there were those in the Channel. A burst transmission via a satellite link-up told the Vologda that several convoys of ships laden with war cargo from North America was inbound for Western European ports. The US Army National Guard was inbound and they didn’t travel light!
Back to targeting ships heading for French ports the Russian submarine went once again. Sinking the Monmouth only increased NATO efforts to find her killer but the Vologda’s captain had his orders. He struck off Cherbourg. A trio of ships forming the tail-end of a convoy were fired upon and so too was a French destroyer in-place to screen against an attack. That destroyer evaded the two torpedoes fired against her but the civilian ships were easy targets. Each was hit with fatal kills made. Afterwards, that was it for the Vologda. It was time to go home.
Batteries were recharged in the Celtic Sea, southwest of mainland Britain. The Vologda then went up the western coastline of Ireland.
She made slow but steady progress through neutral waters as she headed northwards. The captain had received another report from home. He was informed that the Northern Fleet’s submarine bases in the Kola Peninsula had come under significant air and missile attack. There was a multi-carrier naval task force in the Barents Sea.
With three torpedoes aboard, no anti-ship missiles and all alone in terms of any form of support, the Vologda today left Irish waters off Donegal and headed for the GIUK Gap. There was still a long way to go, on towards an uneven battle indeed. Come up behind the Americans, the orders ran for this Russian boat, and attack their carriers from the rear before then sailing home as heroes.
Didn’t that sound fun?
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crackpot
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Post by crackpot on Jun 1, 2019 21:04:42 GMT
That’s the opposite of fun. Nice update!
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Jun 2, 2019 18:41:24 GMT
One Hundred and Seventy Three
Major Dan Jarvis had fought before, serving numerous tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. This war was a very different one, however. In the weeks since World War III had begun, Jarvis had led his men into action first at Copenhagen and then here in Latvia. Both times, the 2nd Battalion of the Parachute Regiment had deployed from the air, straight into the heart of battle. Jarvis and his rifle company had slogged their way through the Danish capital for nearly a week. By the end of it, Jarvis had seen sixteen of his men killed and thirty-nine injured; two more had simply vanished.
After the fighting there in Denmark was over, the whole of the 16th Air Assault Brigade had been granted the chance to recuperate from their losses, with reservists and newly-trained troops being introduced to the ranks of 2 PARA to boost its numbers after the casualties seen beforehand in Copenhagen. They’d then dropped down into the Latvian city of Daugavpils from RAF C-130 Hercules transport planes, again landing in the thick of it.
Enemy positions had to be overwhelmed and barracks seized as 2 PARA made to seize the nearby international airport. Efforts to do just that had almost been halted before dawn when an anti-aircraft gun was turned on the British soldiers on the ground, pinning down two companies and killing over a dozen soldiers.
Jarvis had led a bayonet charge which had seen that machine-gun nest not only overrun, but turned against Russian troops arriving at the airport in their trucks and light armoured vehicles to great efficiency.
Jarvis stood on that same airstrip now, holding his rifle as a dozen Russian Prisoners of War sat on the grassy field beside the runway, under guard, of course. They were to be extracted when the next C-130 came in to drop off supplies and men to keep up the fight here in Latvia.
Although NATO ground forces hadn’t yet taken Vilnius, let alone liberated that country and crossed the border into Latvia where the XVIII Airborne Corps was grimly holding out, Jarvis was confident that he and his men would be able to stand their ground until the cavalry arrived.
His feelings had changed since their initial parachute insertion, when their task seemed like an impossible or at least a superbly difficult one. American, British, Polish, Dutch, German, Spanish, Canadian, Belgian, and Croatian troops were rolling onwards in their tanks, slicing through even the most determined Russian opposition. World War III, Major Jarvis knew, was far from over, but for the first time he felt that the end was in sight, at least partially.
Helicopters belonging to the Army Air Corps and tanks brought in by the Canadians after their brigade-group had become part of the newly-formed, historically-named 6th Airmobile Division had solidified those thoughts. Several days ago, Jarvis had been leading a company of two hundred-odd riflemen fighting beside a platoon of Canadian Leopard-2s as they held off Belarusian armoured vehicles, with British Scimitar tracks joining in those peripheral engagements as well.
2 PARA had also faced a gruesome fight with pro-Russian militia groups organised by the Kremlin. Their tactics were more recognisable to the Iraq and Afghanistan veterans amongst the XVIII Corps than those of the Russian Ground & Air Forces were. Mortars and improvised bombs had been used in abundance, along with surface-to-air missiles. Teams from both 2 PARA and the RAF Regiment had gone after those militia units with varying degrees of success; however those fights ended, it was never without bloodshed.
The occasional artillery bombardments made by professional Russian troops were the worst thing to go through, however. Using old BM-21s and more modern BM-26s, as well as self-propelled howitzers and mortars of their own, the Russians were able to pummel the airborne troops, who could respond mainly only with their small 105mm guns.
NATO airpower had been devoted to striking those Russian and Belarusian artillery units and had done well there. Jarvis had witnessed airstrikes being carried out by RAF Harriers, Danish and American F-16s, and even by those huge American B-1B strategic bombers. He had even called a few strikes in himself, working alongside RAF Regiment officers trained as Forward Air Controllers or FACs.
Though the end was within reach, it would take one last, bloody push before the combined NATO armies could get there.
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crackpot
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Post by crackpot on Jun 2, 2019 18:56:25 GMT
What’s the mood in Moscow right about now? Dark I’m sure. Putin in a Kremlin bunker raging like an Austrian Corporal as allied forces crush his armies and roll closer and closer to the homeland?
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James G
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Post by James G on Jun 2, 2019 20:07:26 GMT
What’s the mood in Moscow right about now? Dark I’m sure. Putin in a Kremlin bunker raging like an Austrian Corporal as allied forces crush his armies and roll closer and closer to the homeland? Things haven't got to that stage yet. However, NATO keeps advancing. What is happening is more of those secret meetings that the FSB director is taking part in. Where that will go, we shall have to see.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jun 3, 2019 18:37:53 GMT
One Hundred and Seventy–Four
History would call it the Battle of Sirte. The vast majority of the fighting took place outside of that Libyan coastal city in the desert though there was some scattered fighting within Sirte. The Western media had a small presence there and Al Jazeera had a camera crew in Sirte too. Thus, it would be the ‘Battle of Sirte’ and not the ‘Fight on the Misrata-Benghazi Highway’.
Gaddafi sent his army down that highway after forces from the western half of the country had assembled in the Misrata area. They moved towards Sirte with Gaddafi’s firm instructions to his field commanders to retake his ‘home’ city. There were French troops there, maybe some Portuguese as well with both supported by the Americans out to sea and in the skies. Sirte would be liberated and those European neo-colonial invaders – he’d called them as such on Al Jazeera; hoping those words would reach far and wide – driven back into the sea or afterwards marched back across the desert to Tripoli in chains. After Sirte, it would to be Benghazi where Gaddafi’s army was meant to go, but Sirte was to be dealt with first.
The approach of Libya’s rag-tag army didn’t come as a surprise to no one. Gaddafi had boastfully announced its attack… though had been doing so repeatedly for several days beforehand. American and NATO reconnaissance assets monitored its gathering and the activities around Misrata it had undertaken before it started moving. The Libyans were attacked long before they started rolling. The gathering of strength there was a tempting target and its intention was known. However, when it started moving on Sirte, those distant attacks were increased. The Libyans were attempting to move under a rolling air defence screen to try to stop air and missile attacks. As the Russians had found to their sorrow in Poland, this was a difficult thing to do. Putin’s armies struggled: Gaddafi’s armies failed miserably. The Libyans were out in the open and away from civilian areas. Significant fire power was unleashed against them. The Americans had only one carrier involved today – the USS John C. Stennis had its aircraft in the sky though the USS Ronald Reagan was transiting the Suez Canal – but the French, the Italians, the Portuguese and the Spanish all had aircraft flying. The Egyptians, using F-16s and Mirage-Vs & -2000s, got in on the act too with their own attacks made. Mobile SAM-launchers and anti-aircraft guns were unable to do much when they came under direct attack themselves but more than that their whole rolling network of vehicles – radar vans, communications sets etc – were hit as well. As these were struck from above, so too was everything else moving.
Gaddafi had spent years equipping Libya with fancy military equipment. Much of it was Soviet-era gear though there were also some modern Russian pieces including a few Western-sourced armoured vehicles as well. Much of this spent its lifetime in Libyan service sitting unused. Libya didn’t have the manpower, trained or otherwise, to operate it all properly. Gaddafi’s army was always a paper tiger: Libya under him had for years used military threats, terror attacks and commando forces in the main in activities rather than all of its tanks, tracked armoured vehicles, self-propelled guns and such like. Now much of that had been removed from its long storage, crewed with regulars and reservists to be sent into a battle. The Libyan Army had never operated like this, even in exercises. The ‘Army of Liberation’ coming down from Misrata deserved its description of a rag-tag force. Among the organised battalions of armour, mechanised infantry and artillery there were many lighter forces. Libya’s commandos were mobile and so too were Gaddafi’s mercenaries. Back during the Cold War, he’d sent his Islamic Legion to war elsewhere in Africa though in recent years such a once much-used force had been drawn down. The Islamic Legion was back though, Gaddafi had declared to the world, and would fight for Sirte. It wasn’t formed of volunteers nor even real mercenaries. Instead, black Africans from across the continent had long been lured to Libya with the promises of riches for work: they were meant to send their money back home to families. Arab Libya exploited them and made them effective slaves. When the crisis erupted with the West in the summer of 2010, Gaddafi re-established the Islamic Legion. Labourers and servants from across the nation were handed rifles, cash and vehicles. They were promised more too as long as they fought. There was no other choice for them either. First out of Misrata were hundreds of pick-up trucks laden with lightly-armed men given no protection. As many as a dozen – a tight fit – were loaded into each these vehicles and sent out ahead. There were Libyan commandos (their operations led by one of Gaddafi’s sons) among them, hiding among the crazy columns, and it was they who would get to Sirte to fight there. As to the Islamic Legion, NATO and Coalition aircraft blew them apart.
The rest of the Libyan force was right behind. Seemingly hundreds of vehicles broke down and many others got lost when leaving the highway. Others came onwards, charging towards the French. Few of these men had ever fired the weapons mounted on their tanks & armoured vehicles while the infantry carried had never met a ‘real’ opponent. There were a lot of them though. Should they have crashed into the French and made a serious fight of it, a fair one too, they still would have lost but they would have killed many of them too. The Coalition didn’t want to see that happen.
Libyan commandos out ahead – those who weren’t blown up alongside the Islamic Legion – reported that the French were withdrawing from forward position and running back to Sirte. Chase them, came the orders, and take Sirte. That was only half done. The commandos raced ahead and appeared to open the way into Sirte for the juggernaut coming behind them. All that they had achieved though was to lead thousands of Libyan soldiers to their deaths.
On two sides on land, off the coast and in the sky, the Coalition boxed the Libyans into a kill box. The air attacks increased. Naval shelling took place followed by land-based guns. The Libyans ran into anti-tank minefields and found that along the highway, there was a scattering of bobby-traps to bring vehicles to a fiery halt which blocked the way for everyone else. The Libyans came to a halt. At that moment, the air strikes lifted and in came a mass of opposing armour. The French had light armoured vehicles though had also brought in some heavier tanks too. The numbers of these were impressive but nothing on the scale that the Egyptians had brought to the fight. Egypt’s army was believed by Gaddafi to be at Ajdabiya, maybe Brega at best… at the very least a hundred miles away from Sirte. They’d crossed the desert though and formed the southern side of the kill box.
The massacre outside of Sirte would go on for almost two days. The Libyans wouldn’t officially surrender. Thousands deserted while others did surrender but many more didn’t. They fought on. The Coalition had believed that the Army of Liberation would crumble under such a barrage but continuing defensive fire came. That was responded to by overwhelming force by the Egyptians especially who had orders from Mubarak back in Cairo to destroy the Libyans for good. Sarkozy in Paris was in the same mood to see the same thing done though when detailed reports came back to him of the mass of Libyan casualties, so many of them the Islamic Legion ‘mercenaries’ but also Libyan conscripts from poor families, he baulked at the idea of carrying on. The Egyptians did though. They littered the desert with death. Portuguese forces inside Sirte were readied to go forward to help in rounding up prisoners but they were eventually held back too because walking into the amount of firepower being used would mean certain death for anyone caught by stray explosive rounds.
Finally, the barrage would cease. The Army of Liberation was no more. Gaddafi’s regime still boasted thousands more troops but this was their very best – a sorry show it had been – and it was no more.
Far from Sirte, Italian and Spanish forces around Benghazi worked with the Egyptians to aid the Libyan rebels in securing Cyrenaica. Eastern Libya was relatively ‘quiet’ in comparison. Gaddafi’s loyalists were hunted down aided by locals who wanted to join in the fight, including often trying to kill prisoners taken by their new allies from abroad. Airbases were worked on to get them operational through Cyrenaica and there was also the transport of many military stores too. The Coalition was building its rear base on the ground in Libya here with the logistical infrastructure to support a long campaign in the country. Gaddafi still held the west – Tripolitania – and Libya wasn’t yet beaten. While this rear area occupation continued, the NATO forces were becoming more and more uneasy. The Egyptians were rather blasé about the issue of so many armed and radical locals but the Italians and the Spanish weren’t. The French and Americans (both having non-combat units in the east) were becoming aware of the issue too. The radicalisation was continuing. Gaddafi’s rule had been thrown off but there were murmurs of discontent about ‘crusaders’. Governments back home in European capitals issued instructions for their forces not to provoke the locals though the opposite approach was taken in Washington.
The CIA and Green Berets undertook several raids against some of these locals. They tried to keep it quiet and only informed their allies after the fact, stating that they were hunting Al Qaeda. You couldn’t keep things like this quiet…not from anyone.
War still raged elsewhere in the Middle East. Lebanon remained a battlefield and so did much of southern Syria. Assad’s war with Israel had been lost while Hezbollah had fought Israel to a standstill – something hotly denied in Tel Aviv – as each of them engaged the other across the ruined nation which was Lebanon.
In a wider sense, nothing had changed in the past week. Israel was still trying to use Jordan as a conduit to get Assad to end the war and a return to the status quo ante. Biden, who was regretting more every day the decision to send American troops into Syria, kept the pressure up here on Netanyahu to force a solution though in Tel Aviv, Israel’s PM wanted the same thing despite the bluster of saying he wouldn’t be told what to do. Israeli casualties – the dead, injured and missing – were staggering and causing domestic problems for him. Israel wanted out of the war in Lebanon too. A deal with Hezbollah was considered impossible but to stop the fighting was desired. Iranian interference continued and Israel remained active in trying to stop prisoners being spirited away at the behest of Tehran. Turkey kept up the pretence of disinterest though its military forces remained on alert. Leaks from Ankara spoke of ‘Turkish peacekeepers’ in Lebanon: neither America, Israel nor the unofficial Coalition partner nations across the Middle East wanted to see that happen especially due the recently-increasing Turkish-Iranian relations. In Iraq, where there had been all that trouble since the Third World War started – some said it would have happened anyway; others strongly disagreed – there were still foreign fighters crossing into Syria than no one had yet been able to stop.
Assad was waited upon to give a reply to the Jordanians about ending the fighting in his country. In Amman, the waited. They waited in Tel Aviv and Washington too. No reply came though.
It started to become clear why. As had been seen in Libya, the regime was coming under attack from within. News had been slow to come out and when it did it was all initially fragmented, which alone looked like not much, but a wider picture was being seen. Syria had its own rebels. Some were anti-Assad, other were Jihadists. They were fighting Assad’s security forces and Syria’s leader, the only figure who could conceivably bring an end to the war here, had his attention fully on that now. His regime wouldn’t be the house of cards like Libya was though, not by a long shot.
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