James G
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Post by James G on Feb 20, 2019 20:11:20 GMT
*** Forcon has got a cunning plan *** Whistles tunefully *** The Russians invading Alaska, again. Not at all likely.
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Feb 20, 2019 21:43:15 GMT
*** Forcon has got a cunning plan *** Whistles tunefully *** The Russians invading Alaska, again. Not directly. Spetsnaz, on the other hand... Good work on #52, James.
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lueck
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Post by lueck on Feb 21, 2019 3:19:25 GMT
james and forcon cn we have a h-hour orbat for the Russian side also are the American bases in japan and korea off limits due to the russains not waiting to add the host countries to the war finally how far along is the American deployment going.
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James G
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Post by James G on Feb 21, 2019 9:07:26 GMT
james and forcon cn we have a h-hour orbat for the Russian side also are the American bases in japan and korea off limits due to the russains not waiting to add the host countries to the war finally how far along is the American deployment going. I'll do a H-Hour ORBAT later: I forgot last night. There is a situation in Asia and we'll address that soon, it'll be complicated! As to the deployment details... erm, it started pre-attack so is ongoing. I'll see how this can be incorporated into the story.
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Feb 21, 2019 11:22:26 GMT
Fifty-Three
Joe Biden had been aboard Air Force Two high above California when World War III began. When DEFCON Two was declared, the Vice President was hustled aboard the aircraft by Secret Service agents. Less than half-an-hour after the modified Boeing-747 took off, Vice President Biden was told of the terrible tragedy that had occurred in Washington DC. It was Secret Service personnel who informed him of what had happened, that Marine One had been shot down by what was believed to be a team of Russian commandos likely from the GRU. There were a handful of military advisors – lower ranking officers, not the Joint Chiefs of Staff – aboard the plane who told Biden about the specifics of the incident, and that the Russian Armed Forces had initiated a war of aggression against NATO in Europe. Officers curtly informed him that he was now the de facto forty-fifth President of the United States of America. This was truly terrible news for Biden to receive; during his life, Biden had suffered a great deal of personal loss when his wife and baby daughter had been killed in a car accident back in 1972. He considered Obama a personal friend as well as a political ally, and the death of the President was a huge blow to him on a personal level. “No. Just tell me it isn’t true, please,” the Vice President said when told of what had happened. He shed tears over the loss of Obama and over the deaths of the others aboard that aircraft too, but there was no time to address the losses further.
Biden had to be sworn in as the President of the United States. This was done by video conference. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court John Roberts had himself been taken into protective custody by the Diplomatic Security Service when COGCON One was initiated. He was moved by vehicle to Mount Weather, Virginia, where his safety against anything other than a twenty-five megaton nuclear missile was assured. On route to Mount Weather, Roberts was contacted by those aboard Air Force Two and a hasty swearing-in ceremony was held. Roberts wished Biden good luck and offered all of his support to the newly-inducted President before hanging up. Roberts new that Biden had a war to fight and didn’t want to get in the way any further. He had done his job.
Aboard Air Force Two, Biden instructed the remainder of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (they had been at the Pentagon whilst Chairman Mullen had been at the White House with Obama) to initiate the Security Control of Air Traffic & Navigation Aids (SCATANA) protocol. This involved all civilian air traffic being grounded and navigation taken over by the Federal Aviation Administration and US Northern Command (NORTHCOM). The number of civilian flights over the United States at the time was minimal due to the ongoing crisis and the calling up of the Civil Reserve Air Fleet, but nonetheless landing those civilian aircraft that were airborne was a nightmare. It had to be done though with fears that Russian bombers armed with either nuclear or conventional cruise missiles would be infiltrating US airspace and the prospect of additional Spetsnaz attacks on the ground. Thankfully, there were no large-scale accidents involving airliners that sought to make an immediate landing, but there were some close calls nonetheless. US Air Force and Air National Guard fighters took to the skies to enforce the no-fly zone, while Biden’s aircraft – now Air Force One – was joined by F-15C Eagles of the California Air National Guard as a fighter escort.
Back in Washington DC, a massive security effort was underway to protect the capital. The Mayor of the District of Columbia declared martial law, and troops from the US Army’s 3rd Infantry Regiment were sent into the city to assist the Capitol Police and the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) in closing off all the entrances and exits. Marines from the security detachment at the Marine Corps Barracks Washington DC joined in this security effort; National Guardsmen were also soon to deploy. Fire-fighters, police and ambulance crews raced around the streets of the US capital in expectance of further attacks. FBI agents and forensics teams from the DC field office, soon joined by a huge number of additional agents and support staff from the agency’s headquarters in Quantico, went to the crash-site to begin securing evidence after the casualties had been evacuated. Every possible exfiltration route out of the city – those had been identified by the FBI after 9/11 in case of another terrorist attack – was guarded either by soldiers from the 3rd Infantry Regiment or by officers of the MPD.
Meanwhile, the FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team, an organisation that was almost comparable to Tier One military units, was helicoptered to Reagan National Airport, where the local authorities had set up a command post. Those federal agents looked more like soldiers, arriving in green fatigues, body armour and combat helmets, armed with pistols and assault rifles; hunting the Spetsnaz was to be largely their responsibility. Landing at Reagan National some hours later would be operators from Alpha Squadron of the US Army’s 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment Delta, otherwise known as Delta Force. Men and women from the US Army’s Intelligence Corps as well as a few people from ‘other government agencies’ or OGAs were assigned to Washington to join in the hunt for the Spetsnaz as well. There were going to be political issues in deploying those elite soldiers on American soil and debates over the legality of doing so with regards to the Posse Comitatus Act. Those issues would be solved another day, however; President Biden’s first act after being sworn in was to order the Joint Special Operations Command to provide personnel and logistical assistance in hunting down the enemy commandos. Biden also talked with Attorney-General Eric Holder in confirming the lawfulness of this. There was much more to discuss when it came to the legalities of all that was happening; would the captured Russians be treated as POWs, for example, and given a trial? Or would they be treated as spies or “unlawful combatants” and thus summarily shot without due process?
Those Spetsnaz men and women weren’t to be caught in Washington DC. Splitting into smaller groups with the intention of re-grouping further out in the wilderness in Pennsylvania, the Russian commandos fled from the capital before the main effort to seal them in had really begun. For the most part, this escape occurred without incident, with the commandos fleeing by vehicle and then sneaking out of the city through roads which had yet to be secured. In one instance, however, three GRU commandos – two men and women – suffered terrible luck when their car broke down on a countryside road outside Bethesda. A family vehicle that was passing by the road in an attempt to leave the city pulled over to offer their assistance. There had been an argument between the husband driving the car and his wife in the passenger seat; the father was reluctant to pull over for fear of a carjacking whereas the wife wanted to offer their assistance. Eventually, the presence of a well-dressed woman amongst the stranded individuals was enough to convince him to pull over. It was a fatal mistake; the four people inside of the vehicle – father, mother, and two daughters – were dragged out of the car. Debate occurred between the GRU commandos about what to do with the family; they weren’t monsters who enjoyed killing unarmed civilians, and there was a legitimate military reason for taking them along as hostages. Tragically, though, the Spetsnaz commander decided that there wasn’t enough room in the car to take the family along without looking suspicious.
All four civilians had their throats cut, and the Spetsnaz drove away in the stolen car.
Aboard Air Force One – those aboard had to keep reminding themselves that this was their call sign now – President Biden entered a near-endless briefing with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Joint Chiefs had been driven, rather than flown, from the Pentagon to the nation’s underground Alternate National Military Command Centre at Raven Rock Mountain, also known as Site R, in Pennsylvania. Once they had arrived at the complex, the Joint Chiefs set up a video call with the new President to keep him appraised of the situation. General James Cartwright of the US Marine Corps was the Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and once Admiral Mullens’ death had been confirmed, Cartwright had stepped up and taken that role on an ad hoc basis until he could be confirmed by Congress and the President as the new official Chairman. There wouldn’t be any political problems with that happening, but the organisation of Congressional hearings was not exactly a priority at that moment. Plans were made for the Joint Chiefs to board the National Emergency Airborne Command Post, an E-4B aircraft known as ‘Night Watch’, and fly to Nellis Air Force Base in Nevada, where Biden’s aircraft could also land and he could move to Night Watch. These plans were scrapped before they could be implemented, however. The Joint Chiefs were safe as they could be at Site R, and yet more moving around would only cause problems with communications. Biden would be accompanied by more junior advisors when he boarded Night Watch. For now, though, he was stuck aboard Air Force Two, communicating with the Joint Chiefs by video conference. The Forty-Fifth President was informed of the specifics of the war. He was told that Russian aircraft had launched long-range cruise missile attacks against NATO facilities across Europe, including in Great Britain, while additional Spetsnaz commando strikes had also taken place. The Pentagon was informed that Britain’s Defence Secretary, Liam Fox, had been shot dead in a separate incident in London and this was also reported back to the President, as well as the outbreak of what appeared to be a hostage situation developing at Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe in Belgium. Another Spetsnaz attack had taken place at Tinker Air Force Base in Oklahoma, but the perpetrators of that attack had all been killed or captured during the fighting. President Biden authorised the “enhanced interrogations” of those men who had been captured back at Tinker AFB; their wounds were to be treated appropriately, but after this they would be transferred to the Marine Corps Brig at Quantico; there, the FBI, CIA, DIA, and Military Intelligence would begin the questioning of those captured Russians. When they had struck at Tinker AFB, those commandos had been wearing civilian clothing with articles of military equipment over the top, rather than wearing identifiable uniforms; this meant that the United States was under no obligation to treat them as POWs.
Biden was told that Russian forces were attacking Norway and Denmark and were crossing the borders into Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. They had done this by using Belarusian territory and reports so far indicated that Belarus was involved in this war just as much as Russia was. Questions about the neutrality of other Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) states were also raised; as of that moment, no military forces from Kazakhstan, Armenia or any other smaller Central Asian States had been involved in attacks against the US or its allies. President Biden made it clear to his military advisors that any and all hostile acts from any foreign country, including letting Russian forces use their territory, would be seen as an act of war against the United States of America, and the appropriate military action would be taken. There were some concerns here with the President’s emotional state; he had just lost several close friends and was clearly angered while issuing those orders. The Joint Chiefs had some concerns that this might draw Iran into the fighting if they allowed Russian warships to use their bases or aircraft to fly from their airfields. President Biden calmed shortly after though, and what could have become a constitutional crisis was averted. Biden, like every American, was angered, but he was still competent and mentally stable. He wouldn’t allow for his emotions to get the better of him and he made this clear to both the Joint Chiefs of Staff and to his personal physician.
Advised by General Cartwright to do so, the President gave the orders to the US Armed Forces to begin a full-scale mobilisation. A large-scale call-up of troops had already been taking place since mid-July, but now this call-up was to encompass every soldier, sailor, airman and marine as well as every reservist and National Guardsman. All military leaves for any reason other than serious and immediate medical issues were cancelled until further notice. The Pentagon was drawing up plans to bring every ex-serviceman and –woman who had left the military within the past two years back into service. Many of them would not need retraining and the influx of Iraq and Afghanistan War veterans would provide a major boost to the US Military. Some, particularly those in technical areas, would need retraining but that would be far quicker than training new draftees from scratch. Something similar to this had occurred several years prior with the controversial ‘stop-loss’ policy, but that hadn’t come close to mirroring the sheer scale of this call-up. Army Chief of Staff General George W. Casey told Biden that he could stand up the 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, 23rd & 24th Infantry Divisions with new troops in the space of roughly ninety days. Nobody new how long this war was going to last, and in the past several months Russia had dramatically boosted the size of its own armed forces with new conscripts and old reservists. Biden gave the authorisation for Casey to begin this task.
There were many other issues that had to be addressed by the United States government; Biden had to ask Congress for a formal declaration of war, and he had to replace the slain cabinet members and advisors. All that could really be confirmed was that American troops and their allies were once again fighting, killing and dying on the European countryside and in skies and waters all around the continent.
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James G
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Post by James G on Feb 21, 2019 11:55:04 GMT
Yes yes yes. Brilliantly done.
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Dan
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Post by Dan on Feb 21, 2019 13:33:05 GMT
Air Force Two would be renamed Air Force One as soon as Biden is sworn in.
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lordbyron
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Post by lordbyron on Feb 21, 2019 16:37:28 GMT
Good update; yeah, Putin, you really screwed up with killing Obama...
Waiting for more, and congrats at reaching over 100k words...
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lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Feb 21, 2019 16:39:36 GMT
Yes yes yes. Brilliantly done. Again i agree with this statement, nice work forcon
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Feb 21, 2019 19:50:21 GMT
Air Force Two would be renamed Air Force One as soon as Biden is sworn in. Thanks, I'll edit that.
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Feb 21, 2019 19:51:42 GMT
Good update; yeah, Putin, you really screwed up with killing Obama... Waiting for more, and congrats at reaching over 100k words... Thank you! That he did. It will be a mistake that he can deny but it will haunt him regardless. Yes yes yes. Brilliantly done. Again i agree with this statement, nice work forconThanks guys!
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James G
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Post by James G on Feb 21, 2019 19:55:40 GMT
Fifty–Four
The Russian military feared NATO air power more than NATO’s armies. This wasn’t said openly but it was the considered opinion among the majority of senior officers that using its aircraft rather than soldiers, the West would be able to overcome Russia on the battlefield. The concern in the Kremlin had been NATO soldiers marching through Red Square after toppling the regime via a Washington-backed colour revolution, hence why they went to war, but that could only be done, the men in uniform knew, if those soldiers were cover by aircraft above them. Russia had a large and capable air force. However, 2010 was really the wrong year for it to be sent into action. In a few more year’s time, when following existing modernisation and procurement plans, the Russian Air Force would have been in a far better shape. The state of international relations hadn’t given them that time though. August of this year saw the Russians forced to use their air power, going up against a stronger opponent. There were many tricks that they had up their sleeve and didn’t aim to fight fair, yet the task ahead of them was daunting. How were they going to win, or at least not lose, the air war? There was advantage at once taken of the element of surprise where Russia struck first. Using waves of air-launched cruise missiles was done at once and these were targeted at NATO aircraft on the ground. A lot of effort was made to go after AWACS aircraft in NATO service too where Russia rightly recognised that such aircraft would be war-winners for the West. The Russian Air Force also opted to not fight certain parts of the air war. No long-range air strikes deep into the enemy rear – apart from cruise missile firings – would be conducted and there would also be an absence of Russia aircraft on battlefield air defence missions. They would take place in air interdiction, tactical strikes, but not put fighters above ground forces moving forward close-in. Fighters would stay high and back when on the defensive and thus leave coverage of the ground forces to their own many air defence assets in the form of missiles and guns. Russian fighters would make forward sweeps at times and there would be strike aircraft above the battlefield. It was just a case of getting rid of what was regarded as going to be a costly mission – the ground forces would be filling the skies with projectiles and shooting at any aircraft regardless of nationality –, with the same consideration given to deep strikes by aircraft as well where it was understood that many aircraft would be lost for little appreciable gain.
Russian combat aircraft allotted to take part in the air warfare aspects of Operation Slava were all well-used and recognisable types. There were fighters in the form of MiG-29s and Su-27s along with MiG-31 interceptors too. Su-24s and Su-25s were available for tactical strike roles. There were a couple of newer Su-30s (upgrades of the Su-27) and a few dozen MiG-29SMTs as well. However, while procurement was underway, Russia didn’t yet have in service the advanced aircraft it needed such as further-upgraded Su-30s as well as new Su-34s and Su-35s. These aircraft were really needed for the war which was to be fought and would have provided a significant upgrade in Russian capability. The Russian Air Force would only dream on what they would do with those aircraft. The reality was that they had what they had. The aircraft flying were good pieces of equipment and carrying a wide array of weapons & systems, many of these some of the very best, and these would have to do. Nonetheless, Russia’s air and ground forces also had something that the militaries of NATO didn’t have: a mass of air defence equipment operating from the ground. Many NATO countries had such weapons yet none of them fielded them in the same number and manner as Russia did. These were more than just defensive or air denial weapons. Used right, they could provide an offensive element by their very presence where they wouldn’t be anticipated. Russia considered itself far ahead of anything that the West had when it came to its air defence capability. Even if this was only hubris, there were a lot of such weapons in service. These would be used alongside aircraft – with zones of responsibility split up – in the air war which Russia fought in Eastern Europe.
Once unleashed, Russia’s air power began to play an immediate role in the war. Over the Baltic States, fighters and strike aircraft conducted multiple missions to deny NATO the ability to conduct its Eagle Guardian plan to defend those three countries from invasion. NATO aircraft which tried to interfere were engaged above Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Sending more aircraft out over the Baltic Sea on missions against hostile shipping and to try to influence the fight around Copenhagen was a serious drag on this though due to the reprioritising midway through the day towards those tasks. The battle plan here had only survived a few hours before it was shelved. However, enough had been done to influence the fight already on the ground in the Baltic States. Russia didn’t realise just how effective its early activity there had been. They won the fight there made with their air power and it took some time to actually understand that when the focus was on combat extending away from there. Other Russian air activity was focused over Poland. Russian aircraft strayed deep inside Poland yet no further than roughly midway across the country on the war’s first day. Fuel restrictions were part of this but more than that, there was a desire not to overreach here… something which failed in the fight above the Baltic Sea. Those opening missile attacks had done serious damage where they hit many NATO airbases and post-strike analysis – a lot of this wishful thinking – believed that these had done even more than they had. What Russian aircraft focused on was engaging NATO fighters high over Poland and also making low-level tactical strikes against NATO ground forces. These operations met successes in certain circumstances and failures elsewhere. Once NATO brought its F-22s and also Typhoons into battle – with the latter, the RAF along with the Germans flew the Eurofighter (the Spanish were already planning to send a squadron of their own too to Slovakia) –, early Russian successes where they used their Su-27s to engage Polish F-16s and MiG-29s came to an end. Each side had the use of AWACS aircraft in the fight but NATO held the edge. Russian Flankers went down in alarming numbers. Battlefield air interdiction saw the Russian Air Force have an easier time. Lessons had been learned from the air war over Georgia two years ago. There were some errors made, glaring ones at times, but when things went right, they really did. Many NATO ground units, especially those close to the borders of Kaliningrad and Belarus, found themselves under heavy air attacks. Russia was able to target them when they were on the move and deliver plenty of ordnance on-target. There were reconnaissance jets flying about low as well and these were homing-in on electronic signals to guide attack aircraft towards them. Some NATO troops could get their limited numbers of SAM systems into play and they made use of these yet when they did, Russian air power came back to target them heavily. What NATO ground forces needed more than their own air defences were friendly fighters above them. Distant far-off fights high up where Russia took losses meant nothing to those on the receiving end of Russian tactical air strikes. They were hit & hit again and demanded air cover!
NATO’s first day of the air war started badly. They had aircraft in-place across Eastern Europe with many more on the way. The Russian opening attack really hurt them though. French fighters based in the Baltic States had enemy fighters in the sky engaging them there and then Russian tanks swarming towards their increasingly-isolated base. Other NATO aircraft tasked to support those fighting on the ground there, all meant to assist in Eagle Guardian, were unable to reach that fight. They could only make a pinprick effort over the Baltic States. Russian forces swarming into the three small countries brought with them their air defences and others were operating within Kaliningrad too. NATO just didn’t expect Russia to move its longer-range SAM units like it did so far forward so fast. They correctly anticipated tactical air defences but not the strategic-level ones which came forward. Multiple batteries of late-model S-300 and newer S-400s were present. These opened fire on NATO aircraft and took down several. Others had their missions over the Baltic States called off in response. This brought more NATO aircraft into Poland’s skies instead. Russian had put SAM-launchers onto Polish soil along with its armoured columns coming out of Belarus yet on the first day, those there weren’t as effective as they were elsewhere because NATO wasn’t coming towards them into firing envelopes. These still claimed kills just not as many as above the Baltic. What NATO found difficult to deal with were Russian fighters filling Poland’s skies above the northern & eastern parts of that country and then too all of those tactical weapons closer-in. Buk and Tunguska missile and missile-gun combinations engaged multiple NATO aircraft when they tried to attack Russian ground formations. Groups of Russian Spetsnaz were out far ahead of where the frontlines were and active around NATO airbases: they physically assaulted some airbases with guns and explosives while in other cases just sat nearby firing missiles at aircraft landing and taking-off.
On the flip side, just as Russia’s senior military officers had feared, when NATO air power was allowed to operate as it was designed to, when all of their efforts to stop that failed, it reigned terror on them. The fire and fury unleashed was a sight of hell for them. The Americans were joined by several of their NATO allies in putting combat aircraft of their own in Polish skies and moving them out over the Baltic Sea as well. In many ways, it was a ‘free for all’ in terms of first day operations. Aircraft were put into the sky on ad hoc missions where a lot of pre-war planning was followed yet in other ways that was thrown out of the window too. There was a rush to do a lot at once. That was done all in a hurry. Russian fighters were shot down high-up and strike aircraft sought when operating lower down. The Poles didn’t have the best of days while neither could the US Air Force, the RAF, the French Air Force, the Luftwaffe, the Spanish Air Force nor the Czech Air Force (these were the air arms with a current significant on-the-ground presence) boast that many things had gone their way. They danced to Russia’s tune where they responded to what was being done with the Slava offensive. Air strikes into Belarus or Kaliningrad were unable to be undertaken at this time nor any real presence put into the skies above both of them when Poland had been hit as hard as it was and there too had been those strikes made further back into Germany, the Czech Republic and Slovakia by cruise missiles. Where they were able to get at the Russians – and the Belorussians too – in the skies enemy aircraft were knocked down. The numbers grew, especially as the day got later. Damage to airbases in the rear was repaired (patch-up jobs) and better coordination occurred. The hours of darkness were waited for where overnight air operations, those of an offensive nature and going forward deep, were going to take place. NATO was going to take the war back to where the Russians and their Belorussian allies were flying from. In doing so, they aimed to change the whole face of the ongoing air war and turn it rapidly into the victory they were certain they could achieve with speed.
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James G
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Post by James G on Feb 21, 2019 20:20:55 GMT
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lueck
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Post by lueck on Feb 21, 2019 20:50:10 GMT
james, if that is the starting orbat for Russia what is the west thinking is the orbat because the allies have more units in Poland then the entire attack force going west into Poland.
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Feb 21, 2019 20:58:43 GMT
Very nice work. That's what I epect Russia would do; use their own trickery and tactics to offset NATO's advantage in the air. Shame those Su-35s aren't in service in 2010. That would have been interesting to read and to write.
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