Chapter 2: Alea Jacta Est"After writing the address to the French people announcing the "surge", the President of the Council said to me, visibly moved. "It's perfect, my general, let's record the appeal of June 16 and then broadcast it on the air. The world must know our resolution!
Charles de Gaulle, Mémoires de guerre - Le Sursaut : 1940-1941 (tome I)The next day, June 16, the ministers continued to fight over the fate of France.
Armistice or capitulation?
Mandel, the General, but also Louis Marin, Minister of State, defended tooth and nail the idea of continuing the struggle.
While Chautemps, Weygand, but also Paul Baudouin and Bouthillier, who therefore betrayed Reynaud, carried the white flag of defeat.
The others, although patriotic, were still a kind of swamp that could push them to one side or the other, even if, as historical research will prove, they tended to lean towards the side of the struggle.
Reynaud, livid, frightened and disgusted by the betrayal of those he thought were his close friends and supporters, hoping to silence the supporters of the armistice, read in a tone that did not hide his nervousness, Churchill's categorical refusal to release France from its oath not to sign a separate peace, in response to a cable sent in this sense to London the day before.
Chautemps, then comes out of his hammers and says with a bang.
"The French government does not have to ask the English government for its agreement! We are not, and never will be, a Dominion!
"That is not the question... It is just a matter of consultation between allies," replied de Gaulle coldly.
Yves Bouthillier, the felon, then asked, in a falsely conciliatory tone, that since the government could not decide, the chambers should be made to vote.
He knows very well the uncompromising nature of a majority of deputies.
And in a democracy, the tomb is decided by one vote...
Mandel then had these historic words.
"Gentlemen ministers,
The dramatic situation that our unfortunate country is experiencing has caused some people to lose their sense of duty, although their role should have been to be models to follow.
Moreover, in the face of adversity, a fraction of the nation's representatives have lowered themselves to the point of being mere representatives of a fraction of their constituents.
However, here, there are still ministers who are not deaf to the silent cry of the majority of the French people, which is to continue the war, in order, one day soon, to restore them and the country in their honor, their dignity, and their right.
As for the deputies, I can now assure you of their full and complete support.
Chautemps, Baudouin, and Bouthillier did not have time to react when Messrs. Herriot, president of the Chamber of Deputies, and Jeanneney, president of the Senate, entered the room and announced their support, and thus that of parliament, for a reappointment of Paul Reynaud as head of a new team, on the condition that it would be in favor of continuing the war from North Africa, where the institutions of the Republic would be transported.
Mandel then adds. "Mr. Bouthillier, we are indeed in favor of the vote that you propose..."
The "Flanchards" of the government having been neutralized, due to their future ousting from the government, it remained to adjourn the council, to converse with Reynaud as to the future composition of the new cabinet of the Republic.
The one of the fight.
But then events began to take place...
Weygand, learning that events were no longer going his way, suddenly burst into the room.
"Gentlemen! How can you imagine for a moment that you can continue the war under these conditions? Our armies are dislocated, broken, on their knees, and this, in spite of boundless heroism, overwhelmed as they are by the mass of thousands of panzers! Our defense lines on the Somme and the Aisne were crushed. At this hour, the enemy is charging towards the Loire and threatening the rear of our troops stationed along the Maginot line! I add that the admirable value of our soldiers makes that you the politicians, who alone decided this war, must find a solution to put an end to this bloodbath! Do you really want the red flag to fly over the Élysée Palace?
De Gaulle was about to intervene when Mandel beat him to it.
"Can you imagine, Generalissimo, this cabinet unaware of our situation? Not knowing the heroism of our troops? Ignorant of the military situation? Contemptuous of the suffering of the French?
But this cabinet is also aware of the barbarity of the enemy we are facing! Hitler is a new Attila and France can only live when he and his bloodthirsty hordes are annihilated!
The..."
Weygand then vituperates...
"Hitler is an Attila for certain categories only..."
Mandel then looks at him coldly and then turns to Reynaud with an explicit look that means, "Do something Mr. President of the Council!"
Reynaud, reassured by the strength of conviction of his ministers, then uttered this decisive sentence.
"You are dismissed from your position as supreme commander of the French army, General.
Weygand then turned red with anger.
"What right do you have to do this?
"By the fact, or rather the principle, that military authority is always subordinate to political power..." replied Paul Reynaud simply.
Maxime Weygand had understood. Mandel and de Gaulle's stroke of genius had changed the situation. He, General Weygand, could no longer put pressure on the presidency of the council to take the decision, more honorable according to him, to conclude a political armistice rather than a military surrender of the Metropole.
The ex-generalissimo, in a much calmer tone of voice, but nevertheless animated by a tic, a sign of his extreme nervousness, then asked for permission to be assigned to the head of a fighting unit.
Reynaud, finally satisfied with Weygand's submission, agreed.
Maxime Weygand silently saluted the President of the Council and withdrew.
Weygand, who asked to be demoted to colonel, committed suicide, after having fought valiantly.
June 23, in the early morning...
Seeing that their last trump card had just collapsed with the ousting of Weygand, the supporters of the armistice, led by Chautemps, who although mute for some during the meeting of the 16th, but having revealed themselves in broad daylight the day before, left the room.
Fortunately, having committed no crime, Mandel, the Minister of the Interior, could not totally neutralize them, but a heavy surveillance was exercised on them from that day on. [4]
The supporters of the continuation of the struggle, suspecting that they were being prolonged in their mission, remained in the room, which was obviously the case.
With the Flanchards gone, Reynaud announced, to the astonishment of the ministers and presidents of the chambers, that he would resign in favor of Georges Mandel.
Faced with their opposition, Reynaud insisted.
"No, no, ministers, my decision is irrevocable. I am no longer the right man for the job. The actions of Messrs. De Gaulle and Mandel have proven that. Mr. Mandel is the best placed to lead France to final victory. As for you, General, my last decision as President of the Council is to appoint you as a permanent general.
President Lebrun immediately approved this double decision.
It now remained to announce to the world the new French determination.
Mandel's words on the air, although universally known, deserve to be transcribed in this book.
"My dear compatriots,
The President of the Republic has appointed me to head the government in these tragic hours for our country.
Yes, we are suffering a great defeat. A bad military system, the mistakes made in the conduct of operations, the spirit of abandonment of some, have made us lose the battle of France.
Indeed, although we were and are overwhelmed by the mechanical, ground and air force of the enemy, the last word has not been said. Hope must not disappear and defeat is not final!
Believe me, I am speaking to you with full knowledge of the facts and I tell you that nothing is lost for France. The same means that defeated us can bring victory one day.
For France is not alone! She is not alone! She is not alone! She has a vast Empire behind her. She can stand shoulder to shoulder with the British Empire, which holds the sea and also continues the struggle. She can, like England, make unlimited use of the immense industry of the United States.
This war is not limited to the unfortunate territory of our country. This war is not cut off by the battle of France. This war is a world war. All the faults, all the delays, all the sufferings, do not prevent that there are, in the universe, all the necessary means to crush one day our enemies. Crushed today by mechanical force, we will be able to win in the future by a superior mechanical force. The destiny of the world is here.
Honor, common sense, the interest of the Fatherland, command all Frenchmen to continue the fight
Aware of all this, the government of the Republic over which I preside has decided to leave for North Africa to continue the fight.
Whatever happens, the flame of the French resistance must not and will not be extinguished.
Long live the Republic! Long live France!"But the General had not been content to help Mandel write the appeal to the people of France and his friends. De Gaulle also helped the newly appointed president of the council to compile a list of names for his government. Reconducting the other vice-president of the council of the previous government, Camille Chautemps, was obviously excluded. But who was to replace them in this position, which logically could only be held by major political figures?
As vice-presidents of the council, de Gaulle and Mandel agreed to appoint Joseph Paul-Boncour and Louis Marin, a former president of the council (left wing) of the French Republic and the leader of the French conservative right.
The first, a strong anti-Munich supporter, was a strong advocate of Franco-Soviet rapprochement during the rise of the perils.
The second, a minister of state until then, moved up the ranks. He will serve to rally the most conservative of the French. Marin is a real sign that anti-fascism is not only of the left. Although he was the leader of the right-wing Republican Federation, this did not prevent him from being a supporter of the resistance at all costs.
Two heavyweights of French political life for a fighting government.
A man of the left and a man of the right.
The Sacred Union...
In foreign affairs, while de Gaulle foresaw the global nature of the conflict and the future German-Soviet war, and in line with the appointment of Paul-Boncour as vice-president of the council, he obtained from Mandel the appointment of Léon Blum.
The leader of the French socialists. Appointing him to the government was therefore in line with the renewal of the Sacred Union of 1914. Moreover, it allowed to place an individual capable of negotiating with Stalin at the head of the diplomacy of the Republic.
De Gaulle would have liked him to be the vice-president of the council representing the left, but Mandel categorically refused. For him, placing two Jews in the highest spheres of the State could have scuppered his government by inciting the anti-Semites to action.
Alas, his "Jewishness" was at that time the source of a profound complex in the new head of the French government.
Indeed, after the meeting that saw him propelled to the presidency of the council, Mandel experienced a moment of doubt.
"I am a Jew," he said to the General. "They will never accept me..."
To which de Gaulle replies.
"The only devotion that counts in these troubled times is devotion to the party, M. Le Président du Conseil..."
Mandel, reassured by these fair words, but still aware of the terrible domestic threat posed by the anti-Semitic far right, retained the portfolio of the Interior. And it was in this capacity that he issued a decree ordering the civil authorities to remain in place and to maintain republican authority until the Germans arrived. The police and gendarmes were forbidden to withdraw. Better still, they had to help contain the Exodus, which was bothering the French army and which was now quite useless, as the country was destined to be totally occupied in the short term...
Better still, the police and gendarmerie would soon be providing information on German activities in the country to the government in exile!
As a true cabinet of struggle, de Gaulle and Mandel endeavored to link up with the fighters of the first hour, even if it meant giving them secondary portfolios on paper.
The President of the Council and the General immediately agreed to rally Henri de Kérillis, the only right-wing deputy who had voted against the Munich agreements and who strongly denounced the capitulation that delivered Czechoslovakia to Hitler.
"Gentlemen, those of us who would have liked to find the line of resistance to German pretensions much earlier, to save Czechoslovakia and at the same time to save peace, are accused of having wanted war. (...) No, gentlemen, I did not want war, but when war threatens a country, one should not give the impression of fearing it if one wants to make it retreat. (...) This peace consecrates the triumph of Hitler, that is to say at the same time that of Germany and that of international fascism. (...) I am well aware that there are among us men imbued with patriotism (...) who hope that France will be able to live in peace, proud and free, next to this new and gigantic Germany. [...] No! Do not hope! Germany is insatiable in front of the weak, Germany is merciless for the weak, Germany respects only the strong and we have just shown her that we are not! (...) You think she will become soft and conciliatory. I believe that it will become demanding and terrible. Hitler warned us, in Mein Kampf, that his supreme goal was to crush France.
A sad omen from a Cassandra...
De Kérillis became minister of veterans in the "Surge"[5].
Finally, in order to show a break with Reynaud while at the same time demonstrating the extremist character of his cabinet, Mandel recalled as Minister of State the man who had declared war on the Reich after its invasion of Poland and who had been dismissed by Reynaud, his enemy, in early June.
Edouard Daladier
But the continuation of the struggle would be impossible without the help of the fleet, which Admiral François Darlan of France had made his "thing".
From then on, his fusilliers-marins patrolled Bordeaux from the middle of the night.
To maintain order but, above all, to avoid a coup de force by the defeatists.
Indeed, during the night of June 15 to 16, de Gaulle and Mandel met with Darlan at the Admiralty.
The latter affirmed the loyalty of the fleet to the government and the fierce determination of the French sailors to continue the war. He then emphasized the admirable performance of the navy during the operations, while implying that although the army had behaved badly during the Battle of France, it had its minister in the person of de Gaulle.
He concluded by showing the importance of the latter for the continuation of the fighting from overseas.
Understanding the message, Mandel and de Gaulle promised Darlan the post of Minister of the Navy, which would bring together the merchant and military navies.
In exchange, Darlan provided, among other things, fusilliers-marins to patrol Bordeaux, which was infiltrated by defeatists, including none other than its own mayor, Adrien Marquet, whose mind was gangrened by fascist ideals...
Président du conseil : Georges Mandel
•
Vice-présidents du conseil ◦ Joseph Paul-Boncour
◦ Louis Marin
-
Ministers:
◦ Minister of National Defense and War: Charles de Gaulle
◦ Minister of Foreign Affairs: Léon Blum
◦ Minister of the Interior: Georges Mandel
◦ Minister of Armaments: Raoul Dautry
◦ Minister of Finance: Paul Ramadier
◦ Minister of Labor: Charles Pomaret
◦ Minister of Justice: Albert Sérol
◦ Minister of the Navy: François Darlan
◦ Minister of the Air: Laurent Eynac
◦ Minister of National Education: Jean Zay
◦ Minister of Veterans and Pensions: Henri de Kérillis
◦ Minister of Agriculture: Paul Thellier
◦ Minister of Supply: Henri Queuille
◦ Minister of the Colonies: Marius Moutet
◦ Minister of Public Works: Charles Vallin
◦ Minister of the French Family: Georges Pernot
◦ Minister of Posts, Telegraph, Telephone and Transmissions: Alfred Jules-Julien
◦ Minister of Information: Daniel Mayer
◦ Minister of Commerce and Industry: Louis Rollin
◦ Minister of the Blockade: Georges Monnet
◦ Ministers of State: Auguste Champetier de Ribes and Édouard DaladierAs for Paul Reynaud, an admirer of Anglo-Saxon regimes and perfectly English-speaking, he was appointed to the no less crucial position of ambassador to Washington.
He would be the voice of fighting France to President Roosevelt.
Now that France had a new government at its head, it was time to organize the "surge", while the German offensive continued relentlessly...
Georges Mandel, new president of the council (Source Wikipedia)
[4] For a time, Mandel considered arresting them for high treason all the same.
[5] Let us note that he was the author of a quality analysis of the 1940 defeat, "Français, voici la vérité." (French, here the truth).
It could get hairy for Mussolini in Libya with allied forces being able to operate from Tunisia as well as Malta to cut supply lines. Assuming that Corsica will have to be given up as well - although quite possibly with a tough fight. Of course its more likely that most/all colonies will support the government in exile in Algiers rather than any Vichy type puppet but some may go that way.