lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Oct 20, 2021 18:19:24 GMT
Well that was an interesting twist. Do we now have a fanatical idealog rather than a manipulative crook intent on staying in power in charge? Or just more of the same but bloodier. Think the gloves are off with him in charge of a none nuclear East Germany.
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stevep
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Post by stevep on Oct 20, 2021 18:49:39 GMT
Well that was an interesting twist. Do we now have a fanatical idealog rather than a manipulative crook intent on staying in power in charge? Or just more of the same but bloodier. Think the gloves are off with him in charge of a none nuclear East Germany.
Well the allies wished to avoid a regime change scenario but they might now have it pretty much forced onto them. Could see a lot more people dying however.
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lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Oct 20, 2021 18:51:09 GMT
Think the gloves are off with him in charge of a none nuclear East Germany. Well the allies wished to avoid a regime change scenario but they might now have it pretty much forced onto them. Could see a lot more people dying however. Well he is the head of the Stasi with his own private army under his control, so yes i think a lot more people are going to die.
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James G
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Post by James G on Oct 25, 2021 17:47:04 GMT
Forty-three – Lone sniperForeign journalists within East Berlin had remained under guard – for their own security – since the beginning of the Coalition’s air campaign. Many others had left before the conflict started yet for those who opted to stay in the East German capital, they understood that they would have minders from the Stasi covering their every move. Claiming to be either military or from the ruling SED political party, the Stasi people refused to admit what they were. That didn’t really matter because those journalists knew the truth. Several of those ‘guests of the regime’ who had been put up at a hotel together where they were centralised in the middle of East Berlin were called upon to leave that hotel on the morning of July 6th to cover a walkabout in the city being made by Margot Honecker. DDR news media crews were already in the process of setting up before the chosen foreign counterparts of theirs were brought up to speed on what was going on. After five nights of the Coalition bombing East Germany, the nation’s leader was to be seen out in public. She would be touring hospitals, making public appearances and generally showing a defiant face against danger. The trio of Westerners pulled from that hotel were from US news channel CNN (the correspondent only, not her camera-crew & wider team), the British newspaper the Guardian and the West German weekly political/news magazine der Spiegel. They were taken to where Honecker was at one of the hospitals and were playing catch-up at the start. It was a while before it was explained all that was happening. The patients which the woman oft known in the West as the Purple Witch saw were children who’d been transferred from hospitals elsewhere in the country to East Berlin after being caught up in Coalition bomb attacks. They were the collateral damage that the SecDef at the Pentagon had spoken about. It was considered safer for them in the DDR capital rather than elsewhere: East Berlin had only been bombed on the opening night and left un-attacked since. After meeting the injured children, Honecker met with several doctors, nurses & ambulance drivers before leaving the hospital. There was a short car drive to a local community centre where, surrounded by SED emblems there for the cameras, she then spoke with party members who were involved in working with the vulnerable caught up in war. There were pensioners and disabled people, the senior-most official explained, who needed the services of the state at a time when their younger relatives were in uniform and protecting the nation from an invasion. SED volunteers were helping them with collecting medicines, checking up on them when left alone and doing their food shopping for them too. Honecker thanked those volunteers for doing what they did and gave a short speech about the merits of the one big community that East Germany was where everyone was always willing to look out for one another. The show got back on the road after that. There was a drive to another part of the city with the Berlin Wall nearly within touching distance of where Honecker spoke again. She addressed border guards with the Grenztruppen, those whose duty was to help defend the state like so many others were. Reservists had joined up with regular guards where they surrounded West Berlin yet the claim was made by Honecker that they were there to protect the citizens of the DDR from threats emanating from within there. A ‘den of spies’, she called it, where ‘illegal actions’ undertaken by Americans, Britons, Frenchmen and Israelis were mounted from to threaten East Germany. Honecker finished up her speech there and moved to speak to the senior Grenztruppen officer on duty before she left. In full view of the East German cameras, and with hundreds of people about in close proximity, she was assassinated. A lone sniper took a shot from distance. People saw her fall, her head seemingly exploding in a red mist too, before they they heard the crack of a rifle. Eyes swung towards the Berlin Wall and that den of spies beyond yet those in the crowd with military experience heard the shot come from another direction: back further inside East Germany rather than over in that foreign exclave. Margot Honecker, leader of East Germany for just over eleventh months following her husband’s demise, was dead before she hit the ground. There was chaos aplenty. Those Stasi security agents disguised as Volksarmee public affairs staff pulled hidden weapons and kept the three Westerners covered. They were told that they were to be escorted back to that hotel. SED party loyalists within the crowd, who had been directed to boost the number of attendees at Honecker’s speeches for the benefit of the cameras, took note of the foreigners. Shouts of abuse were made with accusations made that the journalists were somehow responsible. Back to their hotel unharmed the journalists made it though they had to be removed fast from the murder scene due to some real anger there. That anger wasn’t just directed against those few foreigners. For a long time, citizens of the DDR, especially the most politically involved ones, had been whipped up into a nationalistic frenzy. Honecker had led that effort where she had wanted to see her fellow citizens angry at all outsiders and thus focused there rather than inwards. Seeing her murdered before them made many actually furious. Not long ago, the death of her, or especially her husband when he was alive, would have brought about a different reaction. Instead, there was an eruption of hatred from people normally so calm and restrained. Improvised missiles were thrown towards the nearby stretch of the Berlin Wall: Grenztruppen personnel ducked out of the way of the thrown rubbish while well aware that no one over on the other side had any idea about that. Shouts of denouncements against the United States, Western European countries, their brethren in West Germany, the Jews of Israel and of Russia too were made. Without anyone making a move to stop them, where that usually would have been the case, both interviewees and interviewers said some remarkable things to be later broadcast on state media. The DDR journalists spoke to those party loyalists where there were raw emotions on display. Instructions were delivered to the broadcast chiefs that all of the footage was to go out soon enough too. A different version of East Germany than was usually seen was soon to be on display for the world. It was the Stasi chief Wolfgang Schwanitz behind those calls made to state television and radio. He had his people contact them to make sure that no news went out that Honecker had been murdered before there was an official announcement. Naturally, there were no questions asked about that. He also made sure that those Western journalists who had witnessed the assassination were isolated too away from the satellite phones that he knew were in the hotel where they were staying. They were left waiting in the car park there while he made further calls from his office (Schwanitz wasn’t at the Stasi HQ but rather using a base of operations elsewhere in the city for fear that the HQ complex would be targeted by American bombs) to talk with Politburo members at the Prenden bunker. Schwanitz informed them of the demise of Honecker within less than fifteen minutes of it occurring. There was shock there, grief too. In addition, even though he was on the end of the telephone line, Schwanitz could smell the opportunity in them as well. Alas, they were there, in an underground guarded facility – for their own safety – while he was the one with his hands on the reins of power. More news was soon delivered to them in a further call that Schwanitz made within the hour, right before the state media was to make the announcement on what had happened to the DDR’s leader. Stasi paramilitary soldiers had made an arrest already. They’d managed to capture alive a gunman complete with a rifle in a tall building within sight of the murder scene. He was an American too! The Politburo were left stunned at that revelation. Schwanitz promised them more answers to be forthcoming when he knew it but ‘suggested’ that they stay where they were in safety for the time being. If the CIA had used an assassin to get Honecker, there would be others waiting above ground for them. The fools in that bunker fell for such baloney and didn’t object to remaining the prisoners that they had unwittingly allowed Schwanitz to make them. After a delay due to that arrest of the suspected sniper, Schwanitz was the one who spoke to the East German people that afternoon. He was the one who told them, and whom the wider world would see & hear too, of the demise of Margot Honecker. Murdered she had been, murdered by a foreign gunman within East Berlin. While he wasn’t presented directly for the cameras, Schwanitz made mention of that American national in custody. Later that day, more information would come out about the alleged CIA assassin that the East German regime had caught along with the story of him managing to enter the city by crossing under the Berlin Wall, but when Schwanitz made his statement where he revealed the news about Honecker’s death, he kept things simple. The DDR’s leader had been killed but, with haste, her killer sent by those bombing East Germany had been caught. State television had images of the scene of the assassination to show straight afterwards while Radio Berlin International would broadcast audio of some of those first on-scene reactions from ‘ordinary’ East Germans there. There was no declaration from Schwanitz that he was taking charge when he spoke to the public. At Prenden, the Politburo quickly understood that he was though. There was an attempt to put an end to that. Ministers there in the belowground shelter that was meant to keep them safe from even a nuclear attack on their country sought to leave and return to East Berlin to take charge themselves. Schwanitz had no authority and there was even some expressed concern that maybe he had something to do with the assassination… Alas, there was no way out for those in the bunker. The exits were sealed. Security people who’d been inside were absent. They’d locked up behind them. Ministers, officials and aides were left all by their lonesome. Calls were made to Schwanitz and also the Volksarmee too. None went through though and then the phone lines went dead. Within another hours, both the lights went out and the air supply was shut off. The Prenden bunker would become a tomb for those trapped in there where their absence away from East Berlin had allowed the man behind the killing of Honecker to consolidate the power he’d grabbed for himself. The story would be spun about an American assassin but he was just a dumb patsy ripe for manipulation. Schwanitz had killed his leader and would see to it that his incoming rule was to be wholly unchallenged. The war with the Coalition would be fought vastly differently under his leadership. It was not the war that East Germany started that was it end, it was a bullet that killed Honecker that was the end of East Germany. Also seems East Germany need some new high ranking officials who are loyal to Schwanitz. I agree with that, yes. Those in the Volksarmeee will go along. In the bunker killed were the 'weak' politicians. Well that was an interesting twist. Do we now have a fanatical idealog rather than a manipulative crook intent on staying in power in charge? Or just more of the same but bloodier. I did mention before, though probably not strong enough, that the securocrats were getting mad. The diplomacy where it was no longer about Saddam-style games but instead a possible willingness to give in was too much to ignore. Security figures are this regime and will finally do what they must. The securocrats are dedicated to the cause.
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James G
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Post by James G on Oct 25, 2021 17:47:23 GMT
Well that was an interesting twist. Do we now have a fanatical idealog rather than a manipulative crook intent on staying in power in charge? Or just more of the same but bloodier. Think the gloves are off with him in charge of a none nuclear East Germany. Yes, that is true.
Well the allies wished to avoid a regime change scenario but they might now have it pretty much forced onto them. Could see a lot more people dying however. Regime change is really, really not wanted in Washington, London, Paris etc. But they kinda just made it happen! Only a mild form though. What isn't wanted is a DDR collapse that they will have to pick up the pieces of. Well he is the head of the Stasi with his own private army under his control, so yes i think a lot more people are going to die. His own army but his ally has a bigger one: all alliance of the People's Security and People's Army is all powerful.
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James G
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Post by James G on Oct 25, 2021 17:49:58 GMT
Forty-four – Cruella
The nickname of ‘Cruella’ for Margot Honecker had been put into circulation by the British tabloid newspaper the Sun. Fellow downmarket red top dailies such as the Mirror and the Daily Star had picked that up before some of the more-respectable, black top tabloids (the Daily Express & the Daily Mail) had followed suit in time: the broadsheets (the Guardian, the Telegraph, the Times etc.) would do no such thing. East Germany’s leader had been called such a name by MPs when speaking to broadcasters – though not while in the Commons – giving further credence to the use of such a nickname. It suited her as far as many Britons were concerned. In other countries, the name the British were calling her was heard, understood too, but just didn’t stick there. Like newspapers globally, those in the UK were put together the day before the publication date on the front. Last minute stories coming in would see dramatic changes to the layout, the front page especially, depending upon what came in. The evening when the news arrived in London that Honecker had been killed while on her walk around in East Berlin saw much activity in newsrooms. The television & radio news broadcasts beat them to the punch with the story but that was nothing unusual. More detailed coverage, or more explosive content, it depended upon the publication, would be there for readers in the morning. All of the tabloids had the name Cruella on the front page with the broadsheets once more refusing to lower themselves down to that level. There were no photos of the assassination scene so stock photos, even mock-ups of her face on the cartoon villain, were used. It had always been about demeaning her with the tabloids and that continued in death too. Editors and proprietors justified that based upon her behaviour and also the desires of their readers.
British newspapers also prepared to put to print details which came out of the DDR – and West Germany too as the evening got later – concerning the alleged assassin that the East Germans were declaring that they had captured. There were more of a focus in the United States upon him as an American citizen but in Coalition countries such as the UK, media outlets did put out over the airwaves and also into print what was being said about the shooter that the DDR was saying had killed their leader. They were free societies with the media allowed to put such information into the public sphere even if the allegations coming out from over on the other side of the Berlin Wall were considered a bit over the top. Across the Atlantic, there was a lot less hesitation shown there. American media outlets felt more free to say exactly what they wanted than ones in Western Europe did. There was sensationalism with the matter of the supposed assassin, enough to make tabloid editors in the UK blush. East German claims that they had nabbed a CIA assassin, who had murdered Honecker out in public with a sniper shot, were just too good for the US media to not go over the top with. Yet, early on, a couple of media outlets, the ones who tended to look down their noses at those deemed less respectable, put forward stern editorials against believing any of the rubbish coming out of the DDR. It was all very convenient, it was all very fast too. That caught on very fast elsewhere soon enough, quicker than might have been expected due to the silliness of the tale overall. The story that the East Germans were selling just didn’t hold up with a proper look. They did have an American national in custody, indeed, but whether he had done what it was said he had didn’t appear likely at all.
Off-the-record briefings from Congressional and US Intelligence Community figures made clear that the CIA wasn’t behind the shooting at all: they just wouldn’t do that. The denials were strong, with a far greater impact than any ‘no comment’ response usually given on such matters. The young man’s former girlfriend was spoken to by several media outlets. She was an articulate, serious young lady. She told reporters outside her parent’s house up in rural Maine that her ex-boyfriend was a disturbed individual with a passion for East Germany and its ‘weird ways’: he’d gone there, openly too, because he wanted to support that regime fighting against the ‘neo-Imperialist West’. Reporters soon found other US-bases associates of him who could back up that story about the alleged CIA hitman instead being a fanboy of East Germany’s fights against the West.
In no way did the DDR had themselves an assassin sent by the CIA to kill their leader. The media in the United States, Europe and then further afield got that message out eventually. It was a bit late though, long after East Germany had spread a lot of lies about it all unchallenged where they influenced certain minds. Of course, convincing serious minded people in the West that the United States had gone and done that had never been the aim though. Those behind the assassination and who had a patsy on stand-by had been targeting a different audience from the start. It was a domestic consumer of carefully crafted news they were after.
After Schwanitz had finished with the Politburo where he left them to rot (not metaphorically either) in their bunker, he completed his takeover. He had already assured himself of the support needed ahead of doing what the did. The most important part of that was to make sure that there was no armed opposition. The defence minister, who had a powerful fiefdom, more than any counterpart in the West of his might hold, had come onside and wouldn’t direct the Volksarmee to intervene. Stasi paramilitary forces, plus those of nationwide militia units which Schwanitz had enough influence over, could have never challenged the DDR’s armed forces if it came to a fight. There was none of that though. He had the support of those at the very top of the Volksarmee with everyone below them falling in line when they obeyed orders. There were no questions asked by mid-ranking officers in uniform – either in the armed forces nor the Stasi – about what exactly happened. They, like the people, were told the story concocted by Schwanitz. The Americans had murdered Honecker as part of their war. Due to necessity, the people’s security forces with the people’s army in tow, were assuming leadership until the conflict with the Coalition was over with. Despite the ‘easiness’ of that, there were still a few fools who wanted to stand in the way. The foreign minister wasn’t in that bunker below Prenden which Schwanitz had made a tomb for its occupants. He was in the nation’s capital the same afternoon when Honecker was bumped off and had been preparing to travel overseas to carry on with his schemes.
The whole issue with Honecker willing to lay down to the Coalition came down to him whispering in her ear rather than listening to the securocrats (i.e. Schwanitz) was what brought about the change in leadership. The Stasi chief had the foreign minister killed right before Honecker was gunned down. In a less dramatic fashion, and with the subsequent disappearance of his body, the foreign minister was removed from the picture. Schwanitz had allies and supporters of the foreign minister and his line of thinking dealt with throughout the rest of that day when he assumed the leadership. Only a few more lives were taken, none more than necessary. Instead, the Stasi simply disappeared into its dungeons those who the new leader felt might challenge him. Those who he moved against had little idea of what was really happening. The narrative was all about the CIA assassinating Honecker. Calls to the foreign minister and Prenden went unanswered. Security efforts nationwide were increased in light of the danger to the state. And, in amongst all of that, those who could challenge the new leadership, disappeared without being fully aware of what was happening. Before the day was out, Schwanitz’s rule was undisputed and unchallengeable.
Yet his country was still being bombed.
For the sixth night in a row, Coalition air & missile strikes hit East Germany. There was less intensity in them on that night due to the opening target list having been long run through. Coalition attacks focused on finding what they had missed the first (and second, even third) time around. East German MiGs stayed on the ground and hidden as again the skies above their country where surrendered to the enemy’s presence. However, that continued to make things easier for the air defences. They could shoot at anything flying without worries over identification and that they did. SAMs aplenty went skywards though still not in the same numbers as seen early on in the war. Guided anti-aircraft fire was used a lot more than it previously had been but that was certainly less effective. Against the air defences that the DDR had to try and stop itself from being bombed the Coalition in fact flew the majority of their missions. Wild Weasel missions from dedicated units took place alongside a lot of ‘Iron Hand’ strikes too from those less experienced in going after air defences. Coalition aircraft launched HARM and ALARM missiles to try and take out radars (they homed in upon signals, even dead ones, and exploded in cluster munition fashion to try and take out delicate antenna) in targeted strikes while also using other missiles as well as bombs & guns too.
Everything that the East Germans could do to keep their air defences functioning, they did. Those were on the move constantly and operating in a shoot-and-scoot fashion. Radars went on and off at random intervals with information fed to central headquarters units. ‘Guestimates’ were made as to where Coalition aircraft were heading towards due to incomplete radar images – rather than continuous tracking – with air defence units along projected paths ordered to activate and engage. Fixed landlines were used for the passing of messages with the banning under EMCON rules of radio links. Decoys were everywhere. Their use was to draw Coalition fire against air defence assets so as to spring ambushes with real ones yet also to continue to feed a false picture to those bombing the DDR as to what was left active in terms of assets. That was a damn complicated game to play. Coalition military commanders had gotten wise to a lot of that too. There was some hesitation in them where they didn’t want to believe that the East Germans could be as smart as they appeared to be yet, finally, after so many air losses, the evidence was too much to ignore and a realisation had come that the East Germans were really trying to play them for fools. There was more care taken and the Coalition sought to play its own games with their opponents. Nonetheless, those air defences took their toll once again. Another eleven aircraft would be lost by the Coalition during overnight air attacks into East Germany and also down into the Czech Republic as well.
The US Navy would have a bad night where they lost a handful of aircraft over coastal regions of East Germany: the Norwegians had F-16s flying alongside several missions originating from the two carriers in the North Sea and would lose a jet too. British and Italian air strikes into the Ore Mountains where they sought to cut off DDR forces down in the Czech Republic using Tornados for precision attacks along access routes cost them as well: both the RAF and the AMI lost aircraft there to radar-guided anti-aircraft guns. Where tactical missions were flown against rear-area ground forces on the battlefield of the Czech civil war, the US Air Force and the French got hurt too. SAMs and shells struck aircraft on attack missions where they were either brought down or limped back home. For all of the battering that those air defences had taken previously, they were still capable. East Germany could still defend itself… just.
Schwanitz saw that as a passive defence though. The head of the Volksarmee had long agreed with that view. Their thinking was that eventually, even after a lot of loses, the Coalition air forces would prevail doing what they were doing. Sitting back and defending never won anyone a war, so their thinking followed. What was needed to to go on the attack, to mount an active defence by striking out. That had been done early on in the conflict but halted while doomed peace efforts had taken place. The time for talking was over with, Schwanitz decided, and instead East Germany had to lash out again. Instructions went to missile units but also to distant further offensive assets that his country mustered ready to employ in that ‘active-defence’ method.
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lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Oct 25, 2021 18:07:38 GMT
The time for talking was over with, Schwanitz decided, and instead East Germany had to lash out again. Instructions went to missile units but also to distant further offensive assets that his country mustered ready to employ in that ‘active-defence’ method. Either the use of one of their nuclear bombs they do not have ore a invasion of West Germany.
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James G
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Post by James G on Oct 25, 2021 18:11:06 GMT
The time for talking was over with, Schwanitz decided, and instead East Germany had to lash out again. Instructions went to missile units but also to distant further offensive assets that his country mustered ready to employ in that ‘active-defence’ method. Either the use of one of their nuclear bombs they do not have ore a invasion of West Germany. Neither! Just more creative with what's been done before and prepared but not used.
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stevep
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Post by stevep on Oct 25, 2021 20:37:17 GMT
Either the use of one of their nuclear bombs they do not have ore a invasion of West Germany. Neither! Just more creative with what's been done before and prepared but not used.
Would agree. A nuke, even if they had one which its pretty certain they don't would negate everything their said about NOT having a programme as well as the huge casualties that would cause.
Similarly invading W Germany, as well as putting the W Germans in a position where they would have to fight the invaders, would fatally expose the GDR's forces to massive allied firepower.
I don't think what we're been forewarned would happen, with an invasion of Poland will do much for them either especially since it will expose the forces involved to attrition, which would be heavy if the Poles get western support.
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James G
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Post by James G on Oct 26, 2021 18:11:02 GMT
Neither! Just more creative with what's been done before and prepared but not used.
Would agree. A nuke, even if they had one which its pretty certain they don't would negate everything their said about NOT having a programme as well as the huge casualties that would cause.
Similarly invading W Germany, as well as putting the W Germans in a position where they would have to fight the invaders, would fatally expose the GDR's forces to massive allied firepower.
I don't think what we're been forewarned would happen, with an invasion of Poland will do much for them either especially since it will expose the forces involved to attrition, which would be heavy if the Poles get western support.
None of those options are a good idea at all, for the reasons stated. If taking anything, going anywhere, West Berlin is the most likely. That isn't on the cards... not at the minute anyway!
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James G
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Post by James G on Oct 26, 2021 18:14:18 GMT
Forty-five – Active-defence
Spider ballistic missiles were launched from out of East Germany during the night. Previous missile strikes westwards had come just before dawn following a night of Coalition air attacks against the DDR. That changed when the country was under the new leadership of Schwanitz. Just a dozen were fired, not joined by Scuds nor even shorter range ballistic weapons neither, but the strike was still quite something. Launch vehicles lofted the missiles and were with haste on the move to nearby hiding spots away from where they had fired. Expansive tin foil sheeting, soon soaked with water, was pulled over the launch vehicles to limit their heat signature. Coalition jets were in the skies above East Germany and those missile firings, all done within the space of a few minutes, didn’t go unnoticed. In the Thuringwald, a flight of Belgian F-16s managed to do significant damage to a battery of missiles when the concealment measures weren’t put into place fast enough. A flight of A-10s flown by US Air Force Reserve pilots sought out another missile battery post-firing in the same forested, hilly region of the DDR yet faced extensive SAM fire leading to two jets getting back over the Inner-German Border all shot up: the Spider set-up they had sought eluded them too. Later Coalition air strikes would seek out the missile launchers but to no avail. The East Germans were damn quick and pretty good – mistakes aside – at getting themselves hidden after they’d fired off their lethal weapons of war at distant targets.
Air raid sirens wailed across West Germany. The population there had thought that the missile attacks from out of the DDR had come to an end yet when they were woken in the early hours, terror gripped many. Anyone who lived near an American or British military base on West German soil, even within any reasonable distance of them, sought immediate cover within their homes. The Spiders sailed right over that neutral country though and instead crashed into neighbouring ones which were part of the Coalition engaged in conflict with East Germany. Copenhagen Airport, right there next to the Oresund, was struck by two missiles: Swedish civilians across the water over near Malmo were awoken but unharmed by the blasts which saw an aviation fuel tank detonate. Dutch Patriot missile crews claimed another Spider – unlike before, this one exploding in mid-air rather than killing people on the ground when shot down – in what was a fantastic achievement of their shooting skills. Alas, three more were unsuccessfully engaged and went where the fourth was meant to go: the Port of Rotterdam. Rotterdam was just inside the range of the Spiders in East German hands, just. A trio of huge explosions rocked that port facility with nothing struck being in any reasonable way military-connected. One of the three Spiders shot at the Port of Antwerp, away to the south of Rotterdam, had a misfire when launching (resulting in those A-10s in action over the Thuringwald) but the other two made near-perfect hits. Again, that Belgian port facility was a long way off from East Germany yet it was in range of those missiles and deemed a worthy target for them. The final three ballistic missiles slammed into French territory. It was France’s first time being the victim of such an attack. Honecker had refused to allow for strikes against France, fearing a massive overreaction with that. Schwanitz had had enough of France getting off seemingly scot-free from all that it was doing to his country. Rail connections around the northeastern city of Metz were hit pretty damn hard though one of the missiles, only a little bit off-course, slammed into a residential area rather than the nearby rail yard. Sirens had wailed in France as they had done in West Germany, Denmark and the Low Countries though not enough of those who lived in Metz had taken enough notice. There would be a lot of regret about that afterwards though whether the six lives lost of innocents in Metz could have been avoided in they’d reached their basements was debatable.
Both US Army- & Luftwaffe-operated Patriots, based in West Germany, failed to hit any of those missiles which sailed right over their heads into those economic/transportation targets far in the rear. The East Germans had previously only targeted military bases but there was a marked change in what they hit in their latest attack.
Again, before there was even a hint of light on the morning sky, East German military action in retaliation for the air campaign against it took place in a different and unexpected form when commando teams were sent into action. None struck where they might have been expected to, where since the opening of hostilities there was a strong guard maintained against them: the frontline airbases. Schwanitz sent orders out for the Stasi-controlled raiding detachments on foreign soil to complete assigned missions pre-arranged for them. One team didn’t acknowledge the order and two more who did responded in the negative when it came to their ability to conduct the operations assigned for them due to enhanced opposing security measures. The others went into action though. None of those were thrown away into fool-hardly, risky and ultimately pointless suicide missions. They were valuable assets with a ‘reusable’ capability. Nonetheless, the casualty rate among them would be high.
One of the UK-based commando detachments failed to comply with instructions to strike but the other team did. Up in North Yorkshire, Menwith Hill Station was attacked. No daring assault was made to breach the perimeter fence to place satchel charges or blow up the computer systems there. Instead, firing from outside of the fence, mortar rounds were launched at the iconic radomes which provided weather protection for the communications interception antenna. Menwith Hill was an extremely important facility for American eavesdropping and with a couple of dozen mortar shells fired in quick succession, the commando team put a big hole in that capability. The SAS were later sent after them. At first, the attackers left behind their two mortars and split up into four two-man teams who moved towards safehouses far off. British regular soldiers tried to chase them down and there was police involvement too. It was the SAS, active on home soil, who eventually engaged the pinned down commandos where they were sent up against half of the attackers in firefights late the same afternoon. The other attackers escaped such attention though and continued to hide from the British authorities who were seeking them. Only one commando team was sent into action on West German soil. Others who had been there had moved onwards into Coalition countries. The remaining team struck at Sembach AB in the Rhineland. Two men and two women stayed away from the perimeter fencing itself and all of those armed personnel inside: they were also nowhere near the protesters whom the commando team considered to be quiet mad even if useful. They were in nearby woodland, below the flight path of aircraft taking off. Arranged as one spotter, one missile-man and two for close-in security, the commando team there fired a stolen US Army Stinger missile at a departing C-130 Hercules. With road access blocked by protesting West German civilians, the Americans were flying supplies in and out of their West German airbases. That four-engined transport was departing from Sembach on its way back to the UK to complete a turnaround. Munitions had already been flown in for the A-10s flying from the airbase. When hit by the Stinger, the empty C-130 was low enough and slow enough so that a recovery could be made to the nearby Ramstein AB. It put down there and wouldn’t fly again yet no lives were lost. US Air Force Security Police along with US Army soldiers who’d recently been sent to aid security efforts searched the woodland from where the missile was launched and recovered the disposable launch tube. They found none of the attackers though. As to the effect of the East German strike, crippling an empty transport aircraft wasn’t the goal at all. What it was instead, and what would be done, would be for combat take-offs to be launched from airbases across West Germany by Coalition aircraft. Since the start of Operation Allied Sword, American aviators had wanted to do that but ‘political sensitivities’ meant that that was something refused. That changed right after the incident outside of Sembach. Aircraft would be making zoom climbs, dropping flares with that. Security patrols would go outside of the airbases and be far more intrusive than before into the innocent activities of civilians. An already frustrated, even angry population, was certain, such was the East German thinking, to be be more so with all of that going on. The cost for the DDR was just one little missile.
Special forces activity took place across Denmark, the Low Countries and France where East German commandos sought to cause damage to both the Northern (in Denmark) and Central Europe Pipeline System. Those two networks, the latter far more extensive than the former, linked ports to airbases. It was a NATO set-up, decades in the making to allow for the rapid movement of aviation fuel to where it was needed in times of conflict. Use of the pipelines was made available to commercial operators too with many airports in recent years, since the Soviet threat disappeared, being connected. That helped pay for the costs of maintaining a complicated network with all sorts of infrastructure all over the place. Two explosions rocked isolated sites in Denmark far away from either the port facility at Frederikshavn and the airbases down in southern Jutland used by the Danes themselves and their wartime allies. Danish soldiers would later engage one of those departing commando teams, with casualties on each side, though the other would escape unharmed. Fuel deliveries were disrupted and damage was done. Fatal it wasn’t with regards to harming the Coalition war effort, but it wasn’t anything to be ignored. Six Stasi commandos (one of them a woman) died in a hail of gunfire on the outskirts of the Orléans–Bricy airbase not far from Paris. French special forces engaged them after the East Germans had been for some time tailed by intelligence operatives. Those attackers were seeking to enter the airbase and set off explosions with fuel connections at that rear-area transport hub. Instead, French bullets took their lives. An operation at Le Havre on the coastline of the English Channel had more luck though where a connecting fuel terminal went up in flames with those who struck getting away clean. In the southern reaches of the Netherlands and also at two sites in rural Belgium, all of them being out of the way quiet locations, explosive charges went off to ignite fires where aviation fuel would subsequently burn fiercely. The East Germans had more luck with those attacks than their strike to hit Brussels’ airport. The fuel terminal there was pre-scouted but at the very last minute, the commando team leader saw more Belgian soldiers than he could ever have expected. He gave the order for his team to stand down rather than die for no reason in trying to make an attack there. His men were best off surviving to fight another day and so he returned them to the their safehouse.
West Berlin was shelled come dawn.
Earlier attacks against that exclave had consisted of armed helicopters making targeted strikes and also pinpoint blasts where long-range mortars were used. Those had halted when the ballistic missile firings had done so too. American, British and French soldiers were still curled up in tight defensive positions – abandoning half of the city to any takeover so they could defend the other half – while all around them the citizens of the city, who were technically not West Germans, waiting for war to return to West Berlin. That it did when explosions rocked selected portions of the city. Those big mortars were back in action. East German Army units far away fired 240mm shells at several defensive positions which the soldiers of the Western powers had set up. Those came from M240 towed mortars, a weapon which pre-war the Coalition didn’t consider than the East Germans had in their inventory. They had some though, ones picked up from former Soviet storage depots and left unguarded for thieves to sell on the arms black market. In Charlottenburg, Kreuzberg and Wedding, those mortar rounds fell over a period of several hours with variable, unpredictable gaps between their arrival.
Joining them, though fewer in number, were laser-guided artillery shells. An illegally DDR-produced version of the Soviet-era Krasnopol weapon was employed. Those were fired by D20 howitzers far outside of the city with the 152mm shells falling on ballistic arcs to slam into further military targets. The mortars were to keep heads down, provide distractions and cause general damage whereas those guided shells caused immense destruction against the targets. They slammed into the entrenched military positions that the foreign soldiers had set themselves up in to make a fight for West Berlin a nightmare for East Germany to undertake. Defensive positions were near demolished in a good few cases with misses a rarity. A few of those under fire, those with artillery experience in particular, had to marvel at the quality of the shelling. What the East Germans wanted to hit, they did. However, a couple of those expensive shells, plus more of the bigger mortar rounds, fell off-target. Civilians had been evacuated away from military positions in the defended portions of West Berlin but not always far enough. More than a dozen innocent lives would be lost with the majority of those in the densely-populated Kreuzberg. American soldiers there waited for East German soldiers to come through the Berlin Wall – Checkpoint Charlie was in that section of the city – and into Kreuzberg where they intended to give them one heck of a fight. All that came instead though were those mortars and targeted shells. West Berlin remained wholly surrounded but another day would pass without an invasion taking place there.
Schwanitz’s three strikes – missiles, commandos and the targeted shelling of West Berlin – went ahead with out anyone in his regime questioning his use of such measures against the Coalition. Too much caution, too many fears of going too far had been in-place beforehand. Finally, he, and his backers in the Volksarmee, were allowed off their tight leash previously imposed. Under the rule of Honecker, only military-specific targets had been hit in response to all of those bombs which had fallen upon East Germany. Schwanitz changed the rules of the game with that though as he employed that active-defence strategy that he had long sought to see implemented. Airports, seaports and transport links targeted were done so to cause serious disruption among those targeting his country. The military strikes against the aviation fuel network was also regarded as something to go beyond what had been done before, to cause a reaction from the Coalition where they would have to expend far more effort to stop a repeat attack than it would take to mount one. Not sending missiles into West Germany, even the Coalition military bases there, but at the same time attacking West Berlin when (legal technicalities aside) it was a West German city, was Schwanitz seeking to be clever with what he was doing. He wanted to throw his opponents off balance, he wanted them to finally understand that the DDR was no longer going to ‘play nice’. They’d started a war against his country but it was one he intended to win. That wouldn’t come by matching them equally on the battlefield: instead, as before, it would come by not fighting fair.
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lordroel
Administrator
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Post by lordroel on Oct 26, 2021 18:18:07 GMT
Schwanitz’s three strikes – missiles, commandos and the targeted shelling of West Berlin – went ahead with out anyone in his regime questioning his use of such measures against the Coalition. Too much caution, too many fears of going too far had been in-place beforehand. Finally, he, and his backers in the Volksarmee, were allowed off their tight leash previously imposed. Under the rule of Honecker, only military-specific targets had been hit in response to all of those bombs which had fallen upon East Germany. Schwanitz changed the rules of the game with that though as he employed that active-defence strategy that he had long sought to see implemented. Airports, seaports and transport links targeted were done so to cause serious disruption among those targeting his country. The military strikes against the aviation fuel network was also regarded as something to go beyond what had been done before, to cause a reaction from the Coalition where they would have to expend far more effort to stop a repeat attack than it would take to mount one. Not sending missiles into West Germany, even the Coalition military bases there, but at the same time attacking West Berlin when (legal technicalities aside) it was a West German city, was Schwanitz seeking to be clever with what he was doing. He wanted to throw his opponents off balance, he wanted them to finally understand that the DDR was no longer going to ‘play nice’. They’d started a war against his country but it was one he intended to win. That wouldn’t come by matching them equally on the battlefield: instead, as before, it would come by not fighting fair. The gloves are off.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Oct 27, 2021 18:09:04 GMT
Schwanitz’s three strikes – missiles, commandos and the targeted shelling of West Berlin – went ahead with out anyone in his regime questioning his use of such measures against the Coalition. Too much caution, too many fears of going too far had been in-place beforehand. Finally, he, and his backers in the Volksarmee, were allowed off their tight leash previously imposed. Under the rule of Honecker, only military-specific targets had been hit in response to all of those bombs which had fallen upon East Germany. Schwanitz changed the rules of the game with that though as he employed that active-defence strategy that he had long sought to see implemented. Airports, seaports and transport links targeted were done so to cause serious disruption among those targeting his country. The military strikes against the aviation fuel network was also regarded as something to go beyond what had been done before, to cause a reaction from the Coalition where they would have to expend far more effort to stop a repeat attack than it would take to mount one. Not sending missiles into West Germany, even the Coalition military bases there, but at the same time attacking West Berlin when (legal technicalities aside) it was a West German city, was Schwanitz seeking to be clever with what he was doing. He wanted to throw his opponents off balance, he wanted them to finally understand that the DDR was no longer going to ‘play nice’. They’d started a war against his country but it was one he intended to win. That wouldn’t come by matching them equally on the battlefield: instead, as before, it would come by not fighting fair. The gloves are off. Not the only ones ready to play dirty too.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Oct 27, 2021 18:10:36 GMT
Forty-six – Real opposition
The Second Secretary accredited to the East German Embassy in Dublin had for several years been regarded by Britain’s MI-6 as ‘un-friendable’. Twice they had put people close to her to try and get in her good graces, maybe later her confidence, but neither time, using at first a man and then later a woman, had that worked. She was too cold, too uninterested in anyone else. The officers who tried took it on the chin rather than let their self-esteem be knocked because it wasn’t as if the Second Secretary was palling up with everyone else but them. They had pretended to be Irish citizens and she seemingly had no interest in such people to spend her time with. All she did was work, read or travel: all of that alone. The travelling bit interested MI-6 a great deal. That hobby of hers, which was suspected to be no such thing, was what convinced them more than anything else that she was an active Stasi/HVA agent operating under official diplomatic cover within the Republic of Ireland. On her travels around the country she was clearly up to no good. It was suspected, but never proved ahead of July 1995, that the Second Secretary had slipped over the border into Ulster while travelling around the Irish Republic too. There were a lot of eyes on her at times but she could rarely be properly watched because there had never been any progress made with her to justify that. The Second Secretary was someone that MI-5 paid attention to too. Both intelligence services shared (some) information about her and others at the DDR’s diplomatic compound in Dublin due to the connections with Irish terrorism that East Germany had for some time been involved in. No proof could be found by MI-5 either that the Second Secretary was an active agent and that she had been inside the UK territory which was Ulster, talking to terror group members when there, either yet they had a strong inkling that she was caught up in all of that. There was a lot of smoke, just not enough fire.
The embassy was a hive of activity the day that Margot Honecker was shot and Wolfgang Schwanitz took over the leadership of the DDR. While the Irish authorities were keeping tabs on the East Germans – to make sure that their diplomatic status remained tied the neutrality of the Republic of Ireland – the British were the ones really paying attention. MI-6 watchers observed two officials leave the embassy and the city too with one of them being the Second Secretary. She took a drive in her car with that trip being one where she was tailed. Further British operatives were called upon to assist in a growing operation and a call was not long afterwards made from the MI-6 station in Dublin (inside the UK embassy) to Belfast and the MI-5 office there. The Second Secretary was heading for Northern Ireland. Near to the border town of Dundalk that evening, she parked her car outside a pub and went inside. A woman who looked nothing like her left by a rear entrance some time later and went into a different vehicle, meeting a man who was seemingly picking her up. The disguise fooled no one: it was the second Secretary from the embassy. To the border and then through it she was watched going. MI-6 handed off the physical observation when she made that crossing to MI-5 officers. A joint team was already in-place concerning East German activity within Ulster using the Republic of Ireland as a base of operations. The Second Secretary, who’d tried slipping in unnoticed using a completely false identity (as an Irish national), went to the top of their list. She was followed with a whole lot of people tracking her every movement.
Her entry into Ulster to presumably make contact with terror group representatives was something discussed that night, and then the following morning in London too right at the highest level. The latter conversations where the Prime Minister himself was briefed about her came about after there were suspected ties between those East German commandos who had attacked the American communications intercept set-up at Menwith Hill Station and IRA sympathisers who seemed likely to have provided safehouses and transport. The conversation between Heseltine, his Home Secretary and security & intelligence figures had been about possibly detaining her. She had diplomatic cover when in the Republic of Ireland but had chose to leave that behind when crossing over into Ulster. Snatching her and holding her in secret where efforts would be made to make her talk was something considered. However, MI-5 didn’t want to do that at that time. Down the line, they wanted to see that done but their director convinced the PM and one of his top ministers that the best approach was to trail her and see what she was up to. There was something going on, something important, and it was judged best to see how that developed rather than rushing in. Time would tell what the Second Secretary was up to and how that linked into the long-established HVA-IRA ties. When discovered, the intention was to smash all of that apart and to not just gain a temporary victory but a real, damaging win against both.
West Germany was governed by the CDU/CSU alliance of those two entwined centre-right parties. The SPD had won second place in the last federal election with that centre-left party forming the opposition to Chancellor Schäuble’s government. Coming in third, ahead of the usually third & centralist FDP, had been the Greens. They were a left-wing party with (naturally) a major environmentalist bend to their politics. On many occasions, the Greens themselves, plus sections of the media, called them the ‘real opposition’. That was part in criticism to the leadership of the SDP being regarded as weak but also the vocal, active opposition to Schäuble that the Greens provided. The opposition had been there right from the start when it came to the American-led military conflict with East Germany. Ignoring accusations that they were beholden to the DDR, fighting back against that with allegations of their own against those who said such a thing, the Greens stated that they opposed the war because they didn’t want to see fellow Germans die. The message there was simple. Other causes for opposition, such as being against what was regarded as US neo-Imperialism and also the alliance formed to make the Coalition, were secondary. West German civilians by their millions, so many of them who wouldn’t vote for the Greens in an election, shared that view: their fellow Germans shouldn’t face death via American bombs. Other political opposition from parts of the SDP, most of the FDP and even portions out of the CDU/CSU alliance was drowned out by the Greens. They led the fight and took all of the attention.
For a long time, allegations had been made that the Greens were a creature of the Soviets and then later on that they had East German ties. That was something rejected over and over again by leading Greens, plus supporters too, but the attack lines against them never went away. When the Greens ignited the West German opposition to Operation Allied Sword – long before that was anywhere near really getting going too –, it was said domestically and internationally that a good chuck of the Greens’ activities in opposing the conflict with the DDR was because they shared the interests of the Honecker regime. There was a long history of association even if a lot of that had been disproved. People did believe that the Greens had strong ties to the East Germans, even unwitting ones, and that did colour a lot of the thinking on where to stand among many West Germans when it came to supporting the anti-war activities led by the Greens. For a lot of West Germans, they were fundamentally against the Coalition’s actions yet didn’t want to be associated with what they saw as the pro-DDR Greens. To outside observers looking in at West Germany, all of the anti-war opposition seen was regarded as being part of what the Greens were doing. They were the ones fronting the major anti-war marches and supporting the mass of non-violent civil disobedience that took place across portions of the country. Politicians from the Greens attacked Schäuble’s government repeatedly where they continentally accused him of working with the Americans, the British and the French to aid in the killing of fellow Germans across the geo-political divide that was the Inner-German Border. Schäuble fought back though standing in the way of all of the mud slung was quite an ordeal. What the Greens took themselves where they were accused of being tied to the East Germans, that was what they threw back with just as much gusto but towards Schäuble instead.
Neither Gert Bastian, Joschka Fischer nor Petra Kelly were in the top leadership roles of the Greens. The three of them though were high-profile leaders of the anti-war effort. Bastian was a former Bundeswehr general who, back in the 1980s, had been one of the key figures in the Soviet-backed ‘Generals for Peace’ where former NATO generals (most of them West Germans) had publicly opposed Pershing missile deployments in Europe. Bastian had survived attacks on his character and loyalties many times. Fischer was a famous former young left-wing militant. His career had seen him gain a national profile as a leading member of the Greens where he, more than anyone else, was one of those people seen before the Coalition clashed with the DDR as part of the real opposition in the country to Schäuble. Finally, there was Kelly. She was in a long-term relationship with Bastian. Often the face of so many protests launched by the Greens, and subject to foreign attention because she was a woman so active in politics, Kelly had just as much profile as Bastian and Fischer. She went to the marches which took place outside the American airbases in the Rhineland and then also visited the ‘occupied’ Geilenkirchen AB after it had been stormed by peaceful protesters who refused to leave that NATO base on West German soil.
The Americans turned up the heat against that trio. There had been deniable actions undertaken to discredit Bastian, Fischer & Kelly by portions of the US Intelligence Community already yet that was stepped into a higher gear. Sources within the West German media were contacted by CIA and NSA contacts with information given to them. The influential national publication Bild had for some time been a pro-American outlet though that had been tested during the crisis with the Coalition fighting the East Germans. American information on Bastian’s continued ties to the Stasi (proof provided to that affect) was given to journalists there so they would publish it. Kelly was to be tied to that through guilt by association. As to Fischer, he had some contacts of his own with far-left figures within West Germany who had been instrumental in engaging in the violent portions of the anti-war activity. While none of what the Americans handed over to their media contacts was in anyway firm proof that Fischer had any real links to that, that didn’t matter. The aim was to get the insinuation made, to nudge the thinking on that. This was all done as part of a concentrated effort to try and undermine the anti-war movement within West Germany. The focus on the personalities of that trio of leading figures was something that certain voices back in Washington had questioned the wisdom of doing, but they had been overruled. Whether West Germans would stop backing the protest movements because some bad things were said about the public faces of that was something that those behind the media attacks sought to see work.
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lordroel
Administrator
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Post by lordroel on Oct 28, 2021 3:03:54 GMT
Forty-six – Real oppositionThe Second Secretary accredited to the East German Embassy in Dublin had for several years been regarded by Britain’s MI-6 as ‘un-friendable’. Twice they had put people close to her to try and get in her good graces, maybe later her confidence, but neither time, using at first a man and then later a woman, had that worked. She was too cold, too uninterested in anyone else. The officers who tried took it on the chin rather than let their self-esteem be knocked because it wasn’t as if the Second Secretary was palling up with everyone else but them. They had pretended to be Irish citizens and she seemingly had no interest in such people to spend her time with. All she did was work, read or travel: all of that alone. The travelling bit interested MI-6 a great deal. That hobby of hers, which was suspected to be no such thing, was what convinced them more than anything else that she was an active Stasi/HVA agent operating under official diplomatic cover within the Republic of Ireland. On her travels around the country she was clearly up to no good. It was suspected, but never proved ahead of July 1995, that the Second Secretary had slipped over the border into Ulster while travelling around the Irish Republic too. There were a lot of eyes on her at times but she could rarely be properly watched because there had never been any progress made with her to justify that. The Second Secretary was someone that MI-5 paid attention to too. Both intelligence services shared (some) information about her and others at the DDR’s diplomatic compound in Dublin due to the connections with Irish terrorism that East Germany had for some time been involved in. No proof could be found by MI-5 either that the Second Secretary was an active agent and that she had been inside the UK territory which was Ulster, talking to terror group members when there, either yet they had a strong inkling that she was caught up in all of that. There was a lot of smoke, just not enough fire. The embassy was a hive of activity the day that Margot Honecker was shot and Wolfgang Schwanitz took over the leadership of the DDR. While the Irish authorities were keeping tabs on the East Germans – to make sure that their diplomatic status remained tied the neutrality of the Republic of Ireland – the British were the ones really paying attention. MI-6 watchers observed two officials leave the embassy and the city too with one of them being the Second Secretary. She took a drive in her car with that trip being one where she was tailed. Further British operatives were called upon to assist in a growing operation and a call was not long afterwards made from the MI-6 station in Dublin (inside the UK embassy) to Belfast and the MI-5 office there. The Second Secretary was heading for Northern Ireland. Near to the border town of Dundalk that evening, she parked her car outside a pub and went inside. A woman who looked nothing like her left by a rear entrance some time later and went into a different vehicle, meeting a man who was seemingly picking her up. The disguise fooled no one: it was the second Secretary from the embassy. To the border and then through it she was watched going. MI-6 handed off the physical observation when she made that crossing to MI-5 officers. A joint team was already in-place concerning East German activity within Ulster using the Republic of Ireland as a base of operations. The Second Secretary, who’d tried slipping in unnoticed using a completely false identity (as an Irish national), went to the top of their list. She was followed with a whole lot of people tracking her every movement. Her entry into Ulster to presumably make contact with terror group representatives was something discussed that night, and then the following morning in London too right at the highest level. The latter conversations where the Prime Minister himself was briefed about her came about after there were suspected ties between those East German commandos who had attacked the American communications intercept set-up at Menwith Hill Station and IRA sympathisers who seemed likely to have provided safehouses and transport. The conversation between Heseltine, his Home Secretary and security & intelligence figures had been about possibly detaining her. She had diplomatic cover when in the Republic of Ireland but had chose to leave that behind when crossing over into Ulster. Snatching her and holding her in secret where efforts would be made to make her talk was something considered. However, MI-5 didn’t want to do that at that time. Down the line, they wanted to see that done but their director convinced the PM and one of his top ministers that the best approach was to trail her and see what she was up to. There was something going on, something important, and it was judged best to see how that developed rather than rushing in. Time would tell what the Second Secretary was up to and how that linked into the long-established HVA-IRA ties. When discovered, the intention was to smash all of that apart and to not just gain a temporary victory but a real, damaging win against both. West Germany was governed by the CDU/CSU alliance of those two entwined centre-right parties. The SPD had won second place in the last federal election with that centre-left party forming the opposition to Chancellor Schäuble’s government. Coming in third, ahead of the usually third & centralist FDP, had been the Greens. They were a left-wing party with (naturally) a major environmentalist bend to their politics. On many occasions, the Greens themselves, plus sections of the media, called them the ‘real opposition’. That was part in criticism to the leadership of the SDP being regarded as weak but also the vocal, active opposition to Schäuble that the Greens provided. The opposition had been there right from the start when it came to the American-led military conflict with East Germany. Ignoring accusations that they were beholden to the DDR, fighting back against that with allegations of their own against those who said such a thing, the Greens stated that they opposed the war because they didn’t want to see fellow Germans die. The message there was simple. Other causes for opposition, such as being against what was regarded as US neo-Imperialism and also the alliance formed to make the Coalition, were secondary. West German civilians by their millions, so many of them who wouldn’t vote for the Greens in an election, shared that view: their fellow Germans shouldn’t face death via American bombs. Other political opposition from parts of the SDP, most of the FDP and even portions out of the CDU/CSU alliance was drowned out by the Greens. They led the fight and took all of the attention. For a long time, allegations had been made that the Greens were a creature of the Soviets and then later on that they had East German ties. That was something rejected over and over again by leading Greens, plus supporters too, but the attack lines against them never went away. When the Greens ignited the West German opposition to Operation Allied Sword – long before that was anywhere near really getting going too –, it was said domestically and internationally that a good chuck of the Greens’ activities in opposing the conflict with the DDR was because they shared the interests of the Honecker regime. There was a long history of association even if a lot of that had been disproved. People did believe that the Greens had strong ties to the East Germans, even unwitting ones, and that did colour a lot of the thinking on where to stand among many West Germans when it came to supporting the anti-war activities led by the Greens. For a lot of West Germans, they were fundamentally against the Coalition’s actions yet didn’t want to be associated with what they saw as the pro-DDR Greens. To outside observers looking in at West Germany, all of the anti-war opposition seen was regarded as being part of what the Greens were doing. They were the ones fronting the major anti-war marches and supporting the mass of non-violent civil disobedience that took place across portions of the country. Politicians from the Greens attacked Schäuble’s government repeatedly where they continentally accused him of working with the Americans, the British and the French to aid in the killing of fellow Germans across the geo-political divide that was the Inner-German Border. Schäuble fought back though standing in the way of all of the mud slung was quite an ordeal. What the Greens took themselves where they were accused of being tied to the East Germans, that was what they threw back with just as much gusto but towards Schäuble instead. Neither Gert Bastian, Joschka Fischer nor Petra Kelly were in the top leadership roles of the Greens. The three of them though were high-profile leaders of the anti-war effort. Bastian was a former Bundeswehr general who, back in the 1980s, had been one of the key figures in the Soviet-backed ‘Generals for Peace’ where former NATO generals (most of them West Germans) had publicly opposed Pershing missile deployments in Europe. Bastian had survived attacks on his character and loyalties many times. Fischer was a famous former young left-wing militant. His career had seen him gain a national profile as a leading member of the Greens where he, more than anyone else, was one of those people seen before the Coalition clashed with the DDR as part of the real opposition in the country to Schäuble. Finally, there was Kelly. She was in a long-term relationship with Bastian. Often the face of so many protests launched by the Greens, and subject to foreign attention because she was a woman so active in politics, Kelly had just as much profile as Bastian and Fischer. She went to the marches which took place outside the American airbases in the Rhineland and then also visited the ‘occupied’ Geilenkirchen AB after it had been stormed by peaceful protesters who refused to leave that NATO base on West German soil. The Americans turned up the heat against that trio. There had been deniable actions undertaken to discredit Bastian, Fischer & Kelly by portions of the US Intelligence Community already yet that was stepped into a higher gear. Sources within the West German media were contacted by CIA and NSA contacts with information given to them. The influential national publication Bild had for some time been a pro-American outlet though that had been tested during the crisis with the Coalition fighting the East Germans. American information on Bastian’s continued ties to the Stasi (proof provided to that affect) was given to journalists there so they would publish it. Kelly was to be tied to that through guilt by association. As to Fischer, he had some contacts of his own with far-left figures within West Germany who had been instrumental in engaging in the violent portions of the anti-war activity. While none of what the Americans handed over to their media contacts was in anyway firm proof that Fischer had any real links to that, that didn’t matter. The aim was to get the insinuation made, to nudge the thinking on that. This was all done as part of a concentrated effort to try and undermine the anti-war movement within West Germany. The focus on the personalities of that trio of leading figures was something that certain voices back in Washington had questioned the wisdom of doing, but they had been overruled. Whether West Germans would stop backing the protest movements because some bad things were said about the public faces of that was something that those behind the media attacks sought to see work. Seems even here in this TL the German Greens are somewhat tainted by the Soviets ore suspected to be tainted.
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