James G
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Post by James G on Sept 10, 2019 19:16:52 GMT
Sounds like an OK name, and things are getting worse... It just doesn't ring well for me as it is. We'll soon be moving towards superpower clashes working up and things really will be getting bad. That could be the key question. With Iraq itself being invaded, if only in the southernmost limits, does Rashid try to pull back his better forces in Kuwait? That would make them available against the western forces, which are the main threat with the Arab ones stalling. However it means moving them out of good defensive positions, making them a lot more vulnerable to allied air power. Possibly also forcing a withdraw from much of Kuwait itself which would be a political disaster for him.
Or is another option widespread use of chemical weapons against the western forces, ignoring the warnings of what the response might be. I fear he might be that desperate in which case its likely to get even nastier.
Those in Kuwait are dug in. Moving them would be hard! Iraq has a tank force assembled as a localised counterattack force and they're all that is left. Abandoning Kuwait would be a disaster. Rashid wouldn't want to do that all. He left those Iraqi troops in Riyadh right to the very end and will do that with those in Kuwait. Iraq hasn't got to that desperate stage yet but things just keep getting worse. Everything is being tried to win, or, more accurately, avoid defeat. Agreed with stevep. If the Allies go for Baghdad, Rashid won't have much to lose - things could go differently though. Coalition troops marching on Baghdad would certainly see an all-out response. By that point, things really would get out of hand.
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James G
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Post by James G on Sept 10, 2019 19:17:08 GMT
69 – Waiting for darkness to fall
First reports which came to Rashid from the frontlines said that the frontier had been crossed by raiding forces, maybe special forces teams trying to rescue downed pilots. There was no initial suggestion that the Coalition had decided to invade Iraq directly. Yet when updates arrived to the news of the border crossings, Iraq’s leader was informed that these weren’t raids nor rescue missions. Western troops with the multinational coalition arrayed against Iraq were crossing into his country on the other side of Kuwait. One look at the map told Rashid what was happening. It was as clear as day once he had his eyes of where the American, British and French were reported to have engaged his troops. They were going to loop around Kuwait, enveloping his army in there while fighting on Iraqi soil anyone trying to stop them. After taking a few moments to compose himself, leaving his field commanders fretting over every second’s delay, Rashid authorised an emergency action to be taken. Outside of Kuwait, the Iraqi Army had been keeping limited numbers of forces ready to hit the flank of the Coalition when it poured into that small country. They had been ordered to move south, not east as they had been prepared to, and halt the invasion of their country. This all happened during the night and was quite the confusing affair for those involved but also their commanders all the way up to Rashid. Contradictory information came in, oftentimes very disturbing unconfirmed reports which ended up being false in the end. The Americans hadn’t gotten their tanks all the way to Safwan – the crossroads town on the northern end of Iraqi-Kuwaiti border – as one report had said with the suggestion from there that in just a few hours the whole of Kuwait was surrounded. However, they had moved forward quite far elsewhere. It was confirmed just how far north the US Marines had gotten in going up the Wadi Al-Batin. Rashid’s emergency instruction to deploy some of his reserves had stopped them in the end just like they did the American-led attack elsewhere into Iraq.
Morning came and with it more information. Rashid had his maps updated with information gained in daylight. General Hamdani was in contact from his field headquarters near to Az Zubayr as well. The situation was bad. There was no denying that yet things could have been far worse. The fighting overnight had stopped the Coalition flanking manoeuvre. Rashid and Hamdani were both of the opinion that while their troops had fought well, in all honestly it was a case of their opponents not having enough massed forces to do the risky thing that they had tried. Reports from the frontlines in Kuwait said that the Egyptians had been attacking the main belt of fixed defences head-on there. Why hadn’t they been in the Iraqi desert too where they could have made a difference? There was no answer to that but Iraq could only be thankful that they hadn’t been sent into their country instead. This honesty was typical of those currently at the highest level in Iraq. It would have certainly surprised outsiders who would have thought it the opposite but both of these men had served as senior military commanders under Saddam during the war with Iran. They knew how foolish that was and how it had cost Iraq so dear before then as the ego of a dictator who thought he knew best was massaged with lies. Rashid wanted the truth and he had appointed Hamdani because he was someone who would give it.
Hamdani remained in command of what was still called the Iraqi Southern Army. That field command which had struck beforehand so deep into Saudi Arabia, taking Riyadh and almost reaching the borders of the small Gulf Arab Monarchies, had now been driven all the way back to Iraq and Kuwait. It was still the army of the south though, just operating further north than it had been before. Rashid asked his opinion on what should be done. The Coalition was certain to move more forces in and go on the offensive once night came once more. Hamdani told him that the Southern Army needed to be prepared to face that attack head-on, launch their own spoiling attack ahead of it. They couldn’t allow the Americans and those other Western troops to get going once again with their own operation. Hamdani wanted to move his primary armoured reserves, those in the north of Kuwait. The IX Corps was in-place to stop Kuwait being lost in a frontal attack but that attack was coming from the flank instead. Those tanks had to move now though, the Southern Army couldn’t wait until darkness. Time was the issue but there was also the navigation issue. The Iraqi Army couldn’t find its way about effectively in the darkness. Rashid said that doing so would be hard on the men involved as they moved through the worst heat of the day and it would leave them out in the open for Coalition air power to see: Hamdani countered that while he agreed on the heat issue, American aircraft and those of their allies were perfectly able to see in the darkness too. Furthermore, their aircrews had been busy overnight and would be in partial stand-down now. This was the best time to get the IX Corps into position. There was one important issue in doing this though, one which both men were well area of. The IX Corps had been concentrated as a counterattack force. Now it was being used as a defensive force, robbing it of its strength. Nothing else could be done though.
Rashid and Hamdani were overoptimistic in their view when it came to the limited availably of Coalition air power to come back into action straight away. Yes, there had been plenty of overnight activity and losses had come, but there was still much of it available. Plans were already afoot to see air strikes made throughout the day with a focus on going after the Iraqi IX Corps. The Americans had added more aircraft to the Coalition inventory – doing what others couldn’t – and were ready to bring them into play. They were preparing to target tanks and infantry vehicles. While those were expected to be stationary, hitting them on the move would be easier.
Faster that those up in Iraq realised, the air attacks came against the IX Corps. The Iraqis had gotten a few hours head-start. They were out in the open when the skies filled with Coalition aircraft. Some of them came anti-clockwise towards the Iraqis, going over the sea on inbound missions, while others went clockwise. Kuwait was flown around, not directly above. It was there that the Iraqis had all of their air defences but they had none over the Persian Gulf and also had physically lost those on their own soil where that was now in Coalition hands. The Iraqis were caught right in the whirlwind of a massive strike with targets of opportunity hit as they came into view. Some SAMs and anti-aircraft shells came up at them, hitting a few jets, but not enough to do any real damage. Iraqi fighters also tried to get in the way. The IQAF had a bad day… in a long series of bad days, and bad nights too.
At CENTCOM, General Crist had been brought the urgent reports of the Iraqis moving their tank reserves and authorised the air strikes to take place against them. He wouldn’t accept the protestations which came from some of his subordinates where their national air forces were said to be unable to get involved because they were tired after overnight air activity. The Iraqis were out in the open and on the move, now was the time to go after them! Dealing with allies, any allies, was always difficult yet Crist wasn’t to be frustrated. The State Department and the Pentagon each got involved despite the late hour back in Washington. Governments were reminded that they had agreed to the ultimate authority of CENTCOM when it came to combat operations with Operation Desert Eagle. Their jets were needed in the sky. When the Coalition air power was making those attacks over Iraq, they remained some distance back from the Iranian border yet that frontier wasn’t that far away. Those US Air Force F-15s which had been engaged the other day had been closer, within less than a dozen miles at the time that Iranians shot at them. Iranian protestations that there had been a border infringement and they were defending their sovereignty didn’t have any basis in fact; there was the additional knowledge that the attack was certainly pre-planned by how it was set up. Crist had been told to take care to not go close to that border again for the time being. Washington was still trying to figure out a response. That was annoying in many ways yet addressing the Iranian issue with military force at this current time would be difficult. Crist had informed the Joint Chiefs that engaging the Iranians would be a tax on his resources while he was fighting the Iraqis. He wanted to see something done after his aircrews had been killed in a sneak attack but warned the Pentagon that he would be unable to do much with what he had. A substantial reply to the matter was something he was still waiting on.
The air attacks didn’t stop the IX Corps from getting where Hamdani wanted to move his tanks and infantry to. Many, many Iraqis didn’t make it though. Those who made it and started to deploy into defensive positions west of Kuwait were in a sorry state. They began digging in while still under attack too. The Coalition kept the bombing missions coming. The Third US Army was getting those reports from where the air strikes were going in and added this to their own intelligence gathering. The Iraqis had surprised them by moving like they did but it was known where they were. Once night fell, there would be another battle in the Iraqi desert with this time Coalition ground forces knowing what was in the way of them and they weren’t going to be in a position again where the Iraqis seemingly came from nowhere.
Crist and Hamdani, both with different information and ideas on what was happening now and what was coming later, each waited for darkness to fall. A decisive fight was coming and it was going to be make or break in many ways for the next stage of this war.
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stevep
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Post by stevep on Sept 10, 2019 22:00:59 GMT
Well that sounds like a coalition victory coming up, which probably quickly isolates the forces in Kuwait but probably at some heavy, by modern western standards, losses. The other thing that such an event will do is mean the allied spearheads will be at or very close to the Iranian border and give that they have already attacked allied units we're likely to see some clashes, quite probably including some artillery/missile attacks.
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James G
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Post by James G on Sept 11, 2019 19:41:13 GMT
Well that sounds like a coalition victory coming up, which probably quickly isolates the forces in Kuwait but probably at some heavy, by modern western standards, losses. The other thing that such an event will do is mean the allied spearheads will be at or very close to the Iranian border and give that they have already attacked allied units we're likely to see some clashes, quite probably including some artillery/missile attacks. That is the case. The losses are still stacking up though there are less of them among those moving on the battlefield. When the fighting gets slowed down, then the numbers rise. The Iranian border is a factor but so too are those remaining Iraqi facilities which the Soviets didn't pull out of. Both are between Basra and Kuwait: the battlefield where Coalition troops will have to win on to finish this all off to their satisfaction. Two updates tonight: been busy writing.
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James G
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Post by James G on Sept 11, 2019 19:42:10 GMT
70 – The mother of all battles
It wasn’t Vice President Bush who called it ‘the mother of all battles’. The remark was attributed to him in the public consciousness due to a piece in the New York Times a few days after the fight in the desert of Southern Iraq where he referenced such a turn of phrase used by someone else. He told an interviewing journalist that one of the Emirati emirs had deemed it that and spoke of the history of the term, one ingrained in Arabic history. The phrase caught the imagination though and the details were forgotten. President Reagan and Secretary of Defence Weinberger each responded when journalists used it when talking separately afterwards about the clash of Coalition and Iraqi forces too. That was thus was the fight became known as. ‘Mother’ was taken by the American public as something meaning the largest, most important but in its historical context, this meant to many Arab students of history as being the first one in terms of how it created all the others afterwards: Ajman’s ruler believed it would be the fight which gave birth to the coming overall Coalition victory. Defeating the Iraqis in the desert there on the last day of July 1987 would combine both meanings though. It was a massive fight and it was also the clash which was sure to see Iraq lose the fight to defend their country from the invasion underway.
This really was the mother of all battles.
The Third US Army had its right wing struck just inside Kuwait but those on the left of the broad frontage offensive were able to advance significantly just over the border through Iraq. Both the XVIII Airborne Corps and the I MAF went back into action against the Iraqis once night came again and tore them apart. General Hamdani’s efforts to stop them failed. His armoured reserves had been attacked from the air when moving through daylight and once darkness fell, the Coalition ground forces got stuck into them. The US Marines and the British completed their drive up the western side of the Wadi Al-Batin while overcoming Iraqi dug-in infantry and then their mobile tanks. Heavy casualties came again and it was no easy process, but they completed their assigned mission in making sure that the way out of Kuwait for the Iraqi Army inside there wasn’t going to come by those in there fleeing westwards. As to the Americans and the French, General Schwarzkopf was able to effectively do the opposite of what had been done the night before. He had inherited someone else’s plan when he took over the XVIII Corps. That had been followed the night before but not on the second night. His command fought how he wanted it to fight this time. Schwarzkopf kept them together as a tight unit, not spreading them out all over the desert. The mass of Coalition armour was supported by extraordinary levels of artillery support as well as armed helicopters & attack aircraft. The firepower unleashed against the Iraqis from distance and then up close meant that there were few infantry engagements this time. The XVIII Corps didn’t get bogged down again when soldiers had to dismount to fight. Iraqi defensive positions with their own infantry were blown apart and then driven over. Schwarzkopf led his tanks into what Iraqi tanks were left, only then allowing for a spread of his forces across the battlefield. Dawn was approaching by that point. As it started to get light, those who’d crossed the desert with the XVIII Corps were able to get a look at all of the destruction they had caused. There were the remains of hundreds of enemy tanks & armoured vehicles. Corpses were scattered half in, half out of smashed up trenches while anti-tank ditches either had their walls smashed down to allow for a crossing through them or a combat bridge (which came off the back of an armoured vehicle) thrown over the gap.
Iraqi best efforts had failed to bring a halt to the invasion of their country. The forwardmost positions that the XVIII Corps and the I MAF established by daybreak found themselves quiet through the daytime. When further back in the desert, closer to Saudi Arabia twenty-four hours before, their lines had come under Iraqi attack from small-scale efforts to keep them busy. The Iraqis had then been those who had retreated from the first fight and were able to harass the invaders through the day. That was no longer the case. The Coalition hadn’t utterly wiped out the Iraqis – there were some of them who got away – but had come pretty close to doing so. No one was in their way erecting new defences and taking them under fire. Unlike before, there wasn’t just desert ahead of them now either.
The Iraqi-Kuwaiti border on the I MAF’s flank no longer ran northwards but instead it went eastwards towards the Persian Gulf. There was one main supply route which ran down into Kuwait halfway along the frontier with the British having their Challenger tanks – assigned to the 17th/21st Lancers – two dozen or so miles from there: the inner reaches of the Gulf were less than that distance again. Safwan and Umm Qasr were that way. In the distance ahead of where the XVIII Corps had its forward positions, the Euphrates River was there. Basra and the Shatt al-Arab were in that direction too. For Schwarzkopf to advance onwards to such places, that would mean that an effort by the I MAF to encircle the trapped Iraqis inside Kuwait would be complemented and also defended against by any Iraqi effort to stop that happening. Rashid had several times kept assigning reserves to the Iraqi Southern Army as he added corps commands to try to avert the defeats suffered inside Saudi Arabia and then to provide a counterattack force for the expected ‘real’ fight, that being in Kuwait. The cupboard was now bare though. From all across the country, Iraqi regular and reserve units had been stripped away to be beaten one-by-one. There were no more of them now though. What was on the borders with Iran, Turkey, Syria and Jordan (Iraq had a lot of different borders to guard!) was very little and just couldn’t be pulled away to go south.
The war was lost. That had been true some time ago now though now it had come home to Iraq and Rashid had been beaten here on home soil, decisively so. He still had Kuwait under occupation but his army, even if given the order to do so straight away, was never going to get out of there. Anyone wise would now being looking for a way out of this defeat by a political and diplomatic retreat. Iraq’s leader as doing the opposite though. He was still plotting and planning schemes to win by turning the situation around. Plenty of ideas were under consideration. He could do all that he wanted in terms of dreaming big with geo-political schemes. That didn’t change the situation on the ground in Southern Iraq though.
Third Army subordinate commands were given new orders. The I MAF was to advance towards the sea and the XVIII Corps was to go to the Shatt al-Arab. Schwarzkopf sought clarification on the objectives which his command was to fulfil when it came to Basra and the water border with Iran. He was told not to enter that city directly but to go all the way to the Shatt al-Arab – thus the border – to make sure that all routes into Kuwait were firmly closed. Both of those units were to begin advancing again that night. Ahead of those objectives for them wasn’t just Iraqi’s southern oilfields (un-attacked by Coalition air attacks) but also that airbase that the Soviets were operating from too. I MAF’s commander had clarified his instructions when it came to that facility: just like his US Army counterpart Schwarzkopf, he was concerned about coming up against unfriendly non-Iraqis. His orders stated confirmed that Ar Rumaylah Airbase was to be bypassed with restrictions imposed on how close the US Marines and the British were to go near to it: no entry into that self-imposed restriction zone around it was to be made with the highest authorisation.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Sept 11, 2019 19:43:54 GMT
71 – No summer’s cruise
Soviet warships went through the Turkish Straits on their way to the Mediterranean. From their Black Sea Fleet, there were additions made to the standing squadron of ships out in the Eastern Med. which formed the semi-independent Fifth Operational Squadron. The cruiser Kerch was the centrepiece of the flotilla sailing in the open sea between Crete, Cyprus & Egypt but that vessel and her escorts were now to be joined by bigger, more potent ships. The Black Sea Fleet detached a helicopter carrier, two more big cruisers and a trio of destroyers. Support ships (tankers and stores vessels) were also on their way too. This was a pre-planned exercise yet one increased in scale due to the ongoing war in the Middle East. There was already another task group in the Persian Gulf with the Eighth Operational Squadron having sent vessels there using Pacific Fleet assets. NATO watched the Black Sea Fleet sail and the Turks were asked to deny access to them. The reply which came was one which pointed to unfortunate circumstances. Permission had already been granted for the transit. The Soviets were exercising the peaceful right of passage and Turkey had no reason to stop them. There was no war raging which either the Soviet Union nor Turkey was involved in and thus as this was peacetime, access was something that the Turkish Government was obligated to do. The Turks themselves weren’t happy to see those ships moving through their waters but it was the way things were.
Among the warships going along the Bosporus and past Istanbul on August 1st were the Leningrad and the Slava. The former was a helicopter carrier (it could carry up to eighteen at full load) which came complete with a large air defence missile battery too. There were plenty of SAMs carried by the latter though an impressive array of anti-ship missiles was aboard this missile-cruiser as well. These were big warships and potent weapons of warfare. The other cruiser and the destroyers were all well-armed too: the Soviet Navy seemed to never not take the opportunity to put as many weapons systems as possible on their warships. Turkish commercial pilots guided the warships through the Straits. There was interest coming from land in what was going on. Turkish civilians and military personnel alike paid attention to the movement of these ships. NATO watched them as well, from close and afar. Once Istanbul was behind them, the Sea of Marmara was up ahead and then there were the Dardanelles before the Aegean Sea. Going through the Turkish Straits was no easy process. There was commercial shipping present and the transit by these warships had to be taken into consideration when it came to the movement of those. Turkey wasn’t being helpful either. There were problems which they fashioned, creative ones, to impede the Soviet’s progress and slow it down. Turkey didn’t stop their movement though.
The Americans and their allies in both NATO and the Coalition believed that the Soviets weren’t going to send those ships on Fifth Squadron missions in the Med. but instead transfer them onwards to the Eighth Squadron in the Gulf. They knew that the Black Sea Fleet’s big ships weren’t out on a summer’s cruise and the idea that they could exercise in the Med. wasn’t thought as being the end game here. This deployment was no easy undertaking for them: there must be more to it than just an exercise. Egypt did what Turkey didn’t and prepared to close off an access route to the Gulf so that the Soviet ships couldn’t go there and join in with the intimidation, aggression & general obstruction ongoing there with the Eighth Squadron was making a good go of that. The Suez Canal would be closed to any transit for them. Egypt was at war and Mubarak wasn’t going to allow their passage through no matter what the circumstances. If the Black Sea Fleet wanted to go to the Gulf, they would have to go the long way round… all the way around the African continent. In Washington, Cairo and elsewhere there was backslapping about this frustration coming for what they regarded as Moscow’s intention. They didn’t know that there was no plan to send the Fifth Squadron to the Gulf at all. The Black Sea Fleet really was going on exercise in the Med. yet making a bigger splash then usual due to international tensions.
Moreover, in none of those places, no one had any idea that in three weeks time, those warships would be trading war-shots with others and at the forefront of the igniting of a world war. Who could see into the future like that and predict such a thing!?
In every way possible unconnected to the passage of those warships through the Turkish Straits & Egyptian plans to deny access through Suez to them, and the wider ongoing war in the Gulf, an armed clash broke out not that far from the shoreline of the Med. the same day.
Up in the Golan Heights – Syrian territory long occupied by Israel – there came first gunfire from small arms and then shelling from heavy guns. The Syrians and the Israelis each blamed the other for firing first and claimed that they had only responded in self-defence. The clash didn’t spiral out of control and there was a return of the sort of peace before within a few hours of it starting. This had happened in the past. Shooting at the other side by those deployed to the Golan wasn’t a regular thing for those deployed here but neither was it something wholly unexpected either. The overall strategic situation stayed the same and the number of deaths was less than a handful. If an independent outsider observer had to pick a victor from this clash, the win would be called for Israel because Syria came off far worse.
Few people in each of those two countries heard about it afterwards and it wasn’t global news either. There were other things going on in the world and this was a frozen battlefield where things were pretty much expected to occur. In Damascus and Tel Aviv, attention was paid in military and government circles to the exchange of fire. Reports were delivered as to the truth of the matter. It was the Israelis who fired first – no matter what they claimed – and the Syrians were acting in self-defence. Nothing more than an increase in alert status was planned to happen afterwards. Reinforcements weren’t about to flood in and no follow-up attacks were planned. In each capital, they were almost willing to forget it happened and to just carry on as usual when it came to the decades-long stand-off in the Golan.
That wasn’t how things were going to go though. A spark had been lit here. Someone some distance away had taken notice of what occurred and it gave him an idea as to how to turn a terrible situation around. The Golan was about to become a live warzone, no longer just a frozen battlefield with the randomly timed sudden deadly thaw. That interested observer in Baghdad was going to make sure of it so as to try to save his own country.
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forcon
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Post by forcon on Sept 11, 2019 21:04:02 GMT
Good work. This reminds me of the US & Sovit deployments during the Arab Israeli war in 1973.
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James G
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Post by James G on Sept 11, 2019 21:29:55 GMT
Good work. This reminds me of the US & Sovit deployments during the Arab Israeli war in 1973. 1973 is a good comparison. There's plenty of reason to think 73 was a situation where WW3 could have started, more chance IMO than any 83 false alarm could have. Unpredictable, unconnected but interlinked Middle Eastern conflicts ran the risk of seeing insanity breaking out.
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stevep
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Post by stevep on Sept 12, 2019 16:13:44 GMT
Sounds like Rashid has some plans to try and trigger and Israeli-Syrian war, which would definitely complicate matters for a western - Arab alliance, especially with the problems the Saudis are having in their capital. Ironic as he's presumably not at all religious himself. At the start of the 3rd paragraph I think you have a typo? Clear what you mean - that the allies think the Soviet forces are heading for the Gulf - but don't think the sentence makes sense?
Another good couple of chapters. If we didn't know what was coming it would sound like things were all over, bar some probably very messy problems with what to do with Iraq and with the nasty elements emerging in Riyadh. However have a nasty feeling about that large exclusion zone around the Soviet occupied base in southern Iraq. Too much scope for both mischief and misunderstanding there.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Sept 12, 2019 18:32:57 GMT
Sounds like Rashid has some plans to try and trigger and Israeli-Syrian war, which would definitely complicate matters for a western - Arab alliance, especially with the problems the Saudis are having in their capital. Ironic as he's presumably not at all religious himself. At the start of the 3rd paragraph I think you have a typo? Clear what you mean - that the allies think the Soviet forces are heading for the Gulf - but don't think the sentence makes sense?
Another good couple of chapters. If we didn't know what was coming it would sound like things were all over, bar some probably very messy problems with what to do with Iraq and with the nasty elements emerging in Riyadh. However have a nasty feeling about that large exclusion zone around the Soviet occupied base in southern Iraq. Too much scope for both mischief and misunderstanding there.
Trying to break up the Coalition by dragging in the complicated matter of Israel would be a crafty move by Baghdad. What could go wrong with that!? Yeah, I see what you mean. I've just edited it. It might have been something I half wrote, stopped for some reason, and ploughed onwards unawares it was a bit messed up. Thanks. Yep, the war is almost won and things are moving to the finishing stages. But there are all those related factors, including the Iran issue and the Soviets too. There is that airbase and also the anchorage rights at the port of Umm Qasr - it isn't supposed to be a base of operations for the soviets at all - which are covered below causing all sorts of problems at once with more to come. The Americans will soon be demanding that the Soviets leave too, not 'suggesting' that they do.
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James G
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Post by James G on Sept 12, 2019 18:33:26 GMT
72 – To the sea
Royal Marines with 40 Commando entered the Ar Rumaylah Oilfield. As part of the 3rd Commando Brigade, they came expecting a fight. Iraqi troops were present and there were reportedly many demolition charges laid among the oil wells, the pipelines, pumping stations and everything else. They’d been told what the Iraqis had done down in Saudi Arabia and that was expected to be something they would try to do here. At any moment, the oilfield could go up in flames. Special forces, British SBS troopers, were already on-scene and engaging Iraqi defenders to try to stop them yet it was anticipated that the Iraqis would be able to detonate many explosives and set fire to much. The question was asked why was 40 Commando going in there? Let the Iraqis burn their own oil, it was suggested, for it stuffed them and no one else. The orders ran for the Royal Marines to go in regardless though and to try to help the SBS save what was possible to keep for being set alight. It wasn’t the job of those with rifles in their hands to question the wisdom of their superiors on this. They had to fight, that was it. This was the second taste of action for 40 Commando. They’d fought just south of the Iraqi-Kuwaiti border before but missed the fighting as it moved into Iraq itself. Casualties had been taken and they had hurt. Now the men expected to see more of their fellow marines die for something which they were told was worth fighting for but they weren’t themselves so sure. Oh, and they were being sent into what was sure to be a wall of fire like they had witnessed from afar themselves down in Saudi Arabia. Once in the oilfield and liking up with the special forces, the Royal Marines came under fire. Iraqi infantry units engaged them in several battles. It was an unpleasant place to be even without the battle going on. There was the concern that at any moment the Iraqis would start setting off those explosives. They fought to defend their laid demolition charges too, making near suicidal efforts in that. However, time and time again, when the moment came where a blast was expected, one didn’t occur. At first it seemed to 40 Commando that the Iraqis didn’t got the order in time or they’d messed up with their wiring. But this happened repeatedly. They weren’t blowing it all up. No wall of fire to be seen from space – as had been the case with the Saudi sabotage – was created. The Iraqis didn’t blow up Ar Rumaylah. They had their men fight and die in a doomed effort to stop it being taken but they didn’t destroy it all up. The Royal Marines didn’t know why. All they knew was that they won this fight… and too had to count the cost in lives lost and the wounded to be treated as well.
Nearby, 2 PARA received instructions from the 3rd Commando Brigade to approach Ar Rumaylah Airbase. They were to clear the area around it of Iraqi forces but not approach within two miles exactly of the facility’s outer perimeter. The battalion commander and his company commanders were each made perfectly clear of that instruction as well as where that line was. In going close to the airbase where the Soviets were inside, they found Iraqis heading that way. Those enemy soldiers didn’t appear to know that they would be safe inside the Coalition declared no-entry zone but they soon found that they were. 2 PARA wouldn’t chase them inside there nor fire upon them even when taken under fire themselves from within. The situation was infuriating for the British soldiers! They were unable to shoot back at the Iraqis who could freely open fire upon them. Despite repeated pleas going up the chain of command, there was no deviation to the ROE. The Paras just had to deal with it. They pulled back in some places and dug in elsewhere. They spread out and soon near surrounded it. One road out was left open though. Once more, instructions on that were precise and the orders weren’t allowed to be broken no matter what. 2 PARA’s soldiers hadn’t been briefed on the thinking in London and among the Coalition on this: they weren’t informed of the decision to not squeeze the Soviets too hard and give them a way out as well. They really didn’t care either. What they cared about was seeing buddies hurt and killed by Iraqi fire which wasn’t answered. Some of the Paras saw Soviet personnel. They observed them at a distance inside the area which they had almost fully surrounded. There was a lot of wondering aloud as to whether at some point they’d be fighting those inside of whether this would all be something resolved in another way by politicians. Who knew how that would go though.
Those Royal Marines and Paras were part of the contribution by the British Armed Forces to the I MAF. The US Marines – with other British Army units attached – drove to the sea. They crossed the south-eastern corner of Iraq and advanced towards the Persian Gulf where Iraq had its only sovereign outlet to the open water. Iraqi units in their wake were scattered rear-area forces, nothing organised as anything serious and capable of stopping the I MAF. Through the darkness, the night of August 1st/2nd, the Coalition had its troops envelope Kuwait by doing this. They went through Safwan and the highway linking Basra with Kuwait was rode over. The Al Faw Peninsula was then reached. The honour of first reaching the sea fell to the 1/7 Marines. It was that battalion-group of US Marines who were able to reach the water’s edge before anyone else. Another unit, 3/9 Marines, came close to the port town of Umm Qasr. They clashed with Iraqi soldiers outside but didn’t go into there as per firm orders from above. The reason was because there was another no-go zone two miles around the harbour area. There were Soviet forces there and the Coalition-agreed ROE were just as strict here as they were with Ar Rumaylah Airbase. However, no gunfire came out of there. Few Iraqis made it inside and those who did found themselves disarmed by Soviet Naval Infantry. Their own marines were active on Iraqi soil and they even shot dead a couple of Iraqis who refused to do as instructed. Encircling Umm Qasr for the US Marines wouldn’t be as troublesome as it was for the British around that airbase.
The Iranian border was reached before dawn broke too. The XVIII Airborne Corps had advanced northeast from their start-lines in the desert and headed for the lower reaches of the two great rivers which ran through Iraq – the Euphrates and the Tigris – as those converged before they reached the sea. Just downstream of Basra, they formed the Shatt al-Arab. Control over that had been one of the (admittedly many) causes of the Iran-Iraq War. The Iranians and the Iraqis had each ended that conflict on their respective sides and it was to the Shatt al-Arab where the American troops were instructed to go. They had ROE which came to the Iranians and that was to defend themselves if fired upon, including shooting back over the border in self-defence but that needed to be justified. Coalition aircraft above them had the same rules of engagement though weren’t as happy with theirs because they could be taken under fire from some distance away and firing back successfully wouldn’t be as easy for them to achieve. Iranian radars associated with their SAMs did light up Coalition fighters and there were Iranian troops on the riverbanks across the Shatt al-Arab yet no exchanges of fire occurred once the XVIII Corps got to there. There too was the city of Basra which was approached but not entered. American paratroopers with 82nd Airborne Division units came under fire from the outskirts and they fired back. They called in extra fire support too with air strikes and artillery yet there were restrictions imposed on that from Schwarzkopf – under higher orders – as to not cause unnecessary civilian casualties. Basra wasn’t to be taken because the Coalition had agreed not to invade Iraq to try to conquer it: going into the city would be seen as part of that. It was anticipated that doing so would cause major Coalition loses too, adding to those already incurred. The wisdom of this was being questioned but the orders stood. French soldiers with their 6th Light Armored Division saw action elsewhere in the XVIII Corps’ operational area. They took the oilfield near to Az Zubayr, one fought over but not one set alight, as well as entering that town. This had been where General Hamdani had recently had his field headquarters – long evacuated back deeper into Iraq – and was a crossroads town which was needed to be held to support Coalition operations to trap Iraqi forces inside Kuwait and block off any effort to try to free them. The French got into a messy fight within Az Zubayr where they engaged Iraqi Army defenders but then found that the local ethnic split was something that suddenly erupted with violence. The town was home to Shia and Sunni people, many of whom turned their guns on neighbours after Iraq’s soldiers had been overcome by the French. It was an unwelcome surprise and something that the French, and the wider Coalition, hoped they wouldn’t have to deal with long-term and also elsewhere. Iraq was a country with many fracture lines, ones which the desire hadn’t been to come here to smash open. Whether the troubles in Az Zubayr were a one off remained to be seen.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Sept 13, 2019 16:04:46 GMT
73 – Horseshoe and Blackbird
Operation Desert Eagle was the overall Coalition name for military operations against Iraq though there were separately named operations within that when it came to different areas of conflict with the fighting on the ground, in the air & at sea. In addition, each other member of the Coalition apart from the Americans were using their own designation for their contribution. For Britain, the involvement in the Second Gulf War was covered under the Operation Horseshoe name. It was one chosen at random by a MOD computer. Using the name Horseshoe wasn’t about public relations but instead the codeword appeared throughout paperwork across the British Armed Forces and was used in all official orders relating to the war being fought against Iraq. Personnel transfers, logistics supplies, intelligence material and so much more was all covered under Horseshoe. This meant that the highest priority was received for every part of the war effort without any clarification called for to delay things or cause a mix up. Horseshoe operations in the Middle East were proving quite the strain upon Britain. Since the start of the country’s involvement, there had been a pressing need to maintain the commitment there which stretched the military a great deal. This was more than just the troops and their equipment but the supply line too them as well, one which stretched all the way back from the Gulf to Britain. Allies helped where they could but Britain had to do a lot of that alone. Supplies were eaten up during the fighting in the Gulf. Ammunition, fuel, food, medical supplies and spare parts for every piece of equipment were sent. This all cost money too. Men and women were sent to the war on a continual basis. Some of them replaced those who had to come home for various reasons yet there were those who went there to take the place of the dead and badly wounded as well.
With it being the beginning of August, Parliament was closed for its summer recess. It had been open when the conflict with Iraq begun though. The Second Gulf War had been one which had been supported among MPs and Peers though not with wild enthusiasm. They’d gone on recess before the majority of the casualties that those replacements sent to the Gulf had occurred though. In the past few weeks, there had been much comment in the media from several politicians about the wisdom of the country’s involvement in light of the news that the dead and wounded had reached the two hundred mark. More lives had been lost in the war five years ago with Argentina but that was a fight for British soil & people; this was a conflict for British economic interests. There was the expectation that by September when Parliament returned, there would be some difficult political questions asked and some difficult moments for the government. Prime Minister Thatcher had already been accused of sending British forces off to war unprepared and there would be those looking for the excuse to tie such accusations to the scale of the casualties. There was the thinking that public opinion had a tipping point when it came to casualties and that might be approaching at some point when it came to this war.
Now, of course, none of this politicking was soon going to matter in any way. It was the thinking at the time though. Attention was on the Second Gulf War and the Horseshoe involvement. Nowhere near enough eyes were looking elsewhere towards the something far more dangerous. The war being fought against Iraq was far away and not seen as anything that imperilled Britain directly. The country was for all intents and purposes a nation at peace even with Horseshoe ongoing.
At Angel Underground Station, in the middle of the Monday evening rush hour, a commuter went off the platform and into the tracks moments before a Northern Line tube train came in. That train was slowing down and the driver did see the man but there was no hope for him once the train hit him. Little blood or gore was seen by those on the packed platform – the two at Angel for northbound & southbound trains were the remarkably narrow – but there was a lot of screaming, shouting and silenced shock. Commuters had seen the man on the tracks and the approaching train. It had happened fast, yet for many time had seemed to slow down. They knew what was about to happen and then it did. When that train stopped, many of those aboard got off it. There were commuters on the platform who got on it too despite knowing what had just happened. This was rush hour and anyone being charitable to those who did so could have said it was a natural reaction to a train which had opened its doors. Others might not be so kind and call them callous, heartless or even worse. The train wasn’t about to move though. The driver knew what had happened and went about reporting that. Questions were asked among passengers who’d been on the train, those going through Angel to elsewhere, about what was happening. Some among them too were eager for it to get moving as well regardless of what fate had befallen someone who lay torn apart beneath them. Their journeys home were being delayed. Tube staff and London Transport Police officers responded. A look under the train saw the remains of the man but there was no hope for him: paramedics arrived with a dispatched London Ambulance Service vehicle and they came down to make sure too that the person on the tracks was certainly dead. The train and the platform was evacuated and witnesses were questioned. There were many who volunteered information. They said what the train driver said: they had seen a man on the tracks.
When asked, no one said that they had seen him fall. No one had seen him being pushed either but that he had been.
Dereck Cooper was a civil servant who worked at the Ministry of Defence. The police would find out who he was when discovering his wallet. The investigation into his death at first didn’t attract that much attention just on this basis though the assigned detective from the Met. Police did try to discover why he had been at Angel. Cooper would use the Northern Line to travel to work and back everyday in going from his home in Highgate Hill down to the MOD. He went through the stations at Archway and Embankment on that commute. Angel was on a different branch of the Northern Line and there was no reason why he should have been there waiting for a southbound train at the time. Maybe he’d forgotten something and gone back to work, taking a route he might have been forced to because of a delay, but then why get off at Angel and wait for another train there when it wasn’t an interchange? The detective considered the possibility that he was going to or had been somewhere else on his way home too. His wife was asked if she knew what her husband had been doing there at Angel. She had no clue as to why that had been the case.
It wasn’t until the next morning when there came any sort of development. That Met. detective went to the MOD to talk to Cooper’s work colleagues. He believed that he might get an answer here to knowing what Cooper had been doing before he died. The thinking was that he had fallen onto the tracks yet there was the possibility of suicide as well. There was quite the hubbub at the MOD that morning. A more senior official than scheduled to met with the detective. Personnel from the Defence Intelligence Staff as well as MI-5 were now involved in the aftermath of Cooper’s death. It no longer looked accidental at all. A bigger investigation was underway because there was a security incident the evening before only understood now. A set of secret documents were missing and the last person who was reported to have had them in his custody was Cooper. They weren’t where they should have been and it appeared that he might have taken them. The briefcase recovered also on the tracks at Angel hadn’t contained them: the detective had found it empty of anything of significance. However, it was almost certain that Cooper had removed them from the MOD. Now he was dead. Whatever the exact circumstances were of what had happened, this was something big. The question was asked by the detective what did these ‘secret documents’ contain. He wasn’t told. He also wouldn’t be on the case for much longer too because this was a Special Branch matter, not one for an ordinary detective like himself.
The missing documents contained details of Operation Blackbird. This was the latest codename for an oft-updated general war plan for British military involvement in a conflict with the Soviet Bloc. It was defensive-only, naturally, and covered quite the scope. Much of the information was in the public domain on a general fashion but not the specific details of the planning with Blackbird. It additionally covered how cooperation would go with allies in wartime too. Cooper should never had access to that document – he was an administrator, not involved in secret work – but there was compelling evidence that he had removed it from where he shouldn’t have. Now he was dead in what were clearly suspicious circumstances while the copy of Blackbird remained missing. Much effort was due to be expended in trying to discover exactly what had gone on though none of those questions would be answered satisfactorily in the next three weeks.
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stevep
Fleet admiral
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Post by stevep on Sept 14, 2019 9:18:05 GMT
Well that is a serious security breach. If he shouldn't have access how the hell did he get it? That's a major breach of the Need to Know principle. Also the question of why he stole the documents? Obviously not a willing thief since he was killed. Did the Soviets, as their the obvious suspects have something on him or threaten someone near him?
A peacetime democracy always cuts corners in military spending and Thatcher, especially at this period was probably worse then most. Even with the North Sea bonus and the assets sales, maintaining very high unemployment and cutting taxes for the very rich was a much higher priority that the duties of government so there would be problems in a war in Europe. As you say the current conflict will make less total demands because of the size of British forces involved but the distance from Britain and some of the conditions will increase the burden. The s**t will really hit the fan when the Soviets attack as with so much of the mobile forces away in the ME and stocks run down the BAOR will be in dire straits.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Sept 14, 2019 18:33:37 GMT
Well that is a serious security breach. If he shouldn't have access how the hell did he get it? That's a major breach of the Need to Know principle. Also the question of why he stole the documents? Obviously not a willing thief since he was killed. Did the Soviets, as their the obvious suspects have something on him or threaten someone near him?
A peacetime democracy always cuts corners in military spending and Thatcher, especially at this period was probably worse then most. Even with the North Sea bonus and the assets sales, maintaining very high unemployment and cutting taxes for the very rich was a much higher priority that the duties of government so there would be problems in a war in Europe. As you say the current conflict will make less total demands because of the size of British forces involved but the distance from Britain and some of the conditions will increase the burden. The s**t will really hit the fan when the Soviets attack as with so much of the mobile forces away in the ME and stocks run down the BAOR will be in dire straits. For those charged with looking into this, they will be facing a million questions as to what has happened here. I intend to leave it all open! Even without the commitment in the Gulf, the British Armed Forces would be in trouble but that conflict will make things far worse. At first, it was supposed to be non-Europe committed forces but, as the Americans found out, that has become impossible. It isn't so much particular units but replacement personnel, equipment and stores.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Sept 14, 2019 18:34:34 GMT
74 – Hardball
The United States had delivered to the Soviet Union another one of their threats. This one was considered by its recipients to be of an overt kind that the nuanced one beforehand. The subject matter was once more the Soviet military presence inside Iraq. The last time, there had been the ‘suggestion’ that they moved away from where American-led Coalition operations were taking place because they were ‘putting themselves at risk’. Now, there came the outright demand that there be an ‘evacuation forthwith’ from both Ar Rumaylah Airbase and the port at Umm Qasr. Both places had Coalition troops – British Paras with the former; US Marines at the latter – surrounding them with narrow avenues of potential escape out left open. The official government-to-government communication from Washington stated that this ‘egress option’ had been provided purposefully. At the same time as the State Department had their ambassador in Moscow pass on both verbal and written remarks, there were comments made in the American media by Reagan Administration officials on the same subject. They put the matter into the public arena when it came to how they were pushing for Soviet forces to withdraw from where they were. At the Pentagon, there had been a helpful map provided for their media with the two sites highlighted too. A comment from a journalist had asked if the United States was now playing ‘hardball’ with the Soviet Union over its involvement in Iraq: the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff had confirmed that in the affirmative.
The Politburo was willing to play hardball too.
Avoiding war with the West remained the primary objective of the Soviet leadership yet they were no longer willing to accept such bellicose behaviour. Ligachev had made this clear before when he authorised the readiness to see Plan Zhukov unleashed in Western Europe in the face of another American military attack in the Middle East and that was carried over now with regard to the attempts to force them to pull out of where they were in Iraq. His comrades agreed with him as they met in light of the received demand. They couldn’t allow the United States to force them into a course of action at will, especially where the Americans were making a public show on the matter. There would be no pull out from either place regardless of what the Americans did.
It must be said that there had been a discussion in previous days about doing just this. Gromyko had proposed that they leave those two sites ahead of the Coalition armies driving through Iraq towards them. The majority of Soviet military assets inside Iraq were located elsewhere and those forward points were exposed. It would cause complications for us, the foreign minister had said, should the Americans successfully defeat the Iraqis in the field and drive to and past out bases in Southern Iraq. General agreement had come on that point. The defence minister had been asked how long it would take for the pair of facilities to be reached. Sokolov had stated he hadn’t been so sure that the Iraqis would lose the fight on their home soil but, if they did, it would take some time for the Americans to reach Ar Rumaylah and Umm Qasr. The defence minister was wrong on that note and the foreign minister had been correct in his foresight.
Once the Americans said what they said though, in the manner which they did, none of that mattered. Ligachev, egged on by Chebrikov, decided that they couldn’t do as demanded. They didn’t want to allow the Americans to get their way on this because it was thought that it would only encourage them to repeat the same thing soon enough on a related matter. This made sense to the rest of the Politburo. If they backed down here, where would the Americans want to push them around next?
The Politburo was deciding how to respond beyond agreeing to saying no. Ligachev wanted them to agree on a course of action to take in response. Discussing what was coming out of Washington on the matter of their presence in Iraq went along with what else the Americans were doing with regard to their aggressive actions plus what looked like an endgame to the Second Gulf War. Matters such as these had been taking up most of the time of the Politburo in recent months. Since taking over from Gorbachev, Ligachev had seemingly spent most of his time on this crisis. He had intended to do so much more with his position as general secretary but these matters took prominence.
There was consideration given during the meeting called as to whether Rashid would do what he had done in Saudi Arabia and burn Kuwait’s oil too. He hadn’t set fire to his own oil as the Coalition sent their troops into Southern Iraq. Would he do so with what his soldiers still held inside Kuwait? Chebrikov said that the KGB had evidence to say that he would. Gromyko wasn’t so sure but admitted that was only his view on the matter: Rashid hadn’t been forthcoming when probed on the matter. A couple of Politburo members suggested that it would only be a good thing for the Soviet Union if Rashid took that step. It would drive up the price of oil that the West consumed even more than it already had done following the setting lighting of Saudi oil fields & infrastructure. Another comrade reminded those who looked gleeful at such a prospect that that would easily throw the West into an economic crisis of enough magnitude to see them lash out to distract their populations. The upcoming REFORGER exercise was once more discussed. New information had come on which ground and air units in particular were on their way to Western Europe for the September war games. The information was disturbing each time it was heard. There was also the matter of those American stealth bombers that they had on Cyprus. These were dropping guided bombs on Baghdad on a regular basis and more of them had been sent to the British airbase on that island. If they wished to, the Americans would send them on bombing raids elsewhere. The intelligence reports which the Politburo saw told them of how the Iraqis hadn’t been able to get at them and they were considered to be a threat to the Soviet Union considering being stationed where they were.
The two Soviet bases in Iraq were what the Politburo had been assembled to discuss though. Ligachev concentrated his comrade’s attention on that. How were they going to deliver the refusal to the Americans? Ideas were presented. There was talk of sending back an equally stern set of messages direct to Washington with both an official communique and the ambassador meeting with Secretary of State Schultz. Another option was for the no to be delivered in a public fashion, perhaps at an upcoming UN meeting. Just words weren’t enough though for the mood of those present. There was a feeling that something more needed to be done. Telling the Americans that the Soviet Union wouldn’t stand for being pushed around needed to convey defiance to Washington’s attempt to impose it will upon Moscow. Chebrikov proposed a solution and found a willing audience.
There would be no pull out from the last Soviet positions in Southern Iraq but instead a reinforcement to each place. This wouldn’t be huge, just enough though to show the Americans that they weren’t going to have their way. Using the lone ground route into Ar Rumaylah and the sea lane into Umm Qasr, plus air access to each, extra aircraft and men would be sent. This ran the risk of another accident occurring where the Americans might open fire as they’d done before. It was suggested that the Americans be informed of this first. They’d be given a little warning only, not anything with enough lead time for them to react. No objection came to this. Only recently, everyone had agreed to the pull back the majority of their forces and now they were all onboard with doing the opposite. The Politburo considered themselves put in this position by American aggression and that they were thus in the right to do this.
With that agreed, the meeting was almost ready to break up. An aide to the defence minister entered the room. The faces of all members looked up at the colonel who slipped a note to Sokolov before beating a hasty retreat. That better have been important to dare to make such an interruption… The contents of the note were enough for Sokolov to inform everyone of following him handing it to Ligachev first and receiving a nod. He told the Politburo what action the Iranians had just undertaken in the Gulf.
“They are not such stupid fundamentalists, are they?” Ligachev, like everyone else here, had little regard for those in Tehran despite ongoing connections with the regime for practical purposes. “Nope,” he answered his own question, “they are just capitalists after all.”
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