The Second Battle of Britain - a Soviet Sealion

When Ogarkov appears before the Politburo tomorrow, he'll present quite the insurance policy!

If Moscow had played it's cards right (the title of this story makes it evident that it did not) the destruction of Saudi oil fields could have kept the Soviet Union in tact well into the 90s with the spike in oil prices.

Good update!

52 – Plan Zhukov


Marshal Ogarkov had been the Soviet Armed Forces’ most senior officer, the Chief of the General Staff, and also a deputy defence minister too, before he was fired by the Politburo from such roles three years past. He’d been caught up in a political rift ahead of Gorbachev’s ascension. He was officially dismissed for ‘un-partylike tendencies’. It was all a rather messy affair where he was collateral damage rather than the instigator of anything. He wasn’t sent into exile or to the gulag afterwards. Instead, Ogarkov ended up in Legnica. This was located in Poland where the Soviet Army had a major encampment for command & staff purposes rather than the facility there being a big troop garrison. His new posting was a demotion, though one close enough to be almost a sideways move in many ways. In command of Western Strategic Direction, Ogarkov held a position similar to that that SACEUR held in Brussels though one which came with far less political responsibilities for him. He’d fallen afoul of the politicians in Moscow yet his attributes as a military commander were recognised and he wasn’t discarded. Many in the West might remember him from press conferences following the shoot-down of the civilian airliner KAL 007: recall his face at least rather than his name and then-position. Ogarkov was only somewhat forgettable after being involved in the public relations disaster – in Western eyes anyway – that was the killing of all of those people aboard that South Korean jet over the Pacific. Under Ligachev, there had been many changes in personnel in Moscow yet Ogarkov wasn’t brought back to his old job nor given anything new. He’d stayed in Legnica at the command post for what would in wartime be the highest headquarters for combined combat operations of Soviet forces and Eastern Bloc allies alike should the worst happen and war erupt there. When instructed to return to Moscow in early July, he came back not to take up his old job nor give those in power a lecture about the strengths of the West’s military might compared to the weaknesses of the Soviet Union’s (doing so before had got him into hot water), but instead to report in person on Plan Zhukov.

He met with the Defence Council, an inner committee of the wider Politburo. Ogarkov was instructed by Sokolov to briefly summarise the general war plan for a conflict with NATO in Western Europe. This he did. For Ligachev, Sokolov, Chebrikov, Gromyko and Ryzhov what was Plan Zhukov was laid out. Upon receipt of instructions to do so, Soviet-led forces in Eastern Europe would cycle from a peacetime posture to a wartime attack position within thirty-six hours. What reinforcements arrived in time would be used at the opening of attack: everyone else from outside would have to play catch-up. It would be an ‘out of barracks’ attack. There would be no staging in offensive positions ahead of time in a concentration of force. That would be done on the move, when on the attack. The intention was to reach the English Channel with forward tank units in three days. As much of West Germany, Denmark, the Low Countries and whichever elements of France allowed as per political instructions would be taken. NATO forces would be attacked in their barracks. Conventional weaponry would be supported by chemical attacks. As to nuclear weapons, that was a political matter like entry into French territory was too. The use of airmobile and airborne infantry would be important in achieving an objective like the English Channel in an extraordinary short amount of time. Bridges would be taken by them to allow for water barriers to be crossed. NATO forces trying to deploy out of their barracks, and others attempting to enter the European theatre of war, would be blasted with everything at hand to keep them out of the way of the armoured spearheads racing for the distant stretch of water which was the ultimate objective for forces assigned to an implementation of Plan Zhukov to achieve.

Exercises and war games – staff events, Ogarkov conceded; not in full effect for obvious reasons – had showed the validity of this being achievable. Yet that was only the case with an attack like this where NATO wasn’t ready with neither forces deployed and especially not reinforced by additions from elsewhere. There were other limiting factors which could see Plan Zhukov fail too. There was the reliability issue with fraternal allies in Eastern Europe. The West could use nuclear weapons to halt the attack too. Now, there were other plans for war which… Ligachev cut off the marshal. Yes, of course, but they were discussing Plan Zhukov here. He informed Ogarkov that tensions were increasing significantly in the Gulf. While Iraq’s armies were being beaten, the Americans were increasing their aggressive actions towards Soviet forces deployed there to safeguard the Soviet Union’s interests. There already had been one unprovoked attack made by the Americans with that followed by several near misses. The Defence Council was concerned that the Americans might do something that they could claim was an accident and then seize the opportunity to strike further and elsewhere. Should they do that in the Middle East, a Soviet response would be made in Europe. He was to consider the Western Strategic Direction to be from this moment put on war alert. This alert posture would last until he was told otherwise.

Gromyko highlighted the issue that Ogarkov had raised with regard to allies. If the worst happened and war came through American aggression, the East Germans could be counted upon when it came to their army. The Bulgarians were steadfast allies too though Bulgaria and the Balkans weren’t in the operational area of Ogarkov’s Legnica-based headquarters. The foreign minister informed his Defence Council colleagues that Ogarkov couldn’t rely on Czechoslovakian nor Polish forces in any instance where Plan Zhukov needed to be put into effect. Politically, those in Prague and Warsaw would do as they were told but their fighting men just couldn’t be trusted to do what would be needed to be done. Of course, should the situation arise and Ogarkov get orders to move, things might not be as bad as they might look now, but Gromyko put it to his comrades that preparations be made to use those as second wave, even third wave, forces. The others agreed. Sokolov told them all that this meant that Ogarkov’s force for any attack westwards would mean would have less available troops. Ligachev asked what would be needed in their place. Ogarkov asked that the Soviet forces inside Hungary, those positioned facing Austria and Yugoslavia, be assigned to Western Strategic Direction: he was talking of the four combat divisions and the medium-sized air army there. In addition, while his headquarters currently had wartime supervision over Soviet forces in Czechoslovakia, East Germany & Poland, Western Strategic Direction also would have operational control over those in the Belorussian and Carpathian Military Districts as well. Those would consist of second wave forces which wouldn’t be reaching the English Channel – his spearheads would consist of tank units based in East Germany – but were still important. He wanted them to be joined by those in the Baltic Military District as well: half a dozen divisions and another air army of tactical aircraft.

What Ogarkov was asking for was a lot. The Defence Council gave him what he wanted though. They then went even further. They attached another air army atop of what he asked for (one of the two in the Carpathian Military District but that one previously for wartime Balkan operations) on those as well as authorising, at Chebrikov’s suggestion, the immediate exercises inside Poland of selective Soviet ground forces. There was an experimental tanks corps that was to move from Belorussia as well as a couple of airborne divisions from across the western portion of the Soviet Union. Sokolov confirmed that these could be deployed with ease and begin unscheduled exercises, ones which would continue until further notice. How, Ogarkov was asked, would they fit into any implementation of Plan Zhukov? Perfectly, he said: they will be right out front ahead of any larger reinforcement coming from the military districts. The tank corps would be those sent to ensure the reaching of Ostend or Calais while the paratroopers would hold open the bridges over the Weser and the Rhine.

Finishing up, Ligachev instructed Ogarkov to take all necessary readiness measures so that if the word came to undertake Plan Zhukov, this could go at once. While being unable to provide an exact sequence of events, and stating that he sincerely hoped such a thing wouldn’t come to pass, the general secretary informed the visiting marshal than any American attack in the Gulf would likely see their REFORGER reinforcement plan happen simultaneously. There were those in Washington spoiling for a fight. Thirty-six hours afterwards, he wanted to see Soviet tanks rolling. There would be no excuses accepted for any form of delay or hesitation. Sokolov added that he wanted Ogarkov to send selected planning staffers from Legnica to Moscow as well. There were ‘additions’ to Plan Zhukov that he would consider necessary, beyond the scope of planned operations, to see further success achieved. Ogarkov asked what they were. He, like the rest of the Defence Council were, was surprised but raised no objectives. Operation Red Eagle was one of those additions. That was an armed raid by light forces on land outside of continental Europe itself.

Ogarkov got back on a plane for Poland. He would be meeting with his staff as soon as he landed. Like his political masters said they were, Ogarkov wasn’t itching for a war. Yet if one came…

Yeah, things are really starting to heat up...

BTW, the quote about the war being over in a week in the prologue reminds me of the First World War being predicted to be over by Christmas; remember how long that lasted?

Waiting for more, of course...

53 – Wait for us


Britain and France had first sent naval forces to take a role as part of the Coalition and then dispatched air assets as well. Their ships and aircraft were involved in the Second Gulf War fully. Ground forces took longer to not so much get to the region – air transport for soldiers took a few hours – but to be established in-theatre so they could fight. What had happened with those American paratroopers at Dhahran in the war’s earliest days was something that neither the government in London nor the one in Paris wanted to see repeated with their own armies. The need was for heavy forces, making the process of assembling them longer too. Finally though the British and the French were each ready. They started moving their ground elements committed to the conflict out of staging sites spread across the UAE. The rest of the Americans, heavy units with the US Army’s XVIII Airborne Corps, were also underway too. Thousands of Western troops were sent into Saudi Arabia to join those already there. The fighting had moved further away in recent days so it would be a case of these reinforcements playing catch up. If they thought their voices would have been heard, there would have been shouts of ‘wait for us’.

The British Army and Royal Marines committed two brigades of troops to the Gulf. The 24th Infantry & 3rd Commando Brigades were each assigned to fall under overall American command as they would report to the headquarters of the US Marines’ I Marine Amphibious Force. There was no direct British commander responsible for the sole operations of each but senior officers were assigned within the I MAF headquarters; a divisional command set up for them both would have occurred had they both been expected to operate together on the battlefield but it wasn’t anticipated that that would occur. The 24th Brigade was home-based in the UK during peacetime with a reinforcement mission for West Germany in wartime though it had been chosen to be sent to the Gulf despite that… causing unease in many places. Several peacetime-assigned components weren’t with the brigade with the decision made to leave them behind and take others. That included the addition of a tank regiment coming from the UK directly while there was a battalion of infantry complete with brand-new Warrior vehicles that had been redeployed from Germany (replaced with an infantry battalion mounted in FV432s sent from the mainland UK). In terms of combat units, the 24th Brigade now fielded while entering Saudi Arabia four battalions of infantry – one of those tasked for security roles rather than on the frontline – and that regiment of tanks. Combat support and service support units outnumbered those in combat roles. All of those gunners for the Royal Artillery attachments, the mobile Royal Engineers, the Royal Military Police for POW tasks, Royal Signals communications specialists and so on moved with the 24th Brigade. They all had their equipment too. Two battalion-sized Royal Marine units were with the 3rd Brigade: 40 & 42 Commando. These men were in the Gulf along with a battalion from the Parachute Regiment and another of Gurkhas too. These were all light units yet the 3rd Brigade had combat supporting assets from the British Army with armoured vehicles, big guns and engineers which beefed up its strength considerably. Likewise with that other brigade, the 3rd Brigade had a big ‘tail’ in terms of service support assets. Those non-combat troops were all needed to keep those men who formed the ‘teeth’ able to go into fight they were about to and there were a lot of them.

Orders from the I MAF instructed the 24th Brigade to head into the desert and towards the Hofuf area. The British were an addition to their 1st Marine Division which had linked up with Prince Sultan’s pan-Arab troops there surrounding the Iraqis here who were cut off so far from home. Moving through the night, when the heat of the day wore off somewhat, the 24th Brigade was in-place by first light on the morning of the tenth of July. They linked up with the US Marines on their right and Omani troops to their left. The arrival of them, especially with the many Challenger tanks that the British brought, allowed for the ring around the Iraqi II Corps to be securely closed. Holding a defensive position wasn’t what the British were here to do in the long run though. The I MAF’s commander wanted to send them on the offensive, starting the following night with moves to whittle down the Iraqi’s held territory. Moving by air and sea, rather than overland, the 3rd Brigade went to Dammam and Dhahran. They didn’t go straight into combat as they entered this part of liberated Saudi Arabia but were brought forward so that they soon could. Those Royal Marines aboard the ships stayed on them while the Paras and Gurkhas at the recaptured airbase didn’t stray far either. When they could see combat would depend upon upcoming events but the intention was to send them into action as follow up troops for the two marine amphibious brigades that the Americans had ready to swoop into the occupied Saudi coast further up the Gulf.

France sent a divisional command to the Gulf and their ground forces were assigned to the XVIII Corps. The commitment was made with the 6th Light Armored Division. In peacetime, despite the name, that formation had a strength of nothing more than a conventional NATO brigade. It was reinforced for deployment to fight as part of the Coalition engaged in warfare with the Iraqis and doubled in size. The light armour and motorised infantry were joined by a regiment of tanks and several heavy infantry units. These additions came from multiple other French divisions and independent groupings including paratroopers, marines and men from the Foreign Legion. The 6th Division was tactically organised into a pair of brigade-sized combat groups though with the built-in procedures to transfer them about at will in combat should the need arise. Like the British did with their ground forces sent to the Middle East, the French added to the combat units with supporting attachments coming from all over the place. They stripped away men and equipment from elsewhere to form their reinforced division. It was to Dammam where the 6th Division went. They followed the same route that the American 24th Mechanized Infantry Division as it went out of the UAE into Saudi Arabia and not straight into battle. Both divisions were envisioned to soon be fighting side-by-side. Liaisons were assigned at many levels to allow for that to be done so that there would no communication difficulties nor incidents of friendly fire between them.


In sending all of these men along with their equipment and supplies for them to the Gulf, Britain and France were each stretching themselves. They had a lot of help in terms of the logistics side of things where the Americans were able to aid them with air transport. Shipping needs were met by chartered ships and there was assistance given from Coalition members where possible as well. Still… it was a stretch. Fulfilling the requirement meant making use of personnel taken from training units as well as those reassigned from other tasks where it was decided that those units they left could manage without them. It was the same with much of the equipment and the supplies all shipped to the Gulf: this too came from multiple sources and was earmarked for other contingencies but there was a need now for it all to be dispatched to the Middle East.

The British and French soldiers who went towards combat went in full NBC protection gear. There hadn’t been an Iraqi use of nerve gas in some time yet there was the expectation that it could be used again. The Americans had made their direct threats to Baghdad of nuclear retaliation and, while Britain and France were nuclear-armed states themselves, they hadn’t taken such overt steps. In London and Paris, there had been discussions had as to how respond should Iraq make use of chemical weapons once more but neither government wanted to take that step. There was a fear that they might have to alongside the hope that they wouldn’t. As the Americans had already found out, fighting on a battlefield when prepared for chemical warfare wasn’t easy. It was no easy feat to equip their men to protect themselves. It was done by them though and was also being done by their Coalition partners sending these troops into the fight. The British and French also brought with them extensive decontamination equipment for post-strike clean-up. There were medical teams standing ready as well to deal with casualties which would come from any gas attack.

While the focus was on the forward movement of the larger combat forces to the battlefield, there were already other ground forces in-play which had been in Saudi Arabia since late-June. British SAS and SBS units had been deployed ahead of the British Army and the Royal Marines. There were French special forces active in the region as well. They’d been engaged in helping rescue aircrews and conducted raids against Iraqi supply columns & outposts. The primary task for them was long-range reconnaissance, far beyond the frontlines of where their fellow countrymen were already seeing action.

Selective SBS and French 1 RPIMa units saw action before dawn on the morning of the 11th of July. The British special forces were inserted covertly alongside US Navy SEALs & US Marines’ Force Recon units in the Jubail area; the French commandos joined with American Green Berets in arriving near to Ras Tanura. The Coalition was going after all of the Saudi oil infrastructure that Rashid had threatened to burn rather than see it lost. In went the special operations units first with ‘regular’ troops – if the US Marines and the US Army’s 101st Air Assault Infantry Division could be called such – coming right behind them.