James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Apr 20, 2019 13:46:03 GMT
Ninety-One
The Posse Comitatus Act, in theory, prevented the deployment of the US Armed Forces within the territory of the United States. However, the wording of the act meant that there were ways around it and methods through which a President could deploy the military; it had been done in 1992 under the authority granted by the Insurrection Act when soldiers and marines had been sent into Los Angeles to quell rioting occurring there. Later on, Delta Force operators had provided additional security during the Winter Olympics in Seattle, and a small number of JSOC troops were even sent to advise law enforcement agencies when it came to catching the serial killer(s) who operated as snipers in Washington DC back in 2004.
A whole squadron of Delta Force troops, alongside men from the 19th Special Forces Group and the 29th Infantry Division, had been deployed to Washington DC after the assassination of President Barrack Obama in an effort to catch the Spetsnaz commandos responsible for that crime. The FBI had its Hostage Rescue Team present as well, and there were heavily-armed agents of both the FBI and the Marshal Service involved, along with a variety of state and local police forces and sheriff’s departments. A tactical command centre through which the military and law enforcement agencies involved in the hunt could coordinate was set up at Reagan National Airport on that first night of the fighting, with much inter-agency squabbling over who was to take charge of the manhunt. Eventually, command fell to a senior Department of Homeland Security official appointed by the Biden Administration, but JSOC commander Admiral William McRaven, a former Navy SEAL, also played a major part from Fort Bragg down in North Carolina. The team assigned to hunting the Russian infiltrators was named Task Force Hunter.
For a while, the trail had gone cold. A big break had been made when the bodies of a whole family of civilians had been found with their throats cut just outside DC, with investigators believing that the Spetsnaz were likely responsible for the commission of the crime as they hijacked the family’s vehicle. Little progress had been made in tracking the stolen car. It had been found two days later, on August 8th, as a burned-out wreckage in Pennsylvania. Until this moment, the prevailing view both amongst law enforcement and within the Joint Special Operations Command was that the Russians would be running southwards towards the Mexican border, but the discovery of the stolen car in Pennsylvania meant otherwise; they were running northwards. Why? Investigators asked themselves. Clearly, they expected to make it to a pick-up point, where it was reasoned that a submarine, possibly a Kilo-class diesel-electric vessel designed for stealth more than anything, would pick them up.
That was the only option; no aircraft would make it into US airspace to pick them up and there would be no ships departing that would be headed for anywhere the Spetsnaz might consider safe, not with the Naval Ready Reserve Fleet being used to transport troops and equipment to Europe. This submarine wasn’t going to be able to get close enough to the US to pick up its cargo. The US Navy and the Royal Canadian Navy would be sure of that. In the meantime, it would fall to Task Force Hunter to locate and eliminate the enemy troops.
The Spetsnaz team had managed to successfully link up after escaping DC in smaller groups, with all thirteen men and women fleeing northwards. A group of three Spetsnaz soldiers, led by a junior sergeant, acted as a rear-guard for the main unit. They were moving northwards on foot towards the Alleghany National Forest, where they would sneak over the state border into New York and then keep going up through Vermont and then to the coast of Maine to link up with their extraction force. Or so was the plan, anyway.
The rear-guard was engaged by the Pennsylvania State Police.
Those three soldiers, exhausted and overwhelmed, ran into a patrol car, the crew of which swiftly noticed them. The two officers inside were shot dead but not before calling in reinforcements; three more patrol cars arrived rapidly and a gun-battle occurred by the side of the I-80 Highway. The police officers, armed with only shotguns and their service revolvers, were badly outgunned but they had called in support from all around the state. Task Force Hunter’s headquarters was alerted almost immediately and a quick reaction force of Delta Force operators and FBI Hostage Rescue Team agents quickly boarded several egg-shaped MH-6 helicopters and headed towards the location of the reported shoot-out. The excellently-trained Spetsnaz men would manage to shoot their way out of the situation with the State Police, leaving eleven officers dead in the process. However, the sergeant in charge of the rear-guard was killed and another commando wounded. Those two men fought a running gun-battle for nearly an hour as state police officers pursued them. By the time the better-armed TF Hunter troops arrived, the two Spetsnaz men had taken shelter in a farmhouse with several hostages.
There was to be no negotiation. The Spetsnaz were given one chance to surrender and then the order was given for the building to be stormed. Delta Force carried out this assault, using explosives to enter the building from several locations at once and then swarming into the farmhouse. Both of the Russian soldiers were killed in the shoot-out that occurred inside the house, and although much damage would be done to the property, all three members of the family taken captive inside would survive their ordeal unscathed.
The larger group of Spetsnaz continued to flee after losing contact with the rear-guard. At one point, they briefly managed to turn the tables on Task Force Hunter. On the night of August 10th, Spetsnaz troopers went to ground in the Alleghany Forest, allowing their pursuers to pass before looking back around. They had managed to locate a command post set up in an elementary school in the town of Coudersport, near the Pennsylvania-New York border. FBI agents, Pennsylvania State Police, Coudersport Sheriff’s Department, US Marshals, Delta Force troops, National Guard infantrymen and Army intelligence personnel were scattered about the makeshift command centre. There was well over five hundred men and women there from all those different government agencies. Several MH-6 & AH-6 helicopters from the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment resided in the school field too, along with support troops to arm and fuel the aircraft. Seeking to disrupt the hunt for them, the surviving ten Spetsnaz troopers launched an attack against the command centre, raking it with machinegun fire and RPG rockets before charging in, gunning down whoever they could see and withdrawing with several hostages. The attack was a success although two Spetsnaz soldiers were killed and one more cut off from the remainder of his unit and then coaxed into surrendering.
Thirty-two members of Task Force Hunter were killed in the shootout, mainly due to the fact that most members of the Delta Force team and HRT assigned to the hunt had been sent out into the field after a possible sighting was reported over the border; had those men been at Coudersport High School when the attack had occurred, it would probably have failed. When the carnage was over, it was realised that two police officers, three federal agents, and one National Guardsman, were missing. They were now hostages. The Spetsnaz, after withdrawing away from the school, ran not just north-east to confuse their trackers, heading towards Bradford before turning again and finally crossing the border into New York State. As the Spetsnaz took shelter in an abandoned warehouse, the hostages were ruthlessly interrogated for information about the unit pursuing them. Resistance was offered but the methods used were sure to break the prisoners eventually… similar methods were being used against the Spetsnaz soldier captured during the attack on Coudersport. He had been taken to the Marine Corps Brigg at Quantico under the guard of several Marines and they quickly got to work on interrogating him. He was only a corporal and wouldn’t know everything but the escape and evasion route being used by the Spetsnaz would surely be in his head and the man was quickly persuaded to tell his captors at least some half-truths. Yet another gun-battle occurred in New York when the Spetsnaz team ran into more positions set up by the local police to cut off their exit. Near the town of Friendship, New York, a local SWAT team managed to kill two Spetsnaz soldiers, at the cost of five dead police officers. That left five more troops – three men and two women – on the run. The game was nearly up. The route used by the Spetsnaz to flee was now being effectively traced and useful information was being learned as prisoners were broken.
The tiny settlement of Angelica, New York, was the site of this last fight. Dragging their hostages in town, the Spetsnaz tried to flee through the town but again found themselves engaged by the police and withdrew into the town, hoping the presence of civilians would make their opponents more hesitant. Delta Force and HRT soon arrived by helicopter, having scrambled to reach the site of the engagement as the police reported what had occurred. The engagement took half an hour. There was shooting throughout the streets of Angelica as the Americans cleared the town. Civilians were caught in the crossfire while trying to flee, and some of the hostages were killed outright while others would survive. One local farmer took a pot-shot with his shotgun and managed to wound and enemy soldier before being gunned down. It was all a bloody mess but by the time the firefight was over three of the Spetsnaz soldiers would be dead and two more captured.
Ten of President Obama’s killers were dead and three more were in custody and awaiting their fate. The next step in the process would be a military tribunal.
Ninety–Two
In the very early hours of yesterday morning, the Americans had put their B-2 stealth bombers over Russia and used them to drop bombs on Saint Petersburg as well as an airbase to the south of the country’s second city. One of those had been shot down – a mighty success indeed for Russia’s air defences – but only after dropping its payload; the other pair had gotten away clean. No agreement had been made officially or unofficially with the United States when it came to not attacking the territory of each other… leaving out those of allies, naturally. In the Kremlin, Putin and his gang had just assumed that the Americans wouldn’t dare do such a thing. The risks were just too great that nuclear escalation could occur from that. Biden wasn’t playing by the ‘rules’ set in Moscow though. Earlier today, American cruise missiles, fired by a submarine far off that Russia hadn’t seen, had slammed into military targets across the Kola Peninsula. Sovereign Russian soil had been hit again by American action. Retaliation was already planned for the B-2 strikes though only reinforced with extra haste due to the Tomahawk hits. American actions like this couldn’t carry on. They would have to be stopped and the only was which was seen as being capable of doing that was to hit back, and hit back hard too. Biden would thus then surely see sense, yes?
Operation Yastreb (Hawk) went ahead, striking deep into the heart of the American homeland this evening.
A pair of Ilysuhin-78 airborne tankers refueled Russian bombers over the Kara Sea before then orbiting in wait for those aircraft going over the Pole to return. The bombers were Tupolev-160Ms: two Blackjacks laden with belly-fulls of cruise missiles within their internal bomb bays. These high-flying aircraft went above Novaya Zemlya, the Greenland Sea and then the top of Greenland. They kept on going, crossing the Arctic and the top of the world as they did so. Then it was back down the other side. Baffin Bay was overflown before they overflew Baffin Island. Canada was now below them and they were detected. Radars associated with the North Warning System – the successor for the Cold War era DEW Line – picked up first one and then the second Blackjack. Instantaneous reports back to NORAD informed the joint US-Canadian air defence set-up that Russian bombers were inbound on North America after coming over the Pole.
Upon reaching landfall where known radar coverage existed (there was no conceivable way around it), and moments before being detected, confirmation signals had been sent from the bombers that they had gotten this far. Just as quick as the NORAD systems were working, the Russians were fast in action too. From Moscow a message was sent over the Hot-Line connecting the Kremlin to the Pentagon. A pre-drafted email was delivered to the Americans. The gist of it was simple: a military strike is being launched against your country in retaliation for your own against our nation – no thermonuclear nor any other special weapons are being used – Russia will respond disproportionally to any counteraction using thermonuclear or special weapons – this is not a leadership decapitation strike.
Yastreb continued. The bombers, separated by over a hundred miles of sky between them, carried on going south and were soon above Hudson Bay. They were deep inside Canada. Neither the Americans nor the Canadians had any interceptor aircraft nor missiles anywhere within reach of them. Their launch points were achieved and the firing of their war-loads commenced. Bomb-bay doors opened and cruise missiles fell free. Twelve Kh-101s each with a 500kg high-explosive warhead came out of each Blackjack. Three of those missiles wouldn’t make it to their targets but the other twenty-one would. With the payloads gone, those bomb-bay doors were shut and the bombers made a sharp turn to the north. They went back again, making the long flight above the Arctic towards those tankers waiting for them very far away. As was the case before launch, no fighters nor missiles chased after them. They would get home safe.
Canadian CF-18 Hornets from 410 Squadron had stayed at home for air defence tasks while aircraft and personnel with four combat squadrons of further Hornets were undergoing or had already completed deployment to Europe. 410 Squadron was a training unit and home-based at CFB Cold Lake in Alberta. What aircraft and personnel there were operational were spread across various sites while now preforming NORAD tasks alongside the Americans. These locations were very far away from Cold Lake. Inuvik and Yellowknife were across in the Northwest Territories while Iqaluit and Rankin Inlet were spread across Nunavut. Forward Operating Locations (FOL) had long been established at these places, all for the purposes for dispatching fighters to these lonely FOLs for wartime use only. There was room for six aircraft at each though only two CF-18s were currently assigned to each of the four locations: there had been the intention of the Americans to send some of their Air National Guard F-15s to at least two of the FOLs yet that had yet to come to pass. How the Americans could regret that delay. From out of the Nunavut sites, Canadian fighters climbed into the skies. They were too late to catch the long-gone Blackjacks heading north and neither in a position to go after the cruise missiles heading south. Given time and more warning, they could have done so much but, alas, the fighters flew around impotent to stop what had happened.
There were American fighters in the Upper Mid-West. Those ANG fighters whose forward deployment into the Canadian Arctic had been delayed had come from their home station in Louisiana first to Minot AFB in North Dakota. Several of the F-15C Eagles flown by pilots with the 122nd Fighter Squadron were in the meantime sub-deploying to airports through Minnesota and Michigan. The NORAD alert was sent to them and they had more time to get airborne. Six were in the sky soon enough – three pairs – and received information that while the detected bombers had tuned back, there were cruise missiles in the sky instead. The Kh-101s weren’t clustered together. There were more than twenty of them all over the sky above Canada and lancing southwards. They overflew Ontario just like the F-15s did. Missile shots were lined up against some of the cruise missiles where the Americans struggled to get close enough to do so. Sparrow and AMRAAM air-to-air missiles were fired…
…with none of those achieving a kill. These ANG fighters just didn’t have the most-modern onboard technology to make these kills: other F-15s which remained in frontline US Air Force service did, but those weren’t in Canadian skies this evening.
The Kh-101s flew onwards, crossing into American airspace. There were other ANG fighters, F-16s from many units either tasked for NORAD missions or in the final stages of readiness for overseas deployments, which got airborne and too failed to bring down the cruise missiles. One F-16 pilot with the Ohio Air National Guard put in a later claim for a ‘kill’ of a Kh-101s after firing a Sparrow at it when the missile and aircraft were each above Lake Erie though a malfunction brought that missile down. These were just weapons that the Americans found themselves embarrassingly unable to eliminate as they penetrated their homeland.
The Russian message over the Hot-Line had said that this wasn’t a decapitation strike – erm… hadn’t they already done that when killing Obama? – and nor was it a nuclear attack. The Americans had no idea whether that was true or not. NORAD showed two scattered groups of missiles targeting different areas of the nation. One was heading into the Mid-West; the other was lancing towards Washington. It sure as hell looked like a decapitation strike! Reactions were made accordingly. The United States prepared to undertake a nuclear response as those missiles carried on coming. Biden on his was out of Washington the moment the first warning had come of the Blackjacks and aboard a NEACP aircraft when those missiles started to reach their targets. NORAD plotted likely impact points, a process which was updated and frustratingly changed several times. Multiple ‘certain’ locations were eventually presented to the president moments before impact. It didn’t look like a nuclear attack but no one could be sure until the moments those cruise missiles started hitting American soil.
Nuclear attack options in response were at Biden’s fingertips in those last few moments.
Then the Kh-101s hit where they did. The Russians had kept their word: these weren’t thermonuclear blasts and – should Biden have been unable to leave Washington – this wasn’t set up as a decapitation strike either.
Eleven cruise missiles hit four targets in the Mid-West. Scott AFB in Illinois was struck with a lot of destruction caused here at this important US Air Force facility. Nearby, the Boeing plant at St. Louis, where Missouri meets Illinois, was hit as well: that was where there had been an immense recent increase in activity since the war started because St. Louis was where Super Hornets were manufactured. Wright-Patterson AFB in Ohio, a transportation facility of much more importance than Scott was, suffered little damage in comparison to what was seen in Illinois. Another Ohio target was the government-owned Lima Army Tank Plant: the Russians hit the place with three missiles for the same reason that they targeted Boeing, to cause major disruption to the urgent activity here too. None of these four sites were destroyed. Immense damage was done at three, little at a fourth. They were too big to be eliminated by those few missile which hit them… only a nuclear warhead would have done that. Casualties were high though, especially in St. Louis where the suburb of Ferguson had a Kh-101 land there when it missed the Boeing site.
The general Washington area was hit by the remaining ten missiles. Last minute changes to Yastreb had seen Andrews AFB knocked off the target list because that really was a decapitation target upon reflection and instead NAS Patuxent River struck instead: this was an important US Navy air facility though hardly worth hitting compared to what elsewhere was struck. These were the headquarters complexes of three United States intelligence agencies outside of Washington. At Chantilly in Virginia, the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO), was the first of those locations targeted. CIA headquarters at Langley, also in Virginia, was the second. The NSA at Fort Meade, up in Maryland, was the third. Up until the very last moments, the Americans had no idea that these places were where the Kh-101s would hit. They could have come screaming in to blow apart the White House, Congress, the Pentagon, Andrews… anywhere really. Russian targeting of these latter three places was very important. They weren’t going to destroy either of them but they aimed to cause maximum destruction and high casualties. To show the United States how exposed its critical national security infrastructure was to attack was the ultimate objective. From these places, war was being waged against Russia like it was from the White House and the Pentagon. The NRO came off the lightest with only one accurate hit of two: the other missile landed within the grounds of the nearby Washington-Dulles International Airport. Langley was hit hard with two of the main buildings each taking a direct hit. Across at Fort Meade, the carparks which surrounded the NSA buildings had one Russian missile tear an almighty hole in them. Two more missiles each slammed into the smaller of the two main headquarters’ buildings. They were meant to strike one apiece, eliminating each of these two iconic structures with all of that dark & menacing glass which formed their external appearance. The one hit was brought down, bringing numbers of casualties in the high hundreds, and there was still much destruction caused to the second.
Russian missiles did more damage to the US Intelligence Community than any spy or any whistleblower could ever do.
Biden wanted to know when the US Air Force was going to start putting bombs and missiles into buildings in and around Moscow. That early response from the president came when he was informed of the death and destruction caused outside of Washington. The Mid-West strikes were important yet those in Maryland and Virginia took most of the attention of the president. This was worse than 9-11 or what was being called 8-6 (the late-night August 6th downing of Marine One). Others might argue differently saying that those other attacks on the United States’ were far worse yet Russian cruise missiles killed more on August 12th than other outrages on American soil. That the latter didn’t come out of the blue like 9-11 and 8-6 would mean that for the time being they wouldn’t be ingrained on the public consciousness like the former pair. This was wartime and news of what happened, especially the media reaction where they could show iconic images to the public, was less prominent. News helicopters weren’t flying over Fort Meade broadcasting images of missile impacts. These attacks weren’t going to be secret, and neither could they be, but they just wouldn’t have that earlier effect throughout the country.
Debates over significance were for another day. The last of the missiles had impacted and no more Russian bombers came over the Pole today. Failure to have fighters in the sky and then the inability to shoot down those missiles on the way was a big deal. The failure of missile defences around Washington – there was a Patriot battery from a training unit out of its Oklahoma garrison but the low-flying Kh-101s were targets they couldn’t track against ground clutter – was also something not to be overlooked. However, what occupied the president and the top-tier of the government afterwards was how to respond. Russia just wasn’t going to get away with this. These attacks were just the latest addition to a list of atrocities which all needed an answer. That answer had to be done soon too.
There was no intention in Biden’s mind in the aftermath of the Yastreb operation to stop attacking the Russian homeland. That would be done at the earliest opportunity. How could he not order that done?
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
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Post by James G on Apr 20, 2019 13:54:21 GMT
Ninety-Three
While missiles were raining down on the United States, Africa was about to get is first taste of the fighting. Colonel Gadhafi’s regime in Tripoli had been infuriated by the losses incurred during that engagement over the Mediterranean several days ago. The regime had been cosying up to Moscow since last year saw the major breakdown of relations between NATO and Russia. Several dozen hi-tech weapons systems such as the T-90 tank and Su-30 fighter jet had been sold to Libya at discount prices as a means of hitting back at NATO for its expansion into the Balkans last year, and Russian advisors had been in Libya training Gadhafi’s troops.
Across the border in Niger, members of the US 3rd Special Forces Group had been in-country, deployed to train the local forces on methods of counter-insurgency. After the fight over the Mediterranean, the Green Berets had found themselves engaged in several skirmishes with cross-border raiders from Libya.
There weren’t many casualties amongst the US Army troops, but the sudden increase of enemy patrols was a major concern and so one Alpha Team was granted permission to carry out close reconnaissance over the border. With little cover in the desert, the Green Berets were compromised and forces to fight their way out with several casualties taken. They’d left over twenty dead Libyan border guards in their wake, however, which was enough to further infuriate Tripoli and push Gadhafi towards retaliatory action.
Libyan Air Force Su-22s dashed over the ill-defended border into Niger and bombs the Green Berets forward operating base. Many of the bombs fell short of their targets, given the ineptitude of Libyan pilots, but several did strike home and caused over a dozen American casualties. Niger could offer little in the way of dedicated air defences and US forces in the Med were focused largely on countering the threat from Russia and perhaps Syria to the east, leaving the small contingent in Niger with almost no support. This changed after the airstrike in Niger.
Acting independently of NATO command, the Sixth Fleet was granted permission from the Pentagon to launch sorties over Libya to protect US troops further south in Niger and Mali. Initially, the Pentagon thought this would be an operation autonomous of NATO, with only US forces taking part. However, the French government, now located deep underground at Taverny Air Base, authorised its forces to begin operations against Libya as part of its own military campaign against Russia. Spain would follow, and after that, Libya would be considered by the whole Alliance to be an ally of Moscow.
Maaten al-Sarra Air Base, from which the Su-22s had launched, was attacked in a retaliatory strike by F/A-18s from the USS John C. Stennis.
The Libyans put up a fight. Their new Su-30s and SA-20s would play a part in the efforts of the Libyan Air Force to counter this American strike. The Hornets and Super Hornets clashed with Su-30s, MiG-23s & Mirage F-1s. Shooting down eleven enemy aircraft for a single loss of their own, the strike force persisted southwards while more F/A-18s struck the known Libyan air defence batteries. Sixth Fleet would have liked to enlist the help of the Air Force or perhaps use Tomahawk cruise missiles to knock out the SA-20s, but this was very much an ad hoc operation, which was being carried out with very limited planning in order to immediately neutralise the threat to US troops in Niger and Mali.
Vapour trails criss-crossed the sky but almost all the Libyan SAMs missed, with only one Hornet downed and another damaged. When the F/A-18s reached their target they unleashed a variety of munitions; HARM anti-radar missiles for SEAD, Paveway bombs to destroy hardened aircraft shelters, and Mark-84s to crater the Libyan runways and taxiways. Fireballs roared into the sky as Maaten al-Sarra was obliterated by the US Navy.
Gadhafi demanded vengeance. Early on August 13th, the Colonel ordered troops to seize the embassies of various NATO nations and place their occupants under arrest.
None of the embassy staffs had gotten word to evacuate and although there was a brief warning issued, giving them enough time to burn documents and brace themselves, there was no hope of escape for Western diplomats trapped in Tripoli. The US and British embassies went first, with no resistance being offered. The Marines deployed for embassy protection duties could have fought back but the ambassador ordered them instead to stand down; even if they beat back the first Libyan elements, more would come and the situation would ultimately be hopeless. Troops stormed through the gates and the diplomats and Marines were taken hostages. The story was the same for embassies ranging from the Portuguese to the Croatian.
One major mistake made by the Libyan Army was the seizure of the Italian embassy. Though Italy was currently a neutral party – even if this was not to last – the Libyans hadn’t considered this. When the infuriated Gadhafi had ordered his troops to take Western diplomats prisoner, he had failed to specify that the Italian embassy should be avoided to prevent the further provoking of Rome. As such, troops went into the Italian embassy and took their staff hostage just like they did with the Americans and everyone else.
It didn’t all go smoothly either.
A French military attaché was shot dead when he made an effort to escape, while a few American CIA personnel were able to evade captivity and make it to a safe house on the outskirts of the Libyan capital. By nightfall, over six hundred people from all across Europe and North America were in the custody of the Libyan military, with them being taken to the infamous Abu Salim prison, located within Tripoli itself.
Those unfortunate enough to already be imprisoned at Abu Salim were executed to make way for the new arrivals, who would face harsh conditions. Many would be beaten and robbed, there was outright physical torture employed against several intelligence and military officers employed to various Western embassies when it became clear that a small number of them had managed to evade immediate captivity. Several women were raped or sexually assaulted while in Gadhafi’s custody and the number of human rights abuses would only grow as time went on.
One-by-one, NATO countries accepted that a military campaign against Libya was now a necessity.
That night, Sixth Fleet would throw everything it had into knocking out the Libyan air defence network and then would begin a massive and targeted bombing campaign against that country.
Tomahawk cruise missiles slammed into targets within the heart of Tripoli, while B-52s flew sorties from England and Spain out over the Mediterranean, launching AGM-86s against Libyan airfields. The French and Spanish Air Forces joined in the fray, sending their fighters as escorts and in the defence suppression roles. They scored just as many kills as the US Navy fighters did, leaving much of Gadhafi’s air force, including several of the vaunted Su-30s, at the bottom of the ocean or in burning heaps in the Libyan Desert. The message was clear; embassies were to be left alone.
The Joint Special Operations Command received orders from President Biden to begin planning Operation Midnight Talon.
An operation to rescue the embassy staff of NATO nations was to be launched as soon as possible. JSOC had at its disposal a squadron of Delta Force troops and a battalion from the 75th Ranger Regiment; joining them for this mission would be members of the Marine Raider Regiment and the Air Force Special Operations Command. Egypt was to be approached to ask for permission for a rescue mission to be launched from its territory.
Another player had joined in World War III.
Ninety–Four
By the end of the seventh day of the war, Friday 13th of August, the combined losses of combat aircraft for the Russian and Belorussian air forces reached two hundred and fifty. This included those in other theaters (over Norway, the Black Sea and Central Asia) yet the majority had been inflicted upon aircraft taking part in Operation Slava. Glory it wasn’t with such high numbers. The figure too excluded attack helicopters, transports and other specialist aircraft. Those which were covered under the main total had been lost in combat in the skies, shot down by air defences, bombed when on the ground or destroyed in accidents while taking part in the war. Such losses were enough to bring tears to the eye. Pre-war estimates had said that one hundred, maybe one fifty at the very most if things went badly wrong, would be lost in a week of war: how wrong those who seemingly picked that number out of the sky had been. Before the fighting started, NATO air strength – in terms of numbers, capability and experience – was recognised for what it was and not in any way dismissed yet there had been the belief that Russian forces, even the Belorussians too (at least over their own territory), would be able to hold their own as long as they played it smart. Playing it smart had been done yet still all of those aircraft had been lost. The airframes and the aircrews were replaceable but only in the long-term. For now they were gone though, no longer available for much-needed duties fighting this war against NATO.
NATO air losses weren’t that far behind. They’d arguably won the air war but had taken many of their own losses. Two hundred and ten or so was their total loss number, a figure distorted by the destruction of the aircraft carrier USS Harry S. Truman with fifty combat aircraft aboard. Russian air defences had been responsible for many, many NATO aircraft being lost. Their fighter efforts in the sky had been weak but not their anti-air platforms on the ground. It was these which had claimed so may NATO jets. Guided anti-aircraft artillery and SAMs had been used to bring down enemy aircraft… as well as inflicting friendly fire on their own side on several occasions as well. There were strategic- & operational- & tactical-level air defence systems. These worked together and worked individually too. NATO had thrown plenty of firepower at these weapons to eliminate them, often being forced to commit more missions to their destruction than the effort made to attack the targets which they protected. These air defences were all fully mobile. They were hidden well too with a lot of ingenuity used to disguise their presence. The Russians had dummy systems everywhere as well, platforms which were very much the real deal in the eyes of NATO until they were actually attacked. Older weapons had been removed from storage to complement newer ones: many of the legacy systems were just as deadly as the newer ones. All the way down to battalion-level for ground units moving forward and up to the air defences of the Russian & Belorussian homelands, there were anti-air platforms firing on NATO aircraft. Unwillingly and through gritted teeth, in the face of staggering losses to them, certain areas were off-limits to attacking aircraft. 1 ATAF – operating as the centralised command for NATO air assets throughout Eastern Europe – changed these on a regular basis responding to threat levels but larger and larger areas of the enemy rear were soon left unmolested. Flying into them was a literal death sentence for the aircrews. This was extremely controversial yet understood by many to be necessary. Those ‘no-go areas’ (mainly in Belarus though also through parts of the Kaliningrad Oblast too) were soon to cease to exist though. There were major air reinforcements arriving for NATO.
These were American combat aircraft assigned to the Air Force Reserve Command and the Air National Guard. Mobilised en masse at the start of the war, both the AFRC & ANG deployed with haste to Europe. Moving the aircraft themselves was quick but it took time to get the whole set-up which came with them across the ocean. Transport aircraft flew personnel, equipment and stores over the North Atlantic in flight after flight. Several squadrons had come on line in the past few days – a couple of AFRC units pre-alerted for possible wartime deployment – though today was when the majority of them first became available for action. These reinforcements were formed of first-rate aircraft: A-10s, F-15s and F-16s. There were a lot of them, all flown and operated (on the ground) by well-experienced and capable personnel who’d seen war before. Airbases and airports through Poland, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany and Slovakia filled up. There were further AFRC & ANG units sent elsewhere in the world, and some kept at home, yet it did seem like the whole of the many flying units all assigned to both were in Eastern Europe at once. There were so many of these jets and all were tasked for missions under 1 ATAF. 1 ATAF really needed them. Those losses had weakened the newly-formed command (it operated under CJTF-East led by General Mattis) but these reinforcements turned things around. There were now so much more that could be done with them here. European members of NATO watched with awe but also jealousy at this reinforcement. More than half of the downed aircraft had been from European nations. They couldn’t replace their losses in the short-term like the Americans could: their situation was similar to the one Russia was in with that only being a long-term option, and an extremely difficult one too. Training units had already been stripped bare for airframes and personnel but Britain, France, Germany, Poland and the others had nothing like the AFRC & ANG.
Regular US Air Force combat units aplenty were in Eastern Europe under 1 ATAF command. There were those deployed ahead of the conflict and then more moved in afterwards. They too had A-10s, F-15s and F-16s as well as F-22s. In addition, the Americans had with them their armed drones. The US Air Force had reconnaissance-rolled MQ-1 Predators which could carry weapons though also newer MQ-9 Reapers designed for combat rather than that being an add-on. The RAF had some of the latter too, barely a handful but better than having none. The Predators and Reapers had been and continued to be busy. They flew from sites in Eastern Europe with personnel assigned to get them airborne and then land them afterwards this side of the ocean. However, far off in distant Nevada, American and British personnel acted as a ‘pilot’ and a ‘weapons system officer’ for each during their flights. Satellite communications were used leaving only a second-long delay in their operations from when those over in North America had the drones see action across here in Eastern Europe. Predators carried out their scouting tasks with a few direct attacks made; the Reapers were used almost solely for strike tasks. The Russians went after them. They shot long-range missiles at the sites from where they flew – small airstrips rather than the big main jet bases – and then engaged them in the skies with both SAMs & even fighters. Several had been lost, though not included in the 210 number for NATO air loses. Today, the Reapers especially made their mark on the raging air war where many of them (there were some in ANG service too) flew multiple missions above Kaliningrad. They were sent in on a search-and-destroy mission with nearly a dozen flying all in crowded airspace: around them, many of those reinforcing American air assets were conducting daytime air strikes over Kaliningrad in numbers too in something else not done before apart from at night. Reapers went after mobile targets. Their long loiter time gave them the ability to operate in the hunt for them where external surveillance sensors supported their flights. They went after Iskander missile-launchers hidden away as well as mobile SAM launchers targeting manned aircraft over this little slice of Russian territory too. A mobile command column, believed to be a regimental post for Russian paratroopers pulled into the rear after fighting in Poland, was struck with moving command versions of the BTR-70 identified by radio antenna and hit with Hellfire missiles. Another successful Reaper attack eliminated a battery of SAM-launchers with JDAM bombs moving down from Estonia all the way towards Poland: these belonged to a combat brigade redeploying and was helping to defend the larger force against NATO air strikes with F-16s. The Reapers came under fire though. Two of them were downed. A Tunguska system – guns and short-range SAMs – hit one of the American ones and a British drone was lost to a Tor-M1 SA-15 air defence system as well. These unmanned aircraft were just as exposed to Russian attack from their anti-air platforms like their manned counterparts were.
Today was the first day during the fighting where neither the Russians nor Belorussians made long-range attacks with their aircraft into Poland nor pushed flights of fighters forward either to try to sweep the skies to protect those air strikes. They kept their strike assets back on the ground and the fighters stayed in friendly air space on defensive missions. There was no deliberate act of ceding of the skies to NATO, not officially anyway. What was done was instead the careful marshalling of assets. Intelligence had picked up the mass reinforcement for 1 ATAF and the presence of so many opposing aircraft over enemy skies was anticipated. So too were the NATO air attacks forward. There were launches made again of a couple of those KS-172S missiles fired at distances of several hundred miles against high-value NATO aircraft – hitting a E-8 JSTARS aircraft today but missing two E-2 Sentry aircraft; these missiles had a poor overall success rate only offset by the damage they caused when they did hit a target – and a flight of Sukhoi-30Ms flew a fighter sweep over the Baltic, but that was it for offensive air action today. Such a change was shocking compared to all that had come before. NATO reinforcements and their air attacks was one reason why this was done but not the reason.
That was because Russian and Belorussian ground forces were no longer going forward in-strength.
Slava had a twofold overall objective when launched. Expelling NATO ground forces from the Baltic States, where they threatened Russia but also the Minsk regime, was the first. The second was to establish a ‘security zone’ deep inside Poland and within that trap & destroy further NATO ground forces there in a mobile battle where a classical encirclement would occur. With the war a week old, it had been decreed that the former was fully completed (many days beforehand) and the latter half achieved. Only selected elements of NATO’s ground forces had been eliminated within Poland though grave damage had been done to other parts. It could be said that failure had come here yet this wasn’t something that many would agree with. Reports up the chain of command stated that many of those NATO units which had escaped were destroyed regardless of whether there was the claim that they had gotten away. Several American and Polish large formations were regarded to have been wiped out by the Slava offensive. Furthermore, other units from the armies of both of those countries plus those in the service of Britain, France and Germany were considered to be close to being combat-ineffective as well… optimistic hopes were that perhaps the damage done there had been underestimated and they too have been near wiped-out.
Orders came for the Russian and Belorussian forces to start the process of digging-in in many places as a general rule. The frontlines ran from the Baltic coast to the tri-point where the Belorussian, Polish & Ukrainian frontiers met. It wasn’t straight, it curved all over the place with several salient. What was behind them would be defended as that security zone. ‘Corrections’ were allowed though. There were attempts to do this and this allowed for not just localised attacks to take place today but also withdrawals as well from exposed positions. The frontlines were going to be defined by terrain. This line was to be held. The security zone would remain rammed with heavy forces and there would be extensive defensive works in the form of earthen fortifications and minefields.
The objectives for Slava had been met, the orders came down from the top, and we have won our victory.
Polish troops with their 16th Mechanised Division (at the far northern end of Seventh Army’s lines) faced Russian localised attacks to strengthen their positions while in the areas where the US 4th Infantry & German 10th Panzer were fighting, they witnessed tactical withdrawals. There was fighting elsewhere too, all up and down the line. It wasn’t as if the war had stopped. It was just a matter of Russian and Belorussian forces no longer going forward in any more of their big attacks meeting successes or failures in those. Those in the thick of the fighting weren’t really aware of what was going on. The big picture wasn’t something for them: they were trying to stay alive. This was on both sides of those at war. Generals and thus their political masters started to understand what was going on. NATO realised that the Russians and Belorussians had been stopped.
They considered that they had finally stopped them in their tracks.
A total of four NATO corps commands were under the control of the US Seventh Army, which as 1 ATAF did, reported to CJTF-East. They held mixed components from various armies and were all expecting incoming reinforcements from across two continents. The Allied I Corps – once the Allied Rapid Reaction Corps – was on the left of the frontlines; on the right was the US V Corps. Behind them, the German-Dutch I Corps was being used as both a holding command for beat-up NATO units and also for flank security tasks. There was the newly-arriving US XVIII Airborne Corps which was forming-up further back from where the fighting was. The mixture within each of them when it came to multinational units was quite something and, in the case of the US V Corps in particular but also the German-Dutch I Corps, their names now gave lie to their make-up. There were eight divisions plus combat attachments – all heavy units – on the frontlines of the Seventh Army’s fight within the two corps commands out ahead. The fighting men within came from across the alliance with some in combat since the very start of the war and others being recent arrivals. Thrown into the fight where needed, not in a pretty fashion to see make sense on paper, they’d really had that fight they’d been sent here to take part in. The fight when on all day for them regardless of what decisions had been made with their opponents declaring that they had won and achieved their objectives in contrast to their own superiors believing that it was actually them who had seen success here. NATO forces which had taken major losses were behind them and so too were both untested units and incoming reinforcements: those out ahead were certainly not on their own and also not yet beaten like others had been.
The Russians and Belorussians hadn’t written off any of their own major combat formations like they had done so in intelligence summaries when it came to their opponents. The 5th Guards Tank Division and several Belorussian brigades had taken heavy losses and NATO rated them as partially or completely combat-ineffective though. The Twentieth Guards and First Guards Tank Armies were each deep inside Poland. They’d fought their way this far forward, battering their way past a fierce and capable enemy. Not everything had gone to plan, yes that was true, but what plan had ever survived contact with the enemy? From Moscow – Minsk didn’t really count – there was no rage with threats of executions or purges of military officers. There would be some reassignments to backwaters etc. yet there was general agreement that that Slava had had much success and the war so far had seen knocks taken that, while terrible, weren’t fatal. Reorganisations were made within the Twentieth Guards Army today as the once striking forward advance came to a halt: units were transferred about with men coming down from Estonia reaching the bottom of Lithuania and airborne units moving to the Baltic coast. Few changes took place within the First Guards Tank Army along those lines though they did move about artillery & engineering units all over the place for the new defensive mission. Both armies fired their heavy guns and tactical missiles: Warsaw was still being hit by Belorussian Scuds too with no let-up in that. In their rear, the Belorussian Fifth Corps had been tasked to command occupation & defensive forces in the Baltics with many Russians among them too. Over inside Belarus, the Russian Second Guards Army – Belorussians with Russians, many of the latter having come from the other side of their huge country – was still sitting there. It had not seen action yet and remained waiting for orders.
NATO was still gathering information on what was happening. Enemy actions were still taking place with fighting ongoing. Reports of observations of Russians digging-in came alongside those telling of attacks. Moreover, even when seen, the stopping of the advance wasn’t recognised as that because the Russians were considered to be just shunting forces about in the face of attacks against them so they could re-start attacking tomorrow or the next day: the movement of forces in their rears was the cause of that belief.
Confirmation of what the situation actually was would come from the Kremlin soon enough.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Apr 20, 2019 14:10:21 GMT
Ninety-Five
The airspace over Eastern Europe was alive with aircraft. AWACS crews in command-&-control aircraft struggled to keep track of what was going on and where, with mistakes being made by both sides. Hundreds of new aircraft with fresh crews had arrived throughout the continent in the past few days.
The US Air Force, along with its Reserve and National Guard counterparts, provided the largest aerial contingent by far, but there was a rush to bring warplanes from non-NATO coalition members into the fray as well. Singapore contributed a squadron of its F-15s, while the Royal Australian Air Force had offered up a squadron of its own jets to NATO’s 1st Allied Tactical Air Force. That offer had been declined; the US had other ideas for the Australians, somewhat closer to home than Europe was. The US Air Force used its A-10s in the Close Air Support (CAS) role while the Royal Air Force deployed its Harrier GR9s similarly; while both of these types of aircraft were immensely effective, they suffered the highest attrition rates of the war due to their slow and vulnerable nature. Neither the American Warthogs nor the British Harriers could be deployed over Belarus as Operation Eclipse continued.
The Spanish Air Force, the Luftwaffe, and the RAF all had their Typhoons up in the air, with most of those aircraft flying as fighters alongside the American F-15s & F-22s but some carrying air-to-ground weapons also. F/A-18s, some from the Spanish Air Force and others from US Navy and Marine Corps fighter squadrons that did not have a ship to fly from, were present in Europe too. The Royal Canadian Air Force had its CF-188s, modified Hornets, flying out of Poland and from Hungary as well as a token number of jets up in Norway. Tornado strike aircraft, again operated by both Germany and the United Kingdom, flew alongside US warplanes in bombing targets through Kaliningrad and Belarus. The Americans had their F-16s & F-15Es carrying out these strikes.
B-1B Lancers were there too, flying from numerous airfields; down in Texas, the old Strategic Air Command facilities were being used, while further east, the B-1Bs were flying from Keflavik Airport in Iceland and from Lajes Airfield in the Azores. Unlike the cumbersome old B-52s, the Lancers could infiltrate enemy airspace with a reasonable chance of survival, while the B-52s had to launch stand-off weapons to have any hope of coming home again. They would, tonight, be striking targets further south with said cruise missiles, but first, a massive series of strikes would target Belarus.
With airfields across Russia’s closest (both diplomatically and geographically) ally being pounded night after night by NATO airpower, 1ATAF commanders felt confident in removing some of their assets from their initial focus on the Offensive Counter-Air (OCA) role, and instead tasking them to strike Russian Lines of Communication running through Belarus. There were Green Berets & SAS on the ground already, and while those units had attacked some supply convoys by themselves, more effective strikes would have to be made using airpower. The presence of NATO Special Forces within Belarus meant that strikes could be guided in more effectively than before.
B-1 Lancers came in at low altitude while F-16s from the US Air Force, the Royal Netherlands Air Force, the Royal Danish Air Force and the Belgian Air Force all carried out defence suppression strikes with their HARM and Shrike anti-radar missile systems. Using Mark-84 bombs, which scattered a huge number of explosive bomblets above a wide area, the Lancers hit the Russians’ Second Guards Army as it traversed westwards towards the front through the Belarusian countryside. Commandos on the ground below would duck for cover before reporting successful strikes and moving in to move up what was left. Tanks and armoured vehicles sometimes survived the bombardments, but vulnerable supply trucks, filled to the brim with ammunition and fuel, were hopelessly vulnerable to attacks from above. The bombers rarely got away unscathed; one B-1B was shot down by a SA-10 Grumble battery located northwest of Minsk, a site that had been missed by NATO intelligence.
Belarusian Scud missile batteries were another key target for the Coalition. An SAS troop behind the lines managed to destroy several of these with light anti-tank weapons, while additional groups of American, Polish, German and French commandos all successfully directed in laser-guided bombs and missiles onto several hidden launchers. Airfields, though taking a secondary priority behind logistical targets, were struck hard as well from the air. The same major facilities that had been hit before were bombed again. In a controversial measure, 1ATAF commanders switched tactics; they moved to directly target enemy personnel rather than the runways and aircraft hangers. Barracks buildings were blasted to pieces, with that measure being taken to prevent the Belarusians from quickly rebuilding their runways.
Kaliningrad was hit time and time again. The major naval base used by the Russian Baltic Fleet was demolished when B-1Bs again utilised their AGM-154 JSOW munitions, the same type which had obliterated a Russian armoured division several days ago. Airstrips were hit with runway-cratering munitions, while behind the lines, E-8 JSTARS aircraft sought to track Russian communications and establish the whereabouts of enemy command centres so that they too could be taken out with airpower.
The Russian Iskander missile strikes located within the enclave, which had continued to pummel Copenhagen even after the city had been liberated, were deliberately sought out with major effort being put into destroying them. Those weapons had been used conventionally so far, but they were capable of carrying nuclear or chemical warheads, possibly biological ones too, and that threat had to be eliminated before any NATO counteroffensive could take place on the ground.
High above the strike aircraft, NATO fighters again engaged the enemy. There were somewhat fewer Russian and Belarusian fighters in the skies tonight than had been expected. Losses to the Russians and their allies had been extremely severe, with little in the way of reinforcements coming on from further east. Sill, Fulcrums & Flankers rose to meet NATO jets and ferocious dogfights occurred again as they had every day and every night for the past week of the war, with the result being the same as it always was; NATO gained the upper hand, but with many casualties of its own. Commanders on both sides were beginning to rethink their strategies when carrying their air campaigns. Losses were heavy but it seemed too many that little was being achieved for all the pilots killed or captured and all the multi-million dollar aircraft destroyed.
NATO continued to strike the Russian mainland. The US Air Force was not yet ready to launch a direct attack against Moscow, but further targets within mainland Russia had been identified by the Pentagon since yesterday’s attack on the United States. The Russian oil infrastructure in the Caucuses was strategic in nature, an asset that would provide not only fuel for the Russian military on a short-term basis but also post-war, regardless of who won. Oil is the water that armies run on, and Russia could not function without her supplies. Operations were being planned to deal with the Far East and Russian oil supplies there, but tonight would see the expansion of Operation Eclipse into southern Russia. Much of the natural resources within that mountain range were located in neutral Azerbaijan, but there were still targets within Russia aplenty.
The night of August 13th saw Operation Eclipse expanding southwards. The aircraft taking part were almost all from the US Air Force, but the Bulgarian and Romanian Air Forces mounted operations of their own to secure their own airspace and covert the Americans’ retreat. B-52H bombers took off from two separate airfields; RAF Fairford in the United Kingdom, and Sofia Airport in the Bulgarian capital city. The latter facility had a military airbase located on its territory, and most civilian airstrips in Europe had been taken over for wartime uses regardless, leaving the B-52s free to operate from it.
Eighty-seven Tomahawk cruise missiles were launched by US Navy ships belonging to the Stennis aircraft carrier strike group as the B-52s took off and formed up. The cruise missiles came in over the Black Sea, skirting Ukrainian airspace and first targeting Russia’s navy base at Sevastopol on the Crimean Peninsula, before additional missiles hit the Russian airfields at Krasnodar and Rostov-on-Don. There were a pair of SA-10s that had to be eliminated as well; Tomahawks took care of one of these sites while another Grumble would evade destruction after it was moved before the Tomahawk missile strike.
Following the Navy’s strike package, the B-52s went after Moscow’s southern-based oil supplies. Eleven B-52s were present, each armed with twenty AGM-86 cruise missiles. Some of these weapons were to be held back as a reserve in case any of the B-52s went down before they could hit launch their missiles. There were F-15C Eagles of the US Air Force present over the Black Sea, mounting as fighter sweep over the murky waters to lure out Russian interceptors. F-16s from Aviano in Italy joined them, refuelling over the Adriatic Sea.
The fighter patrols did their job, drawing Russian fighters away from the distant B-52s acting as ‘missile trucks’. MiG-29s from Russia’s Southern Military District and its 4th Air Army raced out over the Black Sea and clashed with the F-15s & F-16s. The Russians had an AWACS of their own orbiting near their border with Georgia, allowing their fighters to be coordinated expertly. The air battle over the Black Sea had been planned as a mere sideshow to distract Russian air defences, but it turned into a major fur-ball. The Americans, using their AIM-120s & AIM-7s, got off the first volley of air-to-air missiles, but they were quickly targeted by the Russians. The fighters clashed at close range with cannons and heat-seeking missiles. Victory, for the US Air Force, was achieved, when a flight of F-15Cs managed to ‘bounce’ the Russian A-50 on the edges of Russian airspace, downing it with an AMRAAM missile before one of their own aircraft was shot by a pursuing Su-30.
AGM-86s from the Air Force B-52s flew fast and low into Russian airspace, avoiding the attention of enemy air defences by flying at extremely low altitude. Despite their terrain-following radars, several missiles would crash into the ground before hitting anything useful. While it made low-level flying a harrowing task and took down several unmanned missiles, the mountainous terrain of southern Russia was useful in protecting the missiles from enemy radars. The first that the 4th Air Army new of the second wave of missile attacks directly on Russian soil was when oil drilling platforms started exploding. The oil burned furiously throughout the night and Russian emergency crews were hard-pressed to deal with the casualties. In all, the Russian Southern Military District had seen its principal naval base, two airfields, a SAM site, and a dozen oil drilling platforms destroyed or heavily damaged, while an A-50 had been shot down along with nine fighter aircraft. All that they could claim for all the losses suffered was the downing of five American fighters.
Ninety–Six
Russia’s CSTO allies in Central Asia had plenty of combat aircraft. Kazakhstan in particular had many Soviet-era aircraft of the same type that Russia and Belarus flew: Flankers & Foxhounds & Fulcrums as well as Fencers & Frogfoots, even Foxbats which had been only-recently retired from Russian Air Force service yet remained effective weapons. Upon the American air attack over Tajikistan where Russian forces inside that country opposite Afghanistan were struck, the Security Council of Russia activated the provisions of not just the CSTO treaty but the Joint CIS Air Defence System too. Demands were made upon allies that they too come to the aid of Tajikistan as they themselves were doing. Lukewarm support from Moscow’s allies in this region for their war in Europe had been the dominant theme in intra-CSTO relations before the Americans attacked, but that changed once war came to them in this manner. Armenia (outside of Central Asia), Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan all answered the call. They would aid Russia in its defence of the wider region against this ‘American aggression’ against two of their partners. On the face of it, this unity on this matter of helping to protect Tajikistan – and Russian forces there at the invitation of the Tajiks –, brought all of these former Soviet states together with their once imperial master again where they too were at war with the Coalition. That wasn’t what they wanted though.
The armed forces of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan were small and of little significance: in Central Asia, Russia was the strongest power but followed not that far behind by Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan in terms of available on-the-ground forces. Those two countries not only sent air units to the effort to help defend Tajikistan (the Uzbeks had a reasonably-sized air force) but also troops as well. Moving them there wasn’t easy yet had been done. What was facing the Coalition forces over the border in Afghanistan to the north was a still-growing and capable defensive force. What it wasn’t though was an offensive force. Russia wasn’t about to lead a CSTO army on the advance towards Kabul. Even if their regional allies had agreed to that, which they surely wouldn’t, there wasn’t the capability to do so in military terms. Instead, Russian and Central Asian troops positioned themselves to guard against incursions coming north. Those might come in the form of an invasion into Tajikistan or maybe further special forces raids: either way, there were defensive measures taken to block those. It wasn’t only Tajikistan which bordered Afghanistan where the Coalition had their ISAF command either. Uzbekistan had a short frontier with that nation and then there was Turkmenistan as well. The Turkmens had a far longer border with Afghanistan and this country was neither a part of CSTO nor the regional air defence system either. In the lead-up to the war, Russia had browbeaten Turkmen cooperation even further than pre-tension bilateral military relations already were. Those thousands of Russian military forces within the country – all de jure serving the interests of Turkmenistan and not Russia – reverted to proper Russian command. Russia would assist the Turkmens in the defence of their country, it had been agreed many years beforehand, and that now became the case now. Aircraft in Turkmen Air Force colours joined those in the skies over Central Asia engaged in defensive missions and responded to the multinational air defence network (aircraft, bases, missiles, radars & command-and-control) that the CSTO countries were part of.
These actions of the Central Asian nations saw the Coalition regarded them as active participants in a war against them just as Belarus and Transnistria were. Diplomatic relations were cut, trade links were shut off – this would really hurt all of them – and formal notifications were made that they were considered to be at war. They hadn’t signed up for this but had been dragged in all while undertaking their mutual security commitments when one of their number had been the victim of an attack.
Under centralised ISAF control, reporting to General McChrystal, the Coalition had their own aircraft in the region. The Americans had two of their Expeditionary Air Wings inside Afghanistan which included F-15s (the multirole Strike Eagle variant), F-16s, Predator & Reaper drones and US Marines jets attached to them too. The big air strike on Tajikistan had been conducted by B-52s which were based off in far off Diego Garcia. No further B-52 bomb-runs came in the following days, but there was more conventional air action conducted by ISAF air forces into Tajikistan and also Uzbekistan as well. Fighter sweeps were undertaken and ‘limited’ air strikes were made. Russian and CSTO air power was targeted along with its missile defences. The Americans weren’t alone with this. The RAF had a squadron of Tornado GR4s in Afghanistan, aircraft that the British really wanted to have flying over European skies. They remained in Afghanistan though, flying combat missions into Tajikistan alongside the Americans. Furthermore, from bases in Iraq and Kuwait, the Americans had more aircraft which were there to support what was supposed to have been the last months of the United States’ military presence in Iraq. Some of them were going to have to stay, providing important air cover for troops there battling a reinvigorated insurgency, but others were going to be transferred to ISAF control. CENTCOM had been informed that air and ground reinforcements weren’t going to be sent to the Middle East at this time because of the pressing need for reinforcements for Eastern Europe unless there was a significant change in the geo-political situation. That was happening over in Libya and there was concern too over Syria’s intentions. This meant that what was in the wider region would have to be moved about, robbing Peter to pay Paul, instead of relying upon incoming combat assets from overseas. More Strike Eagles were transferred up from Iraq leaving the many A-10s in-place there to support the ongoing fighting which was left behind.
In the skies above where aircraft clashed yet without anywhere near the intensity of those occurring above Eastern Europe, there was fighting on the ground too. Combat was seen on the northern borders of Afghanistan and inside as well.
Cross-border skirmishing from Tajikistan and now Uzbekistan continued. It wouldn’t be long before that included Turkmenistan too. Russian forces engaged in low-level (compared to how things were in Europe) combat with American and British forces all along the frontiers. Artillery shelling, launching of tactical missiles and raids went on. Both the 7th Guards Air Assault & 201st Motor Rifle Divisions were involved in this alongside a large Spetsnaz contingent too. Behind them, CSTO forces were arrayed in their defensive positions yet not yet having seen action. Opposing the Russians in this fight, doing back what was being done to them, were the 10th Mountain Division, the 4th UK Mechanised Brigade and the 3rd Marine Regiment. The latter American unit was actually a Regimental Combat Team while the former consisted of two organic brigades of the 10th Mountain as well as two more from additional divisions part of the ISAF rotation. When it came to the British, their brigade was a ‘medium’ unit in terms of capability though that wasn’t a term the British Army would use. There was light armour, a lot of infantry and also Royal Marines with 40 Commando present: a battalion of Gurkhas had left Afghanistan days before the war started and flown back to the UK rather than stay here. All of these troops on the two opposing sides were fighting on Afghanistan’s borders with deaths and injuries occurring. Munitions expenditure was immense and so too was the rate of destruction of equipment. The Russians had troops behind them from their so-called allies yet couldn’t really count on them as any form of reinforcement; ISAF’s frontline troops had friendly troops behind them but they were busy where they were.
Many here in this fight were calling this a forgotten war because they were out here seemingly all alone unsupported. That might not have been the case, but it sure felt that way for those on the ground.
Russian special forces had yet to go into Afghanistan. There was the intention to send in some Spetsnaz detachments to cause trouble though they really weren’t needed to do that. The Taliban was doing that all by themselves. They were fighting other ISAF forces which included many NATO troops from across Europe attached to three combat brigades in the form of the French 27th Mountain Infantry, the German 31st Airborne and Polish 25th Air Cavalry in addition to two American national guard brigades as well. All five of those formations were split up across the country engaged in combat to varying degrees against a dedicated enemy who were under no illusion that this was the only chance they were ever going to really have to win here. The Taliban, long said to be on its last legs yet an opponent which just never died out, gave it their everything. Many previous strict rules of engagement which several European nations followed – to the ire of the Americans who had very relaxed ROE – had been thrown out of the window. The situation with the Poles here in Afghanistan was something of note. They wanted to be back home, fighting to directly defend their country. Instead, they were half a world away fighting for someone else’s… just as their own many allies were doing for theirs though.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Apr 20, 2019 14:14:34 GMT
Ninety-Seven
The prevailing few in Moscow was that the war had been won.
The Russian Army’s advance had been stopped cold and NATO airstrikes had taken place in the Caucuses, around St Petersburg, and up near Murmansk as well. Nevertheless, the goals set by the high command had been reached. NATO units in Poland were badly beaten-up and several brigades had been destroyed completely. Thousands of NATO soldiers, including Americans, Brits, Germans, Poles, and some French, were in the custody of the MVD and could be used as hostages. An American aircraft carried had been sunk; dangerous officials within the Obama Administration were dead, and the United States had been shown that conventional attacks against its heartland were well within the capabilities of the Russian Armed Forces.
All the tens of thousands of dead and wounded young men had been worth it to achieve those things. Nobody in Moscow had ever thought that Russia could fight NATO on even terms and win a long-term battle. However, what Putin and his junta sought to do, was not to fight and win an even battle, but instead to rapidly make significant military gains and then offer peace on favourable terms, making it too costly for NATO to continue. There was no doubt that the United States would want to keep up the fight, along with France, Great Britain, and Poland. However, would Germany or Holland risk further bloodshed for the sake of the Baltic States? The goal was to get nations like Germany and the Low Countries to back off and seek a peaceful solution to the conflict. If Germany or Belgium withdrew from the war, how would NATO keep its forces in Poland supplied, after all?
Putin’s Security Council debated the possible terms of a peace offer. Those had been drawn up pre-war, but given how the situation differed from what had been planned for, the terms needed revising. Successes in Norway had occurred which hadn’t been truly expected at the highest levels of government. On the other hand, the dramatic loss in Copenhagen and the naval losses in the Pacific had been unforeseen as well. Nevertheless, Moscow felt that it had enough standing to offer peace terms to NATO and have them accept.
The Alliance was fragile, it was still believed; Italy, Greece, and Turkey were sitting out the war while the SVR reported that NATO nations in Europe were reconsidering their commitment to the alliance. The threat of a colour revolution in Russia had been greatly reduced if not eliminated, and the NATO troops that would have been used to support that revolution and possibly occupy the Rodina after the government had fallen had been driven back deep into Poland, leaving NATO unable to push those forces forwards for at least several weeks. Another corps-sized formation, the 2nd Guards Army, was moving through Belarus and that formation would be followed by the 41st Army and then by units from the Southern Military District as well as, eventually, the Far Eastern District.
Though an equally massive number of NATO troops were being moved towards the front, a counteroffensive by NATO would cost tens of thousands of American and European lives and would be the nail in the coffin of the global economy, which had already begun to crash even before the first shots of the war had been fired. Ports, airfields and power stations alike throughout NATO nations had been destroyed or severely damaged and those would be needed in peacetime as well as in wartime; further destruction of facilities such as those would be even more crippling for the more war-weary Alliance members.
With all this taken into account, a peace offer was made by President Putin.
The offer was given privately rather than in public. It was thought that there was a possibility that it could be kept quiet and so if NATO chose to rebuff the offer, that wouldn’t be known by Russian allies or potential future allies. A neutral, if pro-Western, country was chosen to be the site of the offer. When the correct documents had been drawn up, the SVR took over the job of informing several Western governments. This was done in Bangkok. SVR operatives from the Russian embassy passed the peace terms on to the embassies of the United States, Great Britain, and France. Separate documents offering private concessions were given to the Dutch, Danish, German, Belgian, and Spanish governments, with the emphasis on any of those nations getting oil and natural gasses at a greatly discounted price if they chose to cease fighting.
The terms of the deal handed over to the embassies in Thailand was quickly read over and analysed by CIA, MI6 & DGSE officers before being sent back for more detailed analysis. All three agencies wanted to learn whatever they could from examination of the terms and their specific wording. There was an element of mistrust too, with the Americans wishing to keep the offer secret from several smaller NATO nations in case they chose to take the peace offer and withdrew from the conflict. The need for cooperation won out eventually, but there were concerns nonetheless.
The terms of the ceasefire agreement offered by Moscow were hard to swallow indeed.
Should the deal be accepted, there would be an immediate ceasefire. Both sides would withdraw from offensive positions and take a defensive stance while negotiations were carried out. Russia would accept peace if the United States, Britain, France, Germany, and other NATO nations withdrew their armed forces from Poland, and Moscow would agree to pull its own forces back from Polish soil as well. Norway would be left alone and the air campaigns being mounted by either side would cease.
The Baltic States would have their majority-Russian regions join Russia. What was left of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania would remain under Russian ‘protection’ with Russian troops stationed on their territory for the foreseeable future. No US forces would be allowed to be based further east than the Oder River.
NATO would have to dismantle its nuclear-sharing programme and although the US, Britain, and France would obviously be keeping their own nuclear weapons, none of these were to be based anywhere in Europe outside of the respective nuclear powers’ territory.
All Russian and Belarusian POWs would be returned from NATO captivity within two weeks, and Russia would release all NATO POWs over the course of a month, with the POWs in Russian custody being vetted and certain ‘criminal elements’ remaining in Russia to face trial. All economic sanctions on Russia put in place by Western powers were to be lifted with immediate effect, and agreements would have to be made for Western European powers to purchase more of their natural gases from Russia.
Putin had known full-well that despite what the nationalists in his government said, those terms were never going to be accepted by NATO. The harshness of the terms was for the purpose of allowing Russia to negotiate downwards, with Moscow being put in a position where it could say that it had given up much, and still come out on top. The retention of certain geographic areas of the Baltic States as well as the lifting of economic sanctions were the two areas which Russia would refuse to compromise. Russia’s Security Council, now effectively a military junta, was certain that many European Coalition members would accept the terms and cease hostilities. Even if the United States wished to continue fighting, without Germany or the Low Countries it would become logistically impossible for the NATO campaign to continue. However, in many Western countries the revelation that Putin had had the arrogance to offer peace on such terms would only serve to swing public attitude in favour of the war. There would always be groups and individuals who saw Moscow’s offer as a way out, but the vast majority of Westerners wanted to continue the fight until NATO forces reached Moscow. This was impossible due to Russia’s nuclear arsenal, but NATO commanders felt that, so long as the Coalition held together, they would have the forces in place to begin a massive counteroffensive and throw the Russian Army back to its own borders by the end of the month.
Ninety–Eight
Barack Obama’s funeral took place on August 13th. It took part in three phases and all of it was deemed a National Security Special Event. The security was therefore immense, totally unprecedented compared to any previous NSSE such as those following 9-11 or Obama’s inauguration.
There had been Russian military attacks against the United States’ soil last Friday night and again yesterday. Obama’s successor, much of the government and a plethora of foreign dignitaries were attending the funeral. A missile attack or another commando assault were feared, maybe even the ‘usual’ threat of a lone assassin. Aircraft, troops and even warships off the Eastern Seaboard were present as part of the immense security effort undertaken. Some suggestions had been made earlier in the week that maybe Obama’s funeral could be delayed… suggestions which were shot down. America would bury its dead president a week after he was slain and would not be forced to delay that due to foreign threats.
The first part of the funeral took place in Chicago early in the morning. This had been Obama’s adopted city, where he had started his political career. A private service was held in Illinois for family, friends and close associates. It wasn’t televised despite many media wishes for it to be so. This was a time for private grief. Biden was there. He was flown to Chicago by Air Force One and then made the last part of the journey to the church service by Marine One: Obama had been killed while aboard another ‘Marine One’, something on many people’s minds. The new president spent some with Obama’s family there and then afterwards – through travelling by car with them back to O’Hare International Airport rather than them all going by helicopter – the former president’s immediate family accompanied Biden as they too flew on Air Force One back to DC with him.
The service at Washington National Cathedral was the biggest event of the day. It was a stage-managed affair and went off as planned. Here was the United States showing the world how it was responding to the life and death of its slain forty-fourth president. Those many dignitaries were here – domestic and foreign – and the media was present. Several speakers were called upon and those included John McCain (who’d run against Obama for the presidency two years ago) as well as colleagues from Obama’s time teaching, in his political career and as president. Then Biden spoke. He talked of his friend Obama and his president Obama. It was an emotionally-charged speech by the nation’s forty-fifth president. Cameras within the National Cathedral might have caught a tear or two in his eye. One image beamed around the world – this event was being broadcast live – was that of Obama’s wife and two young daughters when Biden spoke of their father being a dedicated family man. The camera lingered on them for what seemed like a far longer time than it actually did. The global implications of this couldn’t be understated.
Then, Biden turned to Obama’s death. He didn’t use the name ‘Russia’. He didn’t use the term ‘assassination’. He spoke instead of ‘criminals’ and an ‘act of murder’. His final comments promised ‘vengeance’ for the killing of his predecessor.
At Arlington National Cemetery, the third part of the funeral was held. Obama was buried here over in Virginia and within sight of Washington. Though he’d never served his country in uniform, he’d died while commander-in-chief of the country’s armed forces and thus was entitled to have his final resting place at Arlington. Yet, he didn’t have to be buried here. He could have been buried in Chicago or even in Hawaii. Few presidents were buried at Arlington. The final resting place of John Kennedy was at Arlington though and so to would be that of Obama. Each of them had been assassinated when in their prime. There was no planned resting place at presidential museums ‘waiting’ for them before their murders as was the unsaid case with other former president’s. The Obama family gave ultimate consent for him to be buried here at Arlington though it was said by many that they were pushed into agreeing to that for the sake of the country. Whether that was true or baloney, this was where Obama was finally laid to rest.
America had buried its president. There were many others who would be needing funerals too – none of which was as symbolic as this but just as important to those involved – because as this event took place, the fighting continued across (selected areas of) the world as the Third World War continued.
During the service at the National Cathedral, Anthony Zinni had received the news of Russian shenanigans with their ceasefire offer. The retired general who was serving as Biden’s National Security Adviser didn’t interrupt his president when he was speaking and discretely informed him afterwards without drawing any real attention to this. Biden had questions at once and would be further briefed on this on the way to Arlington and then later in the day too when he was at the White House meeting with his National Security Council down in the Situation Room. Present at that meeting would also be vice president designate John Kerry – Congress was holding up his confirmation to the ire of many; they were doing the same with Mark Warner regarding the secretary of state role yet had already confirmed Sam Nunn as secretary of defence – and also House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who was currently second-in-line to the presidency in terms of succession.
Rejection, complete refutation, was at once the decision taken. The United States would not accept Putin’s offer or any version of it. America would additionally take the lead in ensuring that its allies in the Coalition would do the same with every effort made to make sure that none broke ranks with this. Discussions were had on the manner of the refusal to accede to Russian demands: Biden made it clear that he wished for more than just a verbal or written rejection was sent to the Kremlin, especially after yesterday’s events around Washington. There was already planning underway for a top-secret military action deemed Operation Twilight and this was something that he ordered a speeding up in terms of timeframe plus also gave his firm seal of approval to over the raised hesitations of some others.
Operation Twilight would occur tomorrow.
There were many foreign visitors who had come to Washington for both the funerals of Clinton yesterday and Obama today. Heads of state, heads of governments, ministers and other VIPs had arrived. Biden had been busy and not been able to see all of them though had made time for those who it was decided that he really needed to speak with leaving others to meet with further figures in his administration. Just some of the many who’d come to Washington included presidents from Germany, Israel, Italy and Mexico along with prime ministers from Britain, Canada, Japan, the Netherlands and Spain. Foreign ministers from countries such as Australia, Belgium, Egypt, France, Indonesia, India, Norway and Poland were here. This was in no way an exhaustive list. There were members of royal families from across the world too where they represented their countries as well as their politicians did. Former important leaders from across the globe also came. The security set-up around all of these people was just as immense as that around the funeral.
While initially not planned to be this way, the gathering of so many important people who represented many of those nations which were part of the Coalition here in Washington at the time of Obama’s funeral gave rise to an impromptu summit. Almost all of the Coalition nations had someone senior here in the American capital. There was some belief, later which Kerry told Biden that he was certain was the case, that the Russian ceasefire offer had been timed to see that it could be discussed in Washington by these gathered notables. Neither Zinni nor Nunn agreed with that assessment though. Nonetheless, talks were untaken with those physically occurring at the State Department and also Blair House. The United States was still in a state of official national mourning and thus there was no fanfare with these meetings of politicians and diplomats as otherwise might be the case. These matters were secret. Conversations over the phone took place with leaders not present in Washington too.
The same thing was said over and over again: there would be no acceptance of what Russia was offering. An end to the war was sought, but it would certainly not be on Putin’s terms. No overt comments were made of anyone wavering from this shared position though there was concern expressed from several representatives present or in communication from overseas that Russian propaganda would try to go over their heads to their people directly. Anti-war opposition, some of it violent, had occurred in several nations already. Strategies were discussed as to how to help each other where possible with this with the Europeans especially agreeing to do what they could to help each other there: Russian propaganda needed to be shut down from reaching their peoples. Points were raised by some people that this was just an excuse by others to consider a discussion more than just plain rejection yet those were only suspicions and couldn’t be proved.
As to Biden, he spoke on the phone on some and had a few face-to-face meetings with others. There were some very important talks he had in person with those who had come to Washington. One of those was with the Italian president – news had now come of what had occurred in Tripoli with the Italian Embassy – and also the Israeli prime minister. Neither of those countries were a member of the Coalition. After these talks, that situation with each looked increasingly likely to change.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Apr 20, 2019 14:25:48 GMT
Ninety-Nine
Norway’s Lofoten Islands were known for, amongst other things, being an excellent place to fish and to hike. This popularity was destroyed by the carnage that befell the Lofoten Islands during World War III. Several companies of Spetsnaz seized control of the virtually undefended islands, and were quickly joined by surviving troops from the 11th Guards Air Assault Brigade. The islands had been taken by naval commandos going in by submarine and then the paratroopers had been flown in to join them.
With the island chain being incredibly isolated, Russian commanders had thought it would be at the lower end of NATO’s priorities for recapture. However, with the situation in Norway continuing to unfold in Russia’s favour, NATO needed a victory for morale purposes and more importantly the recapture of the islands would allow for NATO troops to hit the Russians from behind if they advanced any further into Norwegian territory. Back on the Norwegian mainland, the German Army’s 26th Airborne Brigade had been impatiently waiting to be sent into action. They had been sent to Norway right before the fighting had broken out and so far had yet to see any real action, with the Norwegians themselves along with US and Royal Marines doing the vast majority of the fighting.
Resistance against the German paratroopers was expected to be moderate. While the enemy troops that needed clearing out of the island chain were excellently-trained for this kind of warfare, they were also demoralised and lacking in critical supplies. A battalion-sized airdrop occurred outside Grimsoya, Norway, with the Germans using that isolated area as an infiltration point. Only a platoon of enemy troops were there near Grimsoya, but those soldiers fought back despite the odds against them. The fight was brief, lasting less than half an hour, but saw seventeen dead Russians for nine Germans killed.
Following the battalion which had airdropped into the Lofoten Islands, the rest of the 26th Airborne Brigade moved in by helicopter, using US Marine Corps utility aircraft, including MV-22 Ospreys, to enhance their mobility. As German airmobile troops moved both eastwards and westwards across the E-10 Highway bridges, they met resistance from Spetsnaz troops who had been attempting to demolish those transport routes.
The Germans had the numbers, facing squad-sized Russian units with entire companies. However, the Russian commandos and paratroopers never failed to put up a steadfast fight. The majority of the Germans went north-east, pushing up through the island chain and leaving only a pair of companies, joined by a small number of British SBS operators, to secure the south-western quarter of the Lofoten Islands. The operation went relatively smoothly in the southwest, with the Russian defenders dislodged and then forced to surrender.
There would be dozens of casualties on both sides, and NATO commanders in Norway sought a quick victory in order to avoid the fight here, once a sideshow, developing into a quagmire. Reluctantly, more airpower was siphoned away from the fighting throughout the rest of Norway and sent to the islands. US Marine Corps AV-8Bs proved decisive in destroying Russian light infantry units as they attempted to dig in, and their efforts were further supported by AH-1W Super Cobra gunships.
Fighting in the Lofoten Islands would continue throughout the day as German and Russian paratroopers met, with the latter falling back farther and farther. Eventually, the Russians would become isolated and be fighting with their backs to the sea, cut off from any resupply. The eventual surrender of the Russian garrison came at the price of sixty-two dead German paratroopers and over a hundred fallen Russians. Many had died in this fight, all for a strip of islands that barely even registered on a map. And the fighting in Norway would continue.
Meanwhile, Special Operations Command was executing a mission of its own. It would take time for the US Navy to inflict a crippling defeat on Russia’s Northern Fleet, but it was felt by many that such a thing was inevitable. As such, NATO commanders wanted permission to begin preparing to strike targets in the far north of Russia. The Kola Peninsula was rife with airfields, naval bases, and air defence systems. All of these facilities were inviting targets for US naval airpower, but enemy air defences were of major concern. Before any major air campaign could be initiated against the Kola area, they would have to be located and either targeted for destruction by anti-radiation weapons, or destroyed by those who located them.
Tasked with carrying out this mission was the US Navy SEAL’s Team Two. An Atlantic-assigned SEAL Team, Team Two had served tours overseas in places like Afghanistan, although on a somewhat less frequent basis than other units. Nevertheless, the men of the SEAL unit were highly skilled, and had trained to operate in an environment like Kola many times before, often in Norway.
USS Florida, a vessel which had previously launched Tomahawk cruise missiles against both Kola and Russian-occupied Norway, carried over two dozen SEALs northwards towards Murmansk. She slipped undetected through the choppy waters of the Norwegian Sea, up past the North Cape, and into the Barents Sea. Russian frigates and maritime patrol aircraft all the while scoured the seas for any signs of an American or NATO submarine. Days earlier, the American submarine USS Norfolk had been attacked, and lost, when a Russian submarine was able to get the drop on her. The Americans were desperate to prevent this happening again, and the Florida was former Ohio-class nuclear missile submarine, built almost entirely around the premise of stealth.
Florida evaded detection until she reached her release point. Using rebreathers and wetsuits the first SEAL element left Florida’s protective hull. They swam ashore under the cover of darkness, approaching the coast just west of Murmansk. Narrowly avoiding the village of Vidyadevo, the twelve-man SEAL element entered the nearby woodlands before burying their scuba gear and switching into combat fatigues. Each SEAL was armed either with an M-4 Carbine or an M-249 light machinegun; Sig Saur 9mm pistols were the preferred sidearm, while snipers carried modernised M-14 rifles.
Shared between the commandos were a trio of Light Anti-Tank Weapons or LAWs, along with a significant quantity of plastic explosives. Though heavily-armed, the SEALs would rely on stealth to survive their infiltration. Actual combat with the enemy could only occur with ambushes and lighting attacks which had to be followed immediately by a withdrawal.
Florida then went eastwards, still avoiding enemy anti-submarine units. Coastal patrol boats and Ka-27 helicopters carrying torpedoes narrowly missed the submarine, but after several spine-chilling near-misses she made it to the secondary drop-off point. To the east of Murmansk, near Granitnyy, two dozen more SEALs disgorged from Florida. Equally as well-armed and well-trained as the previous commando element, they swam ashore, avoiding the attention of a circling Ka-27, before moving further inland and changing into more appropriate gear.
The first indication that Moscow would have of the presence of US commandos on Russian soil proper would be the disappearance of a trio of MVD men and their vehicle. The vehicle would be found overturned and burned, along with its three occupants. Closer examination would reveal that two of the MVD men had been shot and another had had his throat cut. The hapless Russian patrol had stumbled onto the SEALs unknowingly; two of its members had immediately been shot dead, and the third had been killed with a knife while trying to flee, according to the eventual after-action report. It would take nearly a week from the initial insertion of the SEALs for this to occur though. With that knowledge, Russian troops would begin to search the Kola area, but it was already too late at that point.
The commandos from SEAL Team Two represented only a small fraction of the troops set to go into the Kola Peninsula. Task Force Black, named by the Ministry of Defence rather than the Pentagon, was to have responsibility over the SEAL units that had gone into the region today. Soon joining them would be additional Navy SEALs and members of the British SBS as well. Once the US Navy was in position to begin a real air campaign against the Kola Peninsula, those SEALs and their SBS brethren would begin to take out radar sites and strategic air defence weapons, paving the way for the Hornets and Super Hornets.
One Hundred
The Norwegian submarine HNoMS Uredd remained unable to get into position to strike at the big ships of the Russian Northern Fleet. As those finally set out from the partially-sheltered position they had inside Norwegian waters west of the North Cape, the Uredd managed to get off a contact report – a burst transmission by a raised antenna – before following. The hope was that their allies would have some luck in making an attack. Then, maybe, the Uredd would get a fortunate break. There were several NATO submarines out in deeper waters of the Norwegian Sea who all received the signal. One of those was close enough to take advantage today of this gifted opportunity.
HMS Torbay, one of the Royal Navy’s Trafalgar-class hunter-killers, was positioned into a perfect ambush and made an attack. A trio of Spearfish torpedoes were launched in the first wave of the Torbay’s strike and then another three were fired soon afterwards. Once the targets for them were acquired, their guidance wires were cut. The Torbay then dove and ran. Her Spearfish raced onwards in the other direction. Two of them (of three targeted; the other went after a decoy) slammed into the destroyer RFS Severomorsk, detonating beneath her as she sprung into action to defend the big ships after the torpedo alert had come, and these broke her back. The Udaloy-class anti-submarine warship would split in half soon enough with both ends going down to the sea bottom. Many, many Russian sailors would go down with her. Other British torpedoes closed-in upon the battle-cruiser RFS Pyotr Velikiy. This huge vessel of the Kirov-class, the Northern Fleet’s flagship, had just lost her close-in protection. There were helicopters in the sky and other warships were firing anti-submarine mortars and missiles (the latter carrying torpedoes far outwards which would search for a submarine). An all-stop was called for with the battle-cruiser’s engines and a call for the men to brace for impact was shouted. Those inside the ships’ control station listened to the noises of the torpedoes getting closer and they knew that their ship was doomed.
The Pyotr Velikiy was hit by all three torpedoes. Like with the Severomorsk, the warheads within each blew up when underneath the hull aiming to break her keel. They didn’t manage to do so yet immense holes were torn into the warship. Seawater flooded in at a prodigious rate. More of that water gathered on the starboard side of the Pyotr Velikiy rather than over to port. She began to list though also was going down by the stern too. The angle of her list rapidly increased. Within, damage control parties raced to try and save her. Counterflooding efforts were attempted as the list to starboard got even worse. The bow was raised further and further out of the water as she leaned over. These were no calm waters which the Pyotr Velikiy was sailing in at the time of her torpedoing and the sea-state where there were dangerous waves and high winds combined with everything else. The ship was doomed. Her captain ordered an evacuation but this was far too late. Less than sixty of her seven hundred plus crew were gotten off before over she went.
The Pyotr Velikiy capsized and would be taken by the sea.
Long-delayed, the captain of the Torbay was able to add in his submarine’s war diary that – finally – ‘Peter the Great sleeps with the fishes’. Running to avoid a major Russian countereffort to sink her, the Torbay eluded those pursuers and was able to later broadcast a contact report. Before then though, having witnessed from afar the destruction out ahead using hydrophones rather than sonar or radar, the Uredd struck again. Peter the Great had already been ‘claimed’ by the Royal Navy and the aircraft carrier RFS Admiral Kuznetsov was too well-protected but the plucky little Norwegian boat found some further targets. A tanker was sunk first and then the destroyer RFS Rastoropnyy was torpedoed leading to her later capsizing as well. The Rastoropnyy was an already damaged ship with this Sovremenny-class vessel having been struck by a Hellfire missile (designed for anti-tank work but lethal against any target) fired by Norwegian coastal rangers in their fast combat craft during the Tromsø debacle. Now it was finished off for good.
Three major Russian warships plus a support ship had been sunk off Norway. Later events on land during the day saw other NATO successes occur where those Norwegians with their Brigade Nord had made it to friendly lines north of Narvik to link up with the US Marines while the Germans had achieved much in the Lofoten Islands. They Norwegians had fought for Finnmark and eventually had to flee yet they had gotten away from a pursuit and would be able to fight again; the Fallschirmjager had won an important if small victory. The day looked extremely promising for NATO in the norther theatre of the war raging with Russia here. Events much further out to sea wouldn’t be as fortunate though, especially not for the Royal Navy.
Out in the North Atlantic, more submarines were in action.
NATO intelligence believed that the Russians had put many of their Northern Fleet submarines far out to sea away from the Norwegian Sea and into the ocean proper. Estimates stated that at least half a dozen big nuclear-powered boats were positioned in a (curved) line running from the bottom of Greenland southeast towards Ireland. This was a subsea forward line of defence though full of offensive assets. That intelligence summary was bang on the money. There were six submarines there indeed: three of which NATO deemed Oscar-class vessels, two Victors and an Akula. One of them had yesterday sunk a French submarine – FNS Casabianca – and another had been vigorously pursued, but not caught, by several NATO aircraft on the hunt for her and her comrades. Those Russian submarines were right in the way of a large US Navy carrier battle group with two aircraft carriers, more than twenty warships (not all American) and a dozen support ships crossing the ocean heading towards Northern Europe. The USS Harry S. Truman had been lost in the Norwegian Sea: the Americans were sending the USS Dwight D. Eisenhower and the USS Enterprise to the same area. Those carriers were on their way to influence the fighting in Norway and then take the war to Russia’s shores beyond. The fate of the Truman wasn’t one which was wanted to be seen to occur to the Eisenhower and the Enterprise. NATO knew how she had been killed – that Oscar strike with only a third of its payload of missiles – and weren’t in the mood to see that happen again. Furthermore, these Russian submarines, the three hunter-killer attack models as well as the missile-submarines, had their own offensive capabilities should they be re-tasked from their line strung across the ocean. The North Atlantic would be full of targets for them should they be let off the leash, including all of those unarmed ships sailing from North America full of NATO’s machines of war for the frontlines in Eastern Europe. These included the equivalent of three US Army heavy divisions. Aircraft and submarines were hunting those Russian submarines in the way and today, one to be long remembered for all the wrong reasons, a pair of British submarines were very unlucky here.
HMS Talent and HMS Tireless were each lost. These sisterships of Torbay were sunk in separate incidents only a few hours apart. Talent took down her own killer with her when trading shots with the Russian submarine RFS Vepr, that lone Akula. The captains aboard each made mistakes and these errors saw the boats hit by torpedoes – Spearfishes and Skhvals – with the complete loss of full crews. The Vepr made a final kill shot with one of those supercavitating torpedoes even when doomed herself in a last act of revenge. Tireless was moments away from firing her torpedoes upon the RFS Voronezh. This Oscar-class submarine, out in the North Atlantic with twenty-four anti-ship cruise missiles all waiting for an American carrier to come into range, wasn’t as clueless to the stalking British submarine as believed. The Voronezh fired first and achieved a hit upon her wannabe attacker before the Royal Navy could react. Like the Talent, the Tireless was lost with all hands though in this engagement that Russian boat involved escaped unscathed.
The Americans got themselves two Russian submarines and without suffering a loss of their own. The US Navy would could this as a good day for them because one of the pair of enemy boats eliminated was the RFS Orel, that submarine which had sunk the Truman. One of their own submarines, USS Albany, ambushed the Orel and put four torpedoes into her: the double-hulled boat was always going to be a hard kill though this was really an overkill when two Mk.48s would have done the job. Vengeance was gained for the Truman and all the lives lost with her. The later sinking of the RFS Tambov was a serendipitous occurrence. Flying from Scotland, a RAF Nimrod MR2 aircraft – the withdrawal from service of the Nimrod had been delayed by the Brown Government in a decision taken last year due to international tensions – had been dispatched in case there were any survivors to be found from the sunken Tireless: a rescue buoy had floated to the surface broadcasting an ‘I’m dead’ signal. This maritime patrol aircraft didn’t find any of them nor the Russian boat which had eliminated her but did get a partial track on another submarine. This was the Victor-class Tambov. Calling for assistance, the Nimrod tried her luck in her own attack but was unable to get the Victor. The Americans came to help, late to the party yet walking home with the prize. A MH-60R Seahawk helicopter was flying far out ahead of the destroyer USS Winston S. Churchill (a ship which had a permanently-assigned RN officer aboard due to the history there) and raced in after the Nimrod’s miss. Two torpedoes were dropped into the water and one of them achieved a hit. Instead of imploding, the Tambov came up to the surface. Ten crewmen escaped but the seas then quickly took the Russian boat back down along with everyone else. The Nimrod dropped a life-raft (she was equipped for air-sea rescue) and then Seahawk hovered nearby. Seven Russian sailors would be saved by their enemies – three others hadn’t survived despite escaping at first – who had only just before tried to kill them. They’d face captivity though that was far better than the fate of their comrades.
Two Russian attack submarines and an Oscar had been sunk: another three boats, including two more missile-submarines, remained unmolested though. They were still at sea and part of the now-diluted defensive line. NATO would continue to hunt them down, sending aircraft and submarines but also warships as well after them. The way ahead needed to be cleared, especially of the Oscars known to be there and just waiting for another carrier or two to come into range. Of course though, there were more Oscars too…
The day also saw naval action in the Baltic Sea… well, naval-air action to be accurate. NATO was pushing warships into the Baltic through the Danish Straits and gathering its strength there. Out ahead went submarines from several navies including many German boats but also ones in Dutch and Spanish service too: American, British and French attack submarines remained elsewhere leaving smaller ones to go into the Baltic. The mission for all of those vessels, above and below the water, was to head towards the coastlines of the occupied Baltic States and Russia too. Air power went in first, opening the way.
What remained of the Russian’s Baltic Fleet after the destruction of so many vessels on the war’s first day was sought. There weren’t any big ships, few ‘medium’ ships yet many small ships. The old frigate RFS Neukrotimyy was targeted. This Krivak-class ship had been taken out of reserve in the New Year yet had stayed behind when the Baltic Fleet went forward last weekend to aid the landing at Copenhagen. German Tornados attacked her attacked her using Kormoran-2 anti-ship missiles while escorting Luftwaffe EF-2000s engaged Russian Naval Aviation fighters. Multiple missile hits were achieved as the air defences of the Neukrotimyy were overwhelmed: the Germans attacked from three directions all at once. Fires raged from bow-to-stern but before any significant numbers of men could get off, her missile arsenal detonated. The Neukrotimyy was blown to pieces. The Germans got two missile boats, Nanuchka-class corvettes, as well with Kormorans originally destined for the frigate with one-shot kills made on the smaller vessels. Turning back for home, the Tornados faced a pair of Sukhoi-27s that evaded their fighter cover and chased after them. Both sets of aircraft raced westwards with the Flankers firing on the fleeing Germans and bringing down a pair of Tornados.
There were other Russian warships. Further corvettes – with guns and missiles – remained as well as armed minesweepers/minelayers and patrol boats. The Germans came back, this time alongside American F-16s from one of those Air National Guard squadrons which had recently arrived in Europe. Flights of two, four and six aircraft spent the latter half of the day and into the night searching for targets. They had distant radar coverage but there was also support from a French special forces team of naval commandos who were active within Latvia’s Courland Peninsula looking out to sea with high-powered binoculars and radioing contact reports of observed ships. Another Nanuckha, two Parchim-class corvettes and four minesweepers were all found. Others were missing though no matter how hard these NATO aircraft tried to find them they remained undetected. There was a brand-new Steregushchiy-class corvette especially sought along with the Tarantul-class corvettes hunted fruitlessly as well. None of these were big but all were well-armed. NATO wanted to open-up the Baltic’s eastern shoreline completely for later operations here. To do so, they needed to eliminate as many ships as possible which would stand in the way of further commando operations and possibly even full-scale landings. These weren’t the only enemy which stood in the way though. There were Russian submarines known present but unseen. The Russians were observed laying naval mines; they too were seen bringing forward coastal missile batteries including ones which must have come from the Black Sea and also out of storage. The Kremlin was clearly expecting a serious effort at NATO landing operations here and getting ready to oppose that.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 11:50:08 GMT
One-Hundred-One
Continent-wide, Europe was mobilising on a scale unseen since the previous world war. From Poland, through to the southern European NATO nations, all the way back to the Iberian Peninsula, a massive deployment of forces was taking place. Though most EU countries had yet to implement full-scale conscription, retired service personnel were being brought back into military service just as they were in the United States. Hundreds of thousands of people were signing up for military service after their homelands had been rocked by terrorist atrocities or by cruise missiles and bombs from Russian aircraft. Spain, Portugal, France, and other nations had seen their armies scaled down following the collapse of the USSR, but now their brigades were again being formed into ad hoc divisional commands. Rationing, first of petrol but then potentially of food as well, was being enforced to the detriment of millions of European citizens, causing several bouts of unrest as public transport became the only viable means of travel.
The painful transition by European nations to a wartime economy reminiscent of those in the 1940s had already begun. Factories were converted to produce militarily vital instruments, and virtually all shipping companies and airlines had been taken under government control. People were fleeing from their jobs, either to serve in the armed forces or to get away from the cities which they feared would soon be obliterated in a storm of atomic fire. The economic damage being done here was monumental, but that counted for little when survival itself was on the line. Whatever the result of the war, it was destined to leave Europe in financial ruin. In Warsaw, Berlin, Paris, London, and Brussels it had already been made clear that the financial considerations of all that was occurring where now effectively null and void; World War III had to be won, and the slashing drives into Eastern Europe by the Russian Army had to be halted and then their gains reversed. The cost could be counted afterwards.
The consequences suffered by the many civilians living in Poland was truly terrible. Hundreds of thousands were fleeing across roads already overburdened with military traffic. Into Germany, Denmark, Italy, the Czech Republic, and Austria they would go; anywhere was better than Poland. European governments couldn’t even comprehend the sheer number of people who desperately needed food, medical care, and shelter, let alone begin to offer that to them. Refugees from the east were often welcomed by civilians living in the less-damaged parts of Europe. Their plight was witnessed by many who would greet them with open arms. Volunteers flocked to Germany and Denmark from all over Europe, and from some neutral nations too, while supplies of even rationed items were donated. Sometimes working with aid agencies but often independently too, civilians across Western Europe worked to set up civilised refugee camps, or in some cases they accepted the fleeing Poles into their own homes. The far-right, Neo-Nazis whose views were more in line with those of President Putin despite their proclaimed patriotism, made attempts to frighten and sometimes harm the refugees, but their vitriol was often met with courageous defensive efforts by those truly patriotic civilians who chose to offer comfort to those who had lost everything in the fighting.
Ports, railways and roads were under military control, nationalised “for the duration” in an effort that was herculean in its scale. Cargo and freighter ships, even cross-channel ferries, were now being used as troop and equipment transports, bringing in equipment from North America and from Britain to the ports along the North Sea. Though NATO naval forces, spearheaded by the Royal Navy, had taken control over the Baltic Sea, it was felt that sending civilian vessels into that enclosed area of water was far too risky. Port cities on the coast of Poland, such as Gdansk, would not yet be utilised for the reinforcement of Europe. Thousands upon thousands of American and Canadian soldiers were assembled at air and seaports in France, Holland, Belgian, and Germany. Airports that would normally be used by vacationing families and weary businessmen were now seeing airliners and military aircraft alike transporting soldiers and heavy equipment. The tanks and armoured vehicles used by arriving troops were loaded onto flatbed trains, joining those from Iberia in being sent eastwards. Europe’s long-distance railway and road networks were utterly overwhelmed by the sheer number of vehicles and troops passing through them. Military police struggled to keep the fledgling number of European anti-war protestors away from the Lines of Communication. Roads across Germany could rarely be seen without mammoth trucks transporting Challenger-2 or Abrams tanks, or without armed soldiers keeping a watchful eye out for enemy infiltrators amongst the protestors.
The US Army had its 1st Armored & 1st Cavalry Divisions now loaded up aboard trains and trucks bound for Poland. National Guardsmen would follow as the fighting went on, and then behind them would come fresh divisions formed up in the United States and Britain, joining the fight to replace the massive losses already sustained. France had formed its brigades into a pair of divisions; Division Rapiere, consisting of several armoured and mechanised brigades, was moving through Germany to reinforce the French brigade already in the country. Spain had followed in France’s footsteps, forming the 1st Infantry Division and sending those men off to battle. Another division was being formed up between Spain and Portugal, one which would be going southwards rather than off to Poland. All of this mobilisation would see NATO ready to liberate the Baltic countries and to depose Moscow’s allies overseas, in doing so destroying the Russian Army in the field.
The Russian Armed Forces sought to stop this from happening. European logistical hubs had been consistently targeted, but with casualties mounting within the Russian Air Force, Moscow’s ability to impede the NATO mobilisation was further deteriorating. Commandos and aircrews were again sent into battle on August 13th, going after the major European supply hubs. The Spetsnaz attempted to strike at Germany’s Rostock Naval Base. Ships from numerous nations were sortieing from there, with more coming in from elsewhere to rearm and resupply. Russia’s Baltic Fleet was gone; its ships were but burning carcasses atop the war, or empty wrecks littered across the ocean floor. Nevertheless, Rostock allowed NATO a better ability to threaten St Petersburg and the southern Kola Peninsula. Spetsnaz men who had been in hiding in Germany moved to target the base with mortars. Setting up their weapons outside of Rostock, a twelve-man team of Russian commandos, this time in uniform, began firing on the naval base. German Army UH-1D helicopters, Vietnam-era relics in the eyes of many, took off from nearby garrisons and located the Spetsnaz using thermal-imaging equipment. Elite German paramilitary troops from GSG-9 rappelled down from several helicopters and engaged the Spetsnaz in a ferocious gun-battle. The result was the annihilation of the GRU operatives, with all of them being killed or captured after they were surrounded. This was just one example of the Spetsnaz’ continued actions throughout the world; others would be far more successful.
In the air, interdiction efforts were likewise being made. Bears and Backfires acting as Raketonosets flew more sorties on August 13th than on any other day of the war. The need to destroy NATO logistical centres and slow down if not halt the reinforcement of Eastern Europe was now becoming desperate. Russian forces would be badly outmatched if yet more Coalition divisions made it successfully to the frontlines. From launch points over Belarus and also over the North Sea, they fired off hundreds of cruise missiles.
Once again, air raid sirens would sound across a continent awaiting its fate. By now the attacks had become routine, and Europeans were almost used to living with the constant threat of conventional attack as well as that of a nuclear or chemical strike.
Port cities such as Amsterdam and Rotterdam again came under attack, with explosions rocking both cities. This time, several coal and natural-gas power stations supply The Hague, Hamburg, and Brussels, were hit with more cruise missiles. They caused blackouts and major issues with dockyard equipment and traffic control, again slowing NATO reinforcements as they tried to disembark from vulnerable ships, whose crews were eager to get back out to sea, where they could at least avoid being a static target. Left alone until now, Heathrow and Gatwick Airports were attacked, causing massive damage to both facilities and also to the surrounding area. Where Heathrow was hit by several cruise missiles, one weapon missed, instead detonating at the nearby Hillingdon Hospital, killing over a hundred civilians. Portsmouth and Southampton faced similar destruction, with the cruise missiles coming in from the north, flying over British airspace before hitting the ports from behind. Neither did France escape destruction; Calais and Le Havre were again bombed, albeit at a murderous cost to Russia’s Long Range Aviation forces when the bombers were intercepted on the return leg of their journey.
While civilians back home in Western Europe were finding themselves under attack from the skies, the intensity of the warfare in Poland along the frontlines had slowed to a high-casualty stalemate. Stretching from the Baltic Sea down to the Polish border with Ukraine, tank, infantry and artillery units continued to fight. Neither side had the momentum to make any real advances; Russia couldn’t sustain its westwards drive with the increase of NATO air attacks and the continuing increase in NATO troops. Conversely, the Coalition couldn’t get counterattack eastwards with Russia’s still-present numerical superiority. The troops moving through Spain, France, and Germany would have to arrive first before any efforts to do this could be made. For a counteroffensive to be launched now would be disastrous would likely result in a humiliating defeat or at the very least a costly stalemate further east. Neither General Petraeus nor General Mattis wished to go down, though the latter officer, commander of CJTF-East, was more aggressive in his leadership than the new Supreme Allied Command, Europe was. Both sides mounted patrols, hoping to probe enemy positions and discover weapon points through which a latter offensive could be launched. Both sides continued to saturate one-another with artillery barrages which would subsequently result in enemy counter-battery fire. Aircraft continued to fight over the frontlines, finding then eliminating enemy forces of being driven off by anti-aircraft fire; how much longer could this go on for?
With numerous political developments taking place in Italy, along with the entering into the fighting of the Libyan regime, the Mediterranean was now becoming a major theatre of operations. The Spanish and French fleets were surged from their bases. From Toulon, Marseille, Rota & Gibraltar, dozens of ships, from aircraft carriers to destroyers and frigates, moved out, heading eastwards to link up with the US Navy. The bombing campaign of Libya, which was now considered to be an ally of Moscow, was soon to begin. Those French Rafales and Spanish Harriers would be welcomed by the Sixth Fleet as its own carried strike group, based upon the USS John C. Stennis, moved out of the Aegean Sea and towards Libya. Already, sorties were being flown against targets there and losses had been taken by both sides. With the arrival of the Stennis, the French aircraft carrier Charles de Gualle, and the Spanish with their smaller Harrier-carrier, the Principe de Asturias, things for Colonel Gadhafi were about to get infinitely worse.
One Hundred and Two
Russian air attacks into Western Europe today had come following the wholescale rejection of Moscow ceasefire offer. That had been dismissed out of hand. The near forty countries of the Coalition took simultaneous global action to publicly and politely tell Putin & his gang where they could stick it. This was a propaganda show which didn’t stop there. The details of the Russian offer were published (‘tidied up’ a bit though; sexed up it could be said) alongside with Coalition interpretations of them for their citizens to understand in simple terms. This came alongside releases of detailed allegations of Russian war crimes committed against military personnel and civilians along with evidence as well.
There had been work undertaken by diplomats and politicians to keep all members of the Coalition onside. Several nations had expressed opinions that maybe this was the time to end the war. They not only feared a nuclear escalation but also the continued high cost in terms of lives lost and financial expenditure of a conflict. Giving into the Russians wasn’t on the cards with this, but rather using what Putin had proposed as a basis to negotiate. There had been some talk of sending harsh terms back to Moscow. This had been stomped on by others, stomped on hard too. Maybe with more time to mount a joint approach, several nations might have been able to work together on this and force their other allies to reconsider such a hard line being taken yet there was no time. Arm-twisting was done and dark hints of consequences were issued. More than any of that though, for so many governments it would be political suicide for them to start talking to the Russians after all that had been done. Their peoples had been whipped up in patriotic fervour already and to suddenly do an about-turn here didn’t look like an avenue which was likely to see them survive. The fate of nations was at stake yet a lot of politicians thought only of themselves and what they would personally lose at this stage. Of course, their expressed concern among themselves was all about the diplomatic and financial implications which would come from pulling out of the Coalition when they were getting so much support from their allies… who the concern was would turn on those who chose to walk away. It must be said that this attitude wasn’t taken everywhere but it was present, even kept within the minds of many rather than spoken of aloud.
This war would continue. The combined position of the Coalition – which was increasingly forming centralised command-and-control for its wartime efforts – was now that the war needed to see a turnaround in fortune to benefit them before any effort would be made at taking to the Russians about anything less than a sudden, unconditional surrender from Moscow. When the time did come to talk, it would be on the terms of the Coalition. It would also not include any return to the pre-conflict status quo ante bellum either.
Biden had yesterday been briefed on what was then Operation Twilight. This was something modified overnight and it became Operation Avenging Eagle instead. During the evening of August 14th, a day after burying their slain president and two days after DC had been targeted, the United States launched an attack on Moscow.
An Ohio-class submarine of the US Navy launched the opening wave of the attack. It wasn’t nuclear-armed Tridents which this submarine fired but instead more than a hundred and thirty conventionally-armed Tomahawks. The USS Georgia – sistership to the USS Florida which was active that morning in the Barents Sea – fired most of her arsenal of these cruise missiles from her position in the Kattegat. The Tomahawks rounded the bottom of Sweden (overflying that country had been considered yet dismissed due to the geo-political implications) and went over the Baltic Sea. They flew onwards over Lithuania then across Belarus before impacting when striking dozens of targets throughout the western reaches of Russia. Over twenty were shot down by Russian air defence along with close to ten which malfunctioned on the way. The rest got through though, smashing enemy radar stations and SAM sites. These were all mobile air defences whose position was sent to the Georgia before she launched. Loses to the Tomahawks were expected and so those targets were struck by more missiles then needed to ensure that if not knocked out, they would at least be degraded. The US Navy had played its part in Avenging Eagle: now it was down to the US Air Force.
B-2s returned to Russian skies.
There were two of them which had flown from their home base in Missouri all the way to Britain. Special shelters were waiting for them, the equipment airlifted by waves of C-17 freighters for this mission but also future ones. At RAF Fairford, the bombers had picked up their payloads of weapons and flown onwards. More air-to-air tanking was needed on the way to complement what had been done on the trans-Atlantic flight with refuelings made over the Continent. The two aircraft had split up. One went directly eastwards, while the other flew southeast first and then northeast afterwards. Their arrival times crossing Russia’s borders was timed to occur simultaneously of each other and also just after the Tomahawks had started arriving. The first B-2 went above Latvia into Russia while the other flew over the neutral Ukraine. The two of them converged upon Moscow on courses which generally followed the routes of the M9 and M2 highways linking Russia’s capital with Riga and Kharkov. Air defences lit up as they approached Moscow. What exactly had killed one of the B-2s flown against Ostrov Airbase several days ago was unknown and this concerned the US Air Force. Extreme caution was taken with this attack to avoid seeing the same fate occur to one of these bombers again. The Tomahawks had hit many air defences but there were more of them which the B-2s were flying towards. Had such a thing been guaranteed not to see the bombers lost in doing so, weapons would have been released from the bombers mid-flight against these. Opening the bomb-bay doors beneath each B-2 would have meant them losing their stealth capability. Each was only to open them once on this flight. They needed to retain their stealth or this was all going to be for nothing. Therefore, the gauntlet was run.
SAMs were fired into the skies against them. The Russians lofted S-300PMU-2 and also S-400s too. They had returns on their radar screens which appeared and disappeared, all coming from a backscatter radar system. Such missiles were called SA-20 Gargoyle and SA-21 Growler by NATO. They were the best of the best. They were also unable to take down these American bombers this evening. The immense Tomahawk strike had done enough damage to ensure that the Russian air defence network was unable to function as meant to with so many parts working together as would be needed to get stealth bombers inbound on Russia’s capital. There was also no actual assurance from operators that they were seeing bombers and not chasing shadows. They hit nothing nor had a track on any target which could be confirmed. It was a very frustrating night for them. They would have a worse day tomorrow though when the blame game began following Avenging Eagle. Meanwhile, a message over the Hot-Line was arriving in the Kremlin. It came very late and when the B-2s were minutes away from reaching their targets. The contents of it were deliberately rather similar to the message sent to the Pentagon two days ago.
This is a conventional military strike and not a political decapitation attempt.
The bomb-bay doors on the B-2s opened soon afterwards. They were open for the shortest amount of time, just enough to see the payloads carried within fully released. This occurred twice, each time each bomber was over their two targets. Once done, they began their flights home, going back out through dangerous air defences once again. Bombs fell through the sky behind them.
There had initially been six targets plotted around Moscow (for three bombers) yet two of those had been knocked off the list: the White House, the home of the Russian Parliament, and the Ostankino Tower (being used for broadcasting propaganda westwards into Europe but also a significant landmark) avoided destruction. Maybe another day if there was an Avenging Eagle #2… The four remaining targets were the headquarters complexes of the FSB, the GRU and the SVR – Russia’s principle intelligence agencies – as well as the Ministry of Defence building. The infamous Lubyanka and the ministry were each right in the heart of Moscow and within sight of the Kremlin; the other two were outside though close enough. This strike was in many ways a mirror image of Operation Yastreb yet went deeper into the Russian capital than the Russians had done to Washington. The Americans wanted those in the Kremlin – maybe Putin was there? – to see, hear and feel their response to what they had done themselves. Tit for tat this was.
2000lb JDAM bombs, sixteen apiece, smashed into these building complexes. It was a Saturday night but each was full of employees hard at work. The FSB headquarters at the Lubyanka, where the KGB had been present for decades before that organisation’s demise, was blown to pieces with the destruction of so much of that structure especially the iconic frontage. The GRU was out in the Grizodubovoy District. It was said that this was a shabby place in need of cosmetic improvements. Would the bombs which hit there be counted as a new ‘paint job’? Unfortunately, near half of the bombs destined for the SVR headquarters in Yasenevo missed their target slightly and would kill civilians though others landed on-target and caused fantastic levels of damage there. The Defence Ministry was just off the famous Arbat street, Moscow’s fashionable bohemian district. Much of it was obliterated with the bombs falling on target and doing what they had been sent to do.
Air raid sirens wailed over Moscow starting only after the first explosions occurred, not before. Huge fires were started which lit up the night-time sky after a crash emergency blackout was forced in response to the air attack. There was smoke within the Kremlin coming from the Lubyanka. Sirens wailed from emergency vehicles racing to the two inside Moscow targets; outside, emergency services were turned away from the GRU while those near to where the SVR was headquarters moved to aid wounded civilians too. It was here in Yasenevo would Russian state media (it all was now) would converge to record scenes of innocent civilians caught up in war which – this time – didn’t need to be faked in a stage-managed performance.
Within the hour, there would be a press conference at the Pentagon.
Secretary of Defence Nunn and General Casey (Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff) would brief the American people – and thus the watching world – of what had occurred. Operation Avenging Eagle was presented as a stunning success. This is what we have done, was the message here, and they couldn’t stop us. Pre-strike reconnaissance photos were shown and then so too was what Casey said was real-time satellite image post-strike of burning buildings and flattened structures. Yes, Nunn replied to a reporter’s question, we did put a satellite over Moscow just for this to show you what we have done. In later days there would be questions about Russian claims that so much of this was faked by the Americans and instead they had only killed civilians – they had the Yasenevo ‘evidence’ – as well as claims from the Kremlin that supposedly the two bombers were brought down on their way home (they weren’t) but that was for then. For now, the United States had shown how it had responded to what Russia had done. It was an impressive sight. In the past several decades, American military actions abroad had begun with opening night strikes on their opponent’s capitals such as Baghdad in 1991, Belgrade in 1999, Kabul in 2001 and Baghdad again in 2003. This time it had taken eight days yet now it was done. Casey had refused to answer a question as to whether this would be done again: Nunn had given a quick smile which would be interpreted by many as an assurance that there would be an Avenging Eagle #2.
As to Putin, he wasn’t in Moscow when the Hot-Line message came nor the bombs fell ever-so-close to the Kremlin. He was aboard one of Russian own ‘doomsday planes’, an Ilysuhin-80 and thus far away. Like Biden several days beforehand, there had been moments where strategic strike options were being reviewed: those bombs could have been nuclear and not conventional. Once the news of what actually occurred arrived, he at once understood the tit for tat reply to Yastreb. That was how things had gotten to now with strikes made against Russia and the United States by the other. He had hoped that the American’s nervy European allies would keep their hands tied about hitting Moscow but, alas, that was not to be.
The war, he realised, wasn’t soon to end. It was going to go on, expanding in scope and action. So be it. This was a conflict which was still Russia’s to win. There remained much more that could be done to force his enemies out of this war. They could be broken apart, demoralised and beaten on the battlefield. Military strikes like those with missiles over Western Europe today against non-military targets would continue and there would too be another attack made on the American’s homeland to reply to what they had done tonight. Furthermore, his mind was considering something else too. Putin’s many Russian-born enemies who were aboard were openly plotting and scheming to see themselves replace him. Those people had to be gotten rid of, no matter where they felt safe. Deaths were ordered from his aircraft. The West would have no one Russian in their countries, thinking that they were safe, ready to try to one day come to Moscow and take over. Some of his colleagues disagreed here and this was a waste of capability for Russia’s special services, but Putin would have none of that.
With bombs or traitors, they wouldn’t bring down the Rodina nor - most-importantly - remove him.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 11:51:49 GMT
One-Hundred-Three
Diplomatic cables between Moscow and its Asian ally in Pyongyang went into overdrive after Libya entered the Third World War. Russia was offering the North Koreans all the oil that their tanks could drink, along with air support from the Far Eastern TVD. The Russians wanted the North Korean People’s Army to surge over the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and roll southwards towards Seoul, tying up US forces in the Pacific and drawing them away from the Russian Far East, all while inflicting greater casualties on the US Military. Supreme Leader of the DPRK Kim Jong Il was a more cautious player, however, than Moscow had given him credit for. The North Korean regime strongman had no intention of leading his country into an unwinnable war.
Both American and South Korean analysts were well aware that a North Korean offensive would lead to a bloody battle. Much of South Korea’s infrastructure, both military and civilian, would be destroyed and the economic damage caused by even a conventional war would be irreparable. However, North Korea would under no circumstances actually be able to defeat the combined might of the armed forces of both the Republic of Korea and of the United States. That was simply not possible; a breakthrough might be achieved by sheer numerical superiority, and the North Koreans might even get to the South Korean capital city of Seoul, on thirty kilometres from the border, but they would never be able to push Allied forces off of the Peninsula in its entirety. Even if the NKPA could achieve that, it would be met with a tactical nuclear response.
What Kim Jong Il thought could be achieved, however, was concessions from South Korea. This could be done with the threat of war and all the economic damage this would to South Korea. In support of these threats, attacks would have to be launched against South Korea using a tried and tested means; commandos. The North Korean People’s Army had a huge number of them, over seventy thousand by some estimates, as well as artillery units stationed on the northern side of the DMZ which could inflict massive damage.
As the war in Europe raged on, the frustrated US Army 2nd Infantry Division took up defensive positions along the border aside the ROK Army. They were soon to be reinforced by the US 3rd Marine Division out of Okinawa, regardless of what the Japanese were saying about that. These odds would be insurmountable for the North Korean Army to beat in a stand-up fight, but that was not what the regime was trying to do. A series of commando strikes and artillery attacks were planned to take place. They were designed to cause infrastructural damage and cause casualties both amongst US and South Korean forces and civilians, demoralising them and bringing Seoul around to the negotiating table in order to prevent a war. Moscow realised that it wasn’t going to persuade Pyongyang to jump headlong into an invasion of the south, and so settled in giving support to the North Korean’s plan to spark several border skirmishes rather than invade. It was, Putin reasoned, better than nothing. A US Army division and Marines who could have threatened Vladivostok would now be tied up facing an NKPA which wasn’t going to drive southwards.
That did not mean they would not see combat, however. What followed the initial panic on the Korean Peninsula became known as the Second Border War.
On August 10th, NKPA artillery units had opened fire on several positions occupied by members of the 2nd Infantry Division. A Stryker fighting vehicles and several trucks had been destroyed, and thirteen American soldiers were left dead. Responding quickly, US counterbattery fire opened up on the North Korean guns, silencing them and also killing twenty-six North Korean soldiers as a barracks was hit in response. With the war going on in Europe, this skirmish barely made the headlines in the United States, even though it was one of a dozen battles that would occur in Korea throughout the course of World War III. Later that night, another engagement occurred, this time involving the Republic of Korea Air Force and its North Korean counterpart, the North Korean People’s Air Force. A flight of North Korean MiG-21s, ancient aircraft when compared with their opponents, was engaged, with all four aircraft being downed, by South Korean F-15Ks.
Seoul contacted the North Korean regime to ask just what it thought it was doing. South Korea’s Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan was responsible for this attempt at negotiation. All efforts from Seoul to calm tensions and bring the crisis down a notch were rebuffed. North Korea denied that it had launched any kind of military operations against the South; Pyongyang insisted that its artillery units had fired in self-defence after being attacked by American munitions, and although this was known to be false, there was little South Korea could do beyond bringing international support behind it. The South Korean government that night ordered a general mobilisation in expectance of further escalations and a possible invasion from the north. Hoping to draw South Korea into the war on its own side, the United States offered all available support in protecting South Korea. Though the ROK neglected to enter the fighting directly as a result of the skirmishing earlier in the day, the decision was made now to allow US fighter aircraft to launch combat operations from its bases in South Korea, putting Vladivostok firmly in the sights of the United States Air Force. This was done on the assumption that North Korea was acting on behalf of the Russian government.
The next day, tensions along the DMZ only worsened. At Camp Casey, South Korea, two gunmen armed with Makarov pistols opened fire on US personnel, including many members of the base civilian staff. Two soldiers and four civilians were killed in the surprise burst of gunfire before the two attackers were shot dead by US soldiers. All US military personnel in South Korea were now to be armed at all times in expectance of commando attacks. The attack today at Camp Casey had been carried out by sleeper agents in the employee of the DPRK’s intelligence apparatus rather than by military personnel, but the two things were viewed as being one and the same. Later on August 11th, US troops with the 2nd Division retaliated for the Camp Casey shooting with accurate mortar fire, causing casualties amongst the North Koreans. In turn, a platoon-sized element of DPRK commandos tried to infiltrate South Korea across the DMZ in the dead of night, a ferocious firefight occurred along the border as the US Army’s 1st Battalion, 23rd Infantry Regiment moved to respond. The North Koreans were beaten back, leaving nine of their number dead and two captured; five American soldiers were killed.
A raid along the coast of South Korea occurred the next day. Having crossed the river at Gimpo, two dozen NKPA infiltrators attacked a South Korean Army patrol. Several ROKA trucks were destroyed, killing twenty-two soldiers before the North Korean unit was beaten back and forced to flee back to North Korea. There would be artillery duels throughout the day, this time with South Korean artillery units joining in with the Americans in bombarding known NKPA artillery units. The North Koreans fired back with their own weapons, albeit against purely military targets, and by the end of August 13th over two hundred people were dead, including nearly fifty American soldiers. Though the fighting on the Korean border could not match-up with the intensity of that in Europe, the US was beginning to see North Korea as a cobelligerent of Moscow. US soldiers in the ROK, along with ROKA troops, were fighting with the NKPA along the border every day and taking dramatic losses even without a full-scale invasion. Those US personnel stationed in South Korea were a part of World War III just as those in Poland, Norway, Afghanistan or the Mediterranean were.
More battles occurred in the air on the following night, seeing sixteen North Korean jets downed for only a trio of South Korean warplanes and a single US Air Force F-16. Kim Jong Il had expected these kings od casualties as part of his terrorist campaign; the goal was not even for North Korean units to win the fights that they got into, just to cause casualties and make Seoul realise the consequences of a war, thus bringing them further into North Korea’s fold and allowing for realistic, if costly, concessions to be extracted. Despite his image, the Supreme Leader was not a madman and he wouldn’t jump into a fight that would see him deposed and in hiding at best, and at worst executed.
US Marines from the 3rd Division got into a serious firefight near Paju the next day. Six US Marines were killed for ten North Korean commandos, and the Americans were onlly able to withdraw under the cover of a South Korean rapid reaction battalion and several US Air Force A-10s. After this, a decision was taken both by the South Korean government and by the Eighth Army command to begin sending US and ROKA forces on aggressive patrols along the border, which in some cases would include crossings of the DMZ in no more than company strength. The first of these was mounted by the 3rd Division’s Force Recon battalion, which sent over a hundred men into North Korea. The Marines were armed with light anti-tank weapons, and covered from hilltops by .50 calibre machineguns. The ploy was successful in drawing NKPA troops from their barracks into a firefight, with the North Koreans being engaged by superior firepower back on the other side of the border. The Marines withdrew under this covering fire, escaping with few casualties of their own and leaving nearly a whole North Korean battalion shattered. The ROKA launched a similar operation, probing the North Korean’s response times and pulling back without casualties. But the North Koreans, of course, had to retaliate with operations of their own, and so Camp Casey was shelled by artillery, leaving several dozen casualties before counterbattery fire silenced the North Korean guns.
The border skirmishes continued, and the question was asked, “where will this end?”
One Hundred and Four
A centralised command for operations in Norway and the nearby waters was formed via a NATO Council decision. NATO Forces Norway – similar to the Cold War era Allied Forces Northern Europe yet excluding Denmark and the Baltic Exits – was established starting August 15th. Earlier losses such as the Tromsø debacle were attributed to a general ‘come as you are, do as you wish, work together only when it suits you’ attitude prevalent during the first week of the war at the top end of Europe. Multiple NATO countries had committed a wide range of military forces all to the fighting here and while there had been much cooperation, none of that had been centrally organised leading to disasters occurring. That wasn’t something that anyone wanted to see done again. Before NATO Forces Norway was activated, that process of coordinating of actions by various countries had already begun but there had been that absence of leadership. This had been rather telling in the case of few wanting to do the difficult tasks and everyone wanting to achieve quick results while expecting everyone else to do the hard stuff: no one had been at the top to direct matters. Now there was someone at the top. A Norwegian Army three-star general had been appointed to head NATO Forces Norway. He had three deputies for ground, air and naval operations (one more Norwegian and two Americans) as well as a multinational staff assembling all at Reitan. The Norwegian Joint Headquarters was located inside a mountain here near to Bodo and the NJHQ had been commanding Norwegian operations while coordinating with allies: now it controlled them all. NATO regarded this as a significant process in turning the tide of war here in Norway. The Russians would share that opinion: they’d already undertaken a failed attack here with commandos at the war’s opening but would try again with a far bigger force soon enough to knock this place out.
As was the case in Poland, the Russian advance through Northern Norway had been stopped. A stalemate would be the wrong term to use to describe the situation on the ground here though. Both sides remained active in serious fighting to knock the other out of action. Their avenues for advances were limited and thus the war wasn’t moving in terms of large territory taken or major ground units defeated, but each was still pushing for that. Bardufoss remained close to the frontlines and limiting Russian flight operations from there. Their Sixth Army continued to push up against Norwegian Army units and US Marines who fought to retake it. The frontlines of the fight stretched inland from there towards the Swedish frontier. In the other direction, those frontlines had for a day or so briefly been out in the long stretch of the Lofoten Islands, yet German paratroopers had retaken control there leading to a re-shortening of the frontlines back on land back around Bardufoss. Much of the American’s 2nd Marine Division – including US Marine Reserve units and also the Anglo-Dutch brigade of marines – was engaged in that fight with a Norwegian division assembling behind them from those who had escaped from Finnmark as well as reservists. There were plenty of fighting men here on the NATO side but they needed more equipment as well as supplies. Stocks of munitions were being built to see that when they were finally able to go forward, they wouldn’t be stopped. The Russians were in the same position. They’d got their men forward but supplies were their issue. Ammunition had been burnt through and couldn’t as easily be flown in as men were, not with Bardufoss being so exposed. Much of what they needed still had to come over land all while facing NATO air and commando attacks across Finnmark. Efforts to open up the northwards-facing coastal approaches, making use of ships bringing in supplies to ports, had failed to achieve much: the Norwegians had been busy there and would continue to be so. It was supplies, or the lack of an instant access to all that was needed, which had seen the current situation develop into the slogging match it was. Air and naval support on both sides did matter, but not enough when compared to this matter which had forced the current stalled situation for each.
Offshore, naval action continued. The Northern Fleet turned tail and headed back eastwards. The battle-cruiser RFS Pyotr Velikiy had been lost yesterday and without the flagship, the aircraft carrier RFS Admiral Kuznetsov and the accompanying other warships went back around the North Cape. They weren’t heading home, just retreating to safer waters. This retreat would be played up by NATO in propaganda terms soon enough though before then the submarine which had sunk the Peter the Great chased after them with the home of claiming another famous kill. HMS Torbay was frustrated though in being able to get a firing solution on any target which wouldn’t immediately see the Royal Navy vessel sunk in a counter-strike. She followed the Northern Fleet waiting for a later opportunity. In the Vestfjorden, not one but two Russian submarines got inside this stretch of water where there was supposed to be a defensive line strung to stop such an intrusion. Neither of the small Kilo-class boats opened fire at first against the many NATO warships inside – a wasted opportunity – but instead followed their orders and broadcast coded & detailed sighting reports in burst transmissions. They then waited for the incoming missiles to target those ships with the intention of attacking them afterwards. From some distance away, Backfire bombers launched an air strike on the Vestfjorden. NATO fighters – Norwegian F-16s, RAF Typhoons and the growing number of arriving American F-16s attached to Reserve & Air National Guard units – had been drawn off in a feint at first and then found that the launching bombers were heading back home before they understood that ruse. This had been tried the other day and failed but now in a modified form success was achieved. There hadn’t been that many Backfires but there were a lot of missiles: each bomber had launched three due to the short distances from their home bases allowing for a big payload. Kitchen missiles lanced towards the ships in the Vestfjorden. Fighters engaged the missiles first, taking down several with shots of their own. Then it was up to the warships and their own missile defences to get the rest. Those submarines had spotted clusters of warships and reported that there were more here than expected. The Royal Navy and the US Navy had each increased their presence here since yesterday with the Americans especially bringing in warships with air defences missiles. They had a cruiser and two destroyers (plus a general-purpose frigate) present. These lofted upgraded SM-2ER Standard missiles into the sky, knocking down Kitchens in conjunction with missiles from further American plus British ships. A kill rate of eighty plus per cent was achieved: the Kitchens were old and facing a very modern threat. Some got through though and smashed into shipping in the Vestfjorden. Their biggest kills were that of the newly-arrived US Navy destroyer USS Ramage and also the Canadian frigate HMCS Toronto, the latter which had in previous days aided in the evacuation from Tromsø. Both ships would be lost with high casualties. Non-combat support ships, including those loaded with munitions, would be targeted by other missiles. After the missiles came the Kilo attack. They feasted on the chaos as they sought to get to the light aircraft carriers present, those ships from which Harriers were flying and which had avoided missile impacts. HMS Ark Royal had a lone torpedo put into her (she’d survive) though the USS Bataan would be lost. Nearly twenty US Marines’ Harriers were flying from here – others calling the USS Nassau home – but not after the RFS Kaluga put four torpedoes into amphibious assault ship. Escorts killed the Russian boat afterwards but the kill on such an important ship had already been made. The second submarine, RFS Magnitogorsk, had put a hole in the Ark Royal and also sunk the Norwegian HNoMS Otto Sverdrup (Norway now only had one of four pre-war frigates left afloat) before sitting still and silent while a hunt for her went onwards. She remained in the Vestfjorden undetected and ready to strike again, guide in another missile strike or both. NATO needed to find her and sink her.
Russian POWs taken during the Battle of Copenhagen had been transferred off Zealand and removed into secured areas adjacent to several army bases through Jutland. This was a short-term solution to the issue of what to do with them. As a whole, NATO and the Coalition had many prisoners in custody and had taken improvised measures with regard to holding them. Those from Copenhagen numbered twenty-six hundred live prisoners (of thirty-nine hundred who had landed). They had been stripped of their weapons – including a disturbing number who had hidden knives on their person – and then shipped away from where they had fought. These prisoners needed guarding. They also needed caring for. Food and water was one need but so too was medical attention. Russian Naval Infantry taken on the battlefield had been joined by those removed from field hospitals. NATO took control of all of them. The aim was to treat them according to international standards and this was a big ask. Danish forces were joined by Belgians, French and Portuguese personnel in this task: after all the fighting losses inflicted taken, the Danes were incapable of doing this alone. The numbers of Russian POWs here in Denmark were of course smaller than those taken from the fighting in Poland yet that didn’t make it any easier. In addition to that, there was questioning done of certain POWs. Some volunteered information (suspicion was cast often on these apparent cooperators) but many refused. There were some questionable practices undertaken in some of this where intelligence agencies sent civilian personnel to talk to them.
The Russians had fought to control the Danish Straits and lost that fight. NATO control over that access to the Baltic Sea had been made much use of. Today, sailing past the war-scared Copenhagen was HMS Illustrious, sistership to Ark Royal. There were NATO warships from seven countries who’d already gone through or were on their way. The naval build-up of surface vessels continued like that of submarines did too, especially more and more German ones. Submarine combat took place inside the Baltic as the battle against what was left of Russia’s naval forces here went onwards. One of the German boats – U-33 – took out two missile corvettes far from the Danish Straits when off the coast of Kaliningrad. The Spanish submarine SPS Tramontana sunk a minesweeper and then a trawler strongly-suspected of being engaged in radio-electronic warfare. There was a Norwegian boat in the Baltic too, the one which had evacuated key members of the Latvian government on the war’s first day and then returned to the fight. HNoMS Ula was back in the Gulf of Riga and hunting targets of opportunity. The tables were turned on her though when from above, torpedoes fell into the water from a Russian maritime patrol aircraft in the form of a Beriev-12 amphibian. One of them hit the Ula and forced it to surface in an effort to save as many of the crew as possible. Seventeen men of the twenty-one aboard got off alive before the damaged submarine sunk: those men ended up in enemy custody. Russia had its own submarines in the Baltic, just the three of them. Neither had seen much action but that would change today. In the Gulf of Gdansk, RFS Vyborg wiped out a Polish fast attack boat – OPR Orkan – and then sunk a coastguard vessel even closer to shore. This was done by the Vyborg as it exited its position off the Polish coast where it had been depositing naval commandoes and found those Spetsnaz under fire before they even reached land. Another boat, this one out in the middle of the Baltic and in the way of the incoming flotilla of NATO ships heading east, had bad luck. The German frigate FGS Bayern got her third kill of the war (a frigate and an assault hovercraft had been the first two) when the RFS Dmitrov was hunted down and eliminated. This had taken time and was hard work yet was worth it in the end. Russia’s Baltic Fleet would miss that submarine greatly.
Down in Poland, the Seventh Army was engaged in the process of moving its forces around. Incoming reinforcements took up positions opposite the Russians and Belorussians while the stalemate continued. These were untested troops from across many NATO countries who, where possible, replaced those who had long been engaged in the fighting. This wasn’t done wholescale, just in certain sectors of the frontlines where it was felt that those incoming could maintain the line in the face of the enemy. It would give them time to ‘acclimatize’ to the battlefield. Croatian, Czech and Slovenian units took part in this, those from the smaller partner nations of the alliance, in what some would consider a major risk. It was one done though. They weren’t left out alone on their own too because either side and behind them were NATO formations from larger countries who all had battle experience. Elsewhere though, there were yet to be enough reinforcements to do this wholescale. Many American, British, German and Polish troops didn’t get replaced on the frontlines. They continued to take part in engagements with the enemy. Artillery and missile strikes continued. Patrolling and heavy exchanges of fire from static positions went on too. Each side was digging-in and reinforcing its positions yet had to fight as well. There were aircraft in the skies above in addition to those falling projectiles. These flew further and were almost all NATO aircraft with only few Russian jets present. France’s Armée de l'Air had the majority of its combat power ready to see action over Libya but they had aircraft in Poland too. Their Mirage-2000s and Rafales were used today to a great extent in daylight strikes through occupied parts of eastern Poland and giving their allies a temporary break. They struck Belorussian targets mainly, including several Scud launchers which had been located by NATO special forces teams on the ground. Tonight would be the first night of many where Warsaw wasn’t under missile attack. This was costly in terms of jets and special forces scouts yet it had been done due to immense Polish pressure on their allies to stop these attacks, even temporarily. American A-10s recently brought over from across the United States and flown by part-time crews now in the thick of it, flew missions in the northeast of Poland. With their huge cannons but also missiles and rockets, they flew low on tactical strike runs. Russian tanks and armoured vehicles were blown to pieces. Yet, as was the case before, air defences opened fire on them resulting in losses taken. Up came armour-piercing shells guided by radars and also plenty of SAMs. The Russians refused to sit still and inactive in the face of these air strikes.
In Moldova, Romanian-led Coalition forces began their offensive today to liberate the small bits of Moldovan soil held by the Russian & Transnistrian forces present and then drive into Transnistria afterwards. With Bulgarian and Moldovan forces under command, a two-pronged push was made. The small mixed NATO Brigade (it had a battalion of British troops within as well as several companies of infantry from multiple alliance nations) was held back ready to go with others into Tiraspol once the Romanians had done the main fighting. Russian paratroopers here fought alongside their local allies. It was a doomed effort. The War in Transnistria wasn’t going to end today but an end was now in-sight. The commander of the 237th Guards Air Assault Regiment lost most of his small armoured component when fighting Romanian tanks but also American A-10s & F-16s making heavy attacks on them. Air defence brought down a couple of these jets and captured pilots were found to be national guardsmen from Indiana and Wisconsin. They were quickly sent out of Transnistria via convoys of vehicles which also pulled out Bulgarian and Romanian prisoners. NATO intelligence watched the trucks full of POWs cross the border into the Ukraine. They couldn’t stop this despite wanting to. Maybe in the future the situation would change, but for now there were lines-of-communication which were untouched by air strikes which ran through the Ukraine. There was a suspicion that the Russian paratroopers themselves would evacuate via that route too in the end. That situation with Ukrainian so-called neutrality was something which was going to be have to be resolved at higher level than what those on the ground were involved in. For now, they fought onwards because there was no stalemate here in Moldova.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 11:53:17 GMT
One-Hundred-Five
With fighting having broken out on the Korean Peninsula, with those skirmishes falling short of all-out war, Pacific Command had yet more to focus on. Based in Hawaii, PACOM commanded the Third & Seventh Fleets from the North Pacific all the way to the Indian Ocean. By now, two additional aircraft carriers had moved to the Sea of Okhotsk region to begin operations against targets in the Far Eastern parts of Russia. Moscow had withdrawn its surviving surface forces back from the Sea of Okhotsk and moved them to guard areas such as Vladivostok and Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky from a potential amphibious assault. The Pentagon itself had no real plans to invade Siberia beyond potential planning to intervene in a Russian civil war; this wasn’t what was going to happen.
The initial threats to Russia’s isolated eastern regions came from warplanes based aboard the trio of American aircraft carriers now within striking distance of Vladivostok, and from jets based in Alaska, and now, South Korea. The USS George Washington and her strike group had been joined by two more carriers; the Carl Vinson and the Abraham Lincoln. With fighting having erupted along the so-called Demilitarized Zone, Seoul was moving towards supporting the United States more openly. Although diplomatic support had already been offered, South Korea had been hesitant to commit further. There would be no ROK forces involved in operations against Russia, but the use of the F-16s based here would prove to be vital in targeting Russian infrastructure.
The three-carrier battle group stationed just south of the opening to the Sea of Okhotsk needed to retain many of its F/A-18s for air defence duties, but nonetheless a significant number could be devoted to airstrikes. There would also be B-1Bs flying from Guam joining them, along with submarine-launched cruise missiles.
The tactics used during this first wave of Operation Eastern Reach were similar to those employed in the European Theatre. Tomahawk cruise missiles, over forty of them, were launched by the submarines USS Jimmy Carter, USS Virginia, and USS California. The Tomahawk missiles destroyed several radar sites and batteries of SA-20 & SA-21 SAMs. Some missed their targets, others were shot down and a few underwent mechanical failures. The Russians used inflatable model SAMs as decoys and some of these were hit by multiple Tomahawks. Nevertheless, five strategic air defence batteries were knocked out by the missile strike, paving the way for a second wave of attack.
A first wave of Navy and Marine Corps F/A-18s carried out defence suppression strikes using their HARM anti-radiation munitions. These weapons homed in on smaller and more mobile air defence batteries, destroying many. Several Hornets and Super Hornets were lost in the SEAD missions, and for the pilots there was no hope of a rescue mission being launched. More F/A-18s attacked several airfields and ports all the way from Sakhalin to the Kamchatka Peninsula, inflicting moderate to heavy damage, but failing to cause the crippling losses which had been hoped for, largely due to their small numbers. The Navy fighters were engaged by Russian MiG-31s and Su-27s, with both sides scoring numerous kills before the dogfights dwindled away. The US Air Force was not to be left out of the fight either. After spending a week sitting frustrated at their home bases or flying combat air patrols near the DMZ, the pilots of the USAF F-16s based in the Republic of Korea were finally sent into action, specifically against two targets. A first flight of Fighting Falcons used HARMs to knock out known air defence sites around the ports of Vladivostok and Nakhodka.
B-1B Lancer bombers then approached and dropped laser-guided bombs onto facilities around both port cities, causing blackouts and heavy damage to the dockyards. More F-16s from Kunsan Air Base flew out past Sakhalin, refuelling from KC-135s as they went. These F-16s provided an effective fighter escort, shooting down six MiG-29s for four losses of their own and allowing the Lancers to escape unscathed. This attack on Russian soil was the fourth of its kind, further infuriating Moscow. There would be retaliation against the American mainland undertaken once again tomorrow, but that would take time to plan and execute with the assets that would be used being regarded as high-value.
Meanwhile, a bitter f9ight was occurring with the President’s National Security Council. General Casey, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, had proposed a plan to mount an amphibious assault on Sakhalin itself, seizing the oil infrastructure there and gaining territory to use as a bargaining chip in future negotiations.
The Biden Administration was evenly split on whether or not this was realistically feasible. Militarily, the CJCS, vocally supported by the Chief of Naval Operations and the Commandant of the Marine Corps, told Biden that it could be gone. Russian defences on Sakhalin were significant, with a whole motorised rifle division stationed there, but it would be impossible for the Russians to reinforce that garrison with US and Australian naval and airpower in their way.
The main worry voiced by dissenters was not that the Marine Corps would fail in this objective, but rather that it would provoke Putin into deploying tactical nuclear weapons, or possibly chemical or biological weapons. There was no doubt that if Putin chose to use any of those weapons, a nuclear response would be carried out. The Russians had been told that and they believed it, too, but a direct invasion of Russian soil would be one of the few things that could provoke Putin into deploying his WMD arsenal.
Others argued that Russia would not respond with special weapons to an occupation of Sakhalin Island. They hadn’t responded to the conventional bombing of their own capital city that way, which, to many, was proof that it would never happen. Another argument was used to justify the potential Sakhalin operation; it would be a test to see how Russia responded to having its soil directly invaded. NATO would be able to see how Moscow would react to the future occupation of Kaliningrad, which would be a military necessity if the Baltic States were to be liberated. The row went on, with those who opposed the operation slow-playing everything that they could. Casualties were sure to be extremely heavy; the Marine Corps would have no option but to make an opposed landing and it would be impossible to hide the presence of so many amphibious assault ships. Plans were drawn up to deceive the Russians by making them think that the Marines were going to Korea, but this wouldn’t fool the ever-present GRU for long, and they’d be sure to see what was happening when the ships turned north.
Eventually, however, the argument in favour of attacking Sakhalin won out.
Enough thought had been given by Biden and his Administration to the project, and a decision had finally been made. The US Armed Forces and the Australians too were to conduct an operation to occupy the southern portion of Sakhalin, seizing the oil production facilities and tying up Russian forces in the Far East, preventing them from going westwards to the conflict in Europe, where they were desperately needed. It was to be called Operation Eastern Gamble. The plan that was finally signed off on by President Biden involved Marines from California, the three US Navy carrier strike groups already in the region, several amphibious strike groups, and elements of both the 10th Mountain & 25th Infantry Division’s too. Australia was also to commit its army’s 1st Brigade, with British Ghurkha soldiers from Brunei attached to them. US Marines and Navy SEALs would take control of a beachhead south-west of the city of Nogliki, and then the city itself would be taken, allowing more forces to be flown in to repel any counterattacks. Once control had been stablished over Nogliki, the city’s airport would become home to US Air Force and Marine Corps jets from Japan and Alaska, as well as Australian F/A-18s and their single squadron of F-111s. Russia’s Far East would then be pummelled night after night by air and missile strikes, and the trans-Siberian railway would be cut, preventing the transfer of Russian forces from east to west.
There were plenty of people who continued to oppose the idea of Eastern Gamble, but it had enough support to be launched. On the night of August 15th, the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force began to deploy aboard a fleet of amphibious assault ships which would soon be steaming towards the battle.
One Hundred and Six
The Israeli Government had used the King of Jordan as a conduit to send a message to Bashar al-Assad up in Syria. In previous times, Turkey had been utilised in such a manner when Israel wanted to do such a thing. Israeli-Turkish were in the toilet though. Jordan delivered the message – an ultimatum it was – to Syria. Israel waited for a response, during which questions came as to how effective King Abdullah would be: doubts which came after the fact! In Tel Aviv, Prime Minister Netanyahu and Defence Minister Barak, the two architects of this, had said to the Israeli Cabinet that they would wait forty-eight hours to see positive signs emerge. A reply wasn’t waited upon from Damascus. The Israelis wanted instead to see things with their own eyes. Patience ran out though when it was clear that Syria was going in the opposite direction: this occurred long before that two-day period was up.
What had been demanded of Syria was that the country at once turn its back on Russia. The support being shown for that country as it waged war against the Coalition – especially Israel’s backer the United States – was to be stopped. This would include Assad ejecting Russian military forces, their advisers & technicians, from his country. Military overflight rights including refuelling stops to cease was another demand that was made. Furthermore, not directly related to Russian actions, Israel called too for Syria to halt what were deemed as ‘aggressive military preparations’ which threatened ‘region stability’. None of this was happening. Israel saw with its satellites, its spies and its eavesdropping that instead of ceasing, things were increasing. At Tartus on the coast, Russian engineers there who had been expanding that Soviet-era naval anchorage to turn it into a fully-functioning military base starting last year carried on and were overnight aided by what appeared to be Syrian Army engineers too. Another Iluyshin-76 – a wide-body military air-freighter – landed in Syria after flying over Turkey for a refuelling stop outside Damascus (it must have been heavily-loaded to need that) and then went onwards to Libya; the Israelis told the Americans about it and watched with pleasure – also jealousy too – from afar as one of their naval fighters brought it down. Syrian SAMs and ballistic missile launchers were moving about, all which were regarded as into new positions ready to see action in a conflict. Then there was that ship, the MV Lvov. This was supposedly a civilian ship with Turkish ownership and flying a Ukrainian flag. It had sailed from Sevastopol a week ago and gone through the Turkish Straits with the Americans not stopping it, despite Israeli urging, due to its complicated status. Mossad was certain that it was carrying weapons to Syria (if it had been going to Libya, they would have) and those were a threat to Israel. If Syria had been about to rethink the dangerous allies it had sought, then it would have made sure that this ship turned around. An Israeli spy ship, a trawler outfitted with extensive surveillance equipment, had trailed it all around the top of Cyprus and maybe it could have docked in the northern part of that divided island… but instead it went to Syria. On the Sunday evening, Israel watched as the Lvov arrived in Latakia. Intelligence-led analysis of cargo – some said guesswork – was presented to the Israeli Government that it was bringing weapons such as S-300 SAMs and even Iskander ballistic missiles. Both of those systems were far more advanced than anything that the Syrians operated. Mossad believed that these would be in Russian hands once off that ship but many in the Israeli Government feared that Syria would use them against Israel.
This wasn’t going to be allowed to happen. Operation Orion commenced in response, long before the deadline which Tel Aviv had set itself to see Assad change course.
Israeli Air Force F-15s and F-16s swept over Syrian skies. These were excellent aircraft, in many ways better aircraft in Israeli hands due to equipment modifications than the ‘baseline’ versions which the Americans themselves operated. Like most Israeli weapons, these were only in service due to United States Government financing. The Americans were made aware of Orion. This was done late and it wasn’t a matter of permission being asked either. Israel was taking pre-emptive action in Syria, Netanyahu informed Biden (but no other Coalition leader), where Russian forces were being targeted as well. Ahead of those jets on strike missions, Orion saw an Israeli non-lethal action taken. Using electronic warfare equipment aboard an aircraft which remained back in Israeli skies, false information was fed into the Syrian air defence network. This had been done three years ago during the Israeli strike on a nuclear facility during Operation Orchard and was done again, though now on a far bigger scale. Lies were told on radar screens across Syria: there were no Israeli jets coming north! The US Air Force had recently tried to do similar things over Belarus and Central Asia where they met failure in the former and success in the later. Information from what was done here and how it was done was something that Israel intended to share with the Americans afterwards… for a price naturally. In the meantime, it worked. Syrian air defences stayed silent as close to a hundred aircraft on offensive missions entered their airspace as well as went above neighbouring Lebanon and over the Mediterranean too.
There were four targets for Orion.
69 (Hammers) Squadron from Hatzerim Airbase flew the longest strike. Their twenty-four F-15I strike-bombers – Israeli versions of the F-15E – went over the Med. and past both the Lebanese & Syrian coastlines all the way to Latakia. They bombed that ship in rather an overkill to blow the Lvov to smithereens as well as targeting the harbour facility there where on the quayside there were stores from a second ship (a smaller freighter which had come from the Ukraine the day before and this time with Yemeni registry) were sitting in several warehouses. 69 squadron preformed the strike, fighter and defence suppression here with their many aircraft. They met no Syrian fighters though did engage an air defence battery which fired on them despite radar screens showing nothing there. The battery operators could see and hear the jets overhead! Their interlinked connection was pulled, they went over to solo operations, and on their display screens they saw many enemy aircraft. One of the F-15Is was hit before that missile battery was wiped out and this aircraft was brought down. The pilot was lost when he was unable to eject before hitting the water though his navigator did. He swam to shore and found a friendly welcome: there were Israeli commandos who’d stayed silent but guided-in the bombs with laser designators and they would be taking this pilot out with them when they left Syria.
F-16I strike-fighters – advanced versions of the two-seat F-16D – flew a similar route to hit Tartus. These were assigned to 119 (Bat) Squadron from Ramon Airbase. Part of the squadron overflew Lebanon on the last leg, turning inland to do so, to be behind Syrian air defences from hopefully an unexpected direction. Fighter-rolled and defence suppression tasks for F-16Is not on strike missions occurred here like they did with Latakia. Several ships of Syrian registry at the anchorage as well as Russian unarmed vessels which had remained here throughout the war rather than run the gauntlet of American naval power in the Med. Laser-guided bombs again blew the selected targets to pieces though this time no commandos were used here as the aircraft did this themselves. A Syrian air defence battery copied the behaviour of the one at Latakia and junked the ‘false sky’ image to see the Israeli aircraft with its own systems. Before it could fire though, it was blown apart. 69 Squadron flew home with all aircraft accounted for.
The third target was a battery of Scud missile-launchers. Israel had watched the trucks leave their barracks and start to deploy on the Syrian side of the Golan Heights, down in the lower ground. These Scuds were actually North Korean manufactured (with Iranian funding to boot) of the same weapons which had recently brought misery to Warsaw. That wasn’t going to be allowed to happen to Tel Aviv. Israeli drones were following them during their deployment and so too were commandos who’d come over the disputed frontier. 109 (Valley) Squadron with F-16Ds took their time in locating and hitting them. Some of their bombs and short-range missiles hit decoy trucks but the majority hit home. They blew those missiles to pieces long before they could be unleashed against Israel. One F-16D was hit by a shoulder-mounted SAM and would make it back to Ramat David Airbase but another Israeli aircraft was blown apart in mid-air with no one ejecting. Coming from some distance away and through Israeli jamming – also ignoring the lies told on radar screens – a Syrian air defence battery took it out. This was a S-300 system, one already here on-the-ground and unnoticed by Israel. It was crewed by Russian operators too instead of Syrians. The hard kill was a good success though it was only one jet out of more than twenty used in the skies against the Scuds.
Lastly, Damascus International Airport was targeted. 253 (Negev) Squadron had moved up from its Ramon home base to Ramat David. They used their F-16Is to strike here. Only six of the aircraft were engaged on strike missions with six more for defence suppression; the final twelve with 253 Squadron were all rolled for fighter tasks. The runways and military transports present were hit and many spectacular explosions occurred. Real damage done wasn’t that much though despite the fireworks. SAMs were fired and failed to inflict any real impact especially since the batteries involved were quickly smothered with targeted (rather than area) jamming as well as missiles directed against them. Syrian fighters made a bigger impact. They put many MiGs up including older MiG-21s and new-ish MiG-29s. These fought the Israelis near to Damascus and on the way home. The F-16Is fired on them and so too did F-15Cs which were orbiting over Israel and too entered Syria to join in the fight. Five MiG-21s and two MiG-29s were downed. However, in a serious upset for the Israeli Air Force, one of those MiG-29s which was brought down by 106 (Spearhead) Squadron flying F-15Cs had moments before got a kill on a retreating F-16I. It blew up in the sky just after the two aircrew ejected. Both men floated to the ground beneath their parachutes, deep inside the desert.
Once Orion was completed, the Israeli Government had hoped that they had done enough. They would evacuate their special forces teams and had standing plans to get out any downed pilots too. With the latter, that was done within hours as low-flying helicopters – AH-64D gunships and UH-60L – located the two men, pulled them out and also engaged Syrian Army personnel in a vastly one-sided fight with that. Orion was over. Assad would this time receive a message from Tel Aviv directly where he would be told that should he chose to retaliate, Israel would strike again and do much worse than already had been done. Reconsider your alliance, Assad was to be urged, because no one, not even your distant Russian allies, can stop us from doing this again: ten times stronger too. However, before that could occur, missiles filled the skies once more.
Syria fired more of their Scuds and sent them southwards. Not with direct cooperation, but fighting the same fight, Hezbollah launched long-range rockets from Lebanon against Israel as well. Arrow-2 anti-missile missiles engaged those Syrian missiles. This was another American-supplied piece of equipment, something themselves that the United States didn’t operate. Many European countries were at the minute wishing they had taken the political decision in recent years to do what Israel had done and bring such a defensive system into service. It was like 1991 with missiles crashing into Israel. They couldn’t get all of them but did eliminate the ones heading for Tel Aviv and Haifa. This unfortunately meant that smaller towns were in the way of these missiles: the Syrians fired on populated areas rather than military sites. Thankfully, the warheads were only conventional yet that didn’t mean matters would stay that way.
Assad hadn’t backed off. He hadn’t been cowed by Israeli air strikes. Instead, he hit back. Israel and Syria were at war and this was only going to widen.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 11:56:17 GMT
One-Hundred-Seven
World War III was now a conflict that was truly global. Syria had entered the fighting yesterday after a series of Israeli airstrikes, and Libya had been drawn into the fighting several days before. Israel was now a member of the Coalition, fighting in the Middle East. Yesterday’s airstrikes against Syria had been met with some muted criticism from several European nations, but there little in the way of real condemnation. Russian troops were in Syria in small numbers and in itself this, in the eyes of many, made Syria a cobelligerent of Moscow’s. Syria’s deliberate retaliation against civilian targets within Israel had only worsened matters, with the government of Israel declaring that it would respond with “total force” against the Assad Regime.
This promise was carried out early in the morning on August 16th. Israeli F-16s & F-15s attacked Syria from the south, striking known headquarters of Assad’s Republican Guard formations. Syrian air defence batteries launched dozens of missiles into the dawn sky, backed by a handful of Russian weapons systems. While Syrian losses were relatively heavy, only one Israeli F-16 was shot down, while a pair of other jets were damaged. Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean and CENCTOM under General John Allen, US Marine Corps, both asked the Administration for permission to engage Syrian forces alongside the Israelis. This was given almost immediately. Washington was seeing the chance to knock Russian allies down while the Russian Armed Forces were defeated.
Though the political will did not exist for a costly American-led invasion of Syria that would have similar results to the war in Iraq, Biden the Pentagon was more than obliged to allow the Israeli’s to take the lead and send troops to support Tel Aviv. The John C. Stennis aircraft carrier battle group was headed westwards towards Libya and her mission would not be changed. However, numerous American aircraft resided at Romanian and Bulgarian facilities, and the British government would allow its airfield at RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus to be used by the Americans as well. F-16s belonging to the Air National Guard’s 323rd Air Expeditionary Wing flew from Romania down over the Black Sea and into Syrian airspace, bombing Tartus once again. The strike did little more than bounce the rubble left behind by the Israeli attack yesterday, but it was an important show of support by the United States to its key Middle Eastern ally.
Syrian and Israeli ground forces clashed in the Golan Heights. The Syrian Arab Army’s First Corps, stationed in northern Syria near the Israeli frontier, moved into the mountains with surprising speed. With three mechanised and armoured divisions, equipped with Soviet-made T-72s, the First Corps was a deadly threat to Israel. The Syrian Arab Army had seen Russian advisors operating in support of it for the past two years, with much progress being made in terms of training and doctrine. Nevertheless, Israel was equipped with a far more modern military, with first-class training and near total air superiority. Opposing the Syrian corps was Israel’s Northern Command, with four divisions, including the over-strength 36th Armoured Division. Israeli fighters immediately engaged Syrian forces moving through the mountains, with their bombs guided in by commandos on the ground. The eastern and western sides of Highway-81 would be the site of some of the heaviest fighting in the Middle East in decades. The Syrian 5th Mechanised Division made a push along the road and through the surrounding desert, attempting to open up the path for follow-on forces behind. Their attempt was blocked by the Israeli 36th Armoured Division. With their Merkava MBTs the Israelis vastly outgunned their opponents, although the Syrians fought with unusual vigour and tenacity. It would be deemed the Battle of Ortal.
Fighting continued with the Israeli’s launching a counterattack which effectively destroyed the 5th Mechanised Division. Heavy casualties were suffered by the Syrians, with nearly half of the division killed or captured. It wasn’t an easy victory for the Israeli Defence Forces either; they’d suffered over one hundred killed, about half of that number occurring when a logistical unit was bombarded by accurate Syrian artillery fire. With reinforcements moving in from the remainder of the country, the Israeli Northern Command’s troops went southwards towards Syria. How far they were going to go had not yet been decided, but options were planned for the full-scale invasion and occupation of Syria, or at least for the ousting of Bashar al-Assad.
US troops began landing in Israel. These were light formations whose usefulness in the high-intensity battlefields in Europe was questionable. General Petraeus, while being noticeably guarded about the deployment of his units elsewhere, could offer no real objection to the formation of Task Force David’s Shield. The 173rd Airborne Brigade Combat Team, stationed in Italy, went off to Israel later in the day, deploying to the country by C-130 aircraft. Joining them soon would be members of the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit, a small but formidable force. A brigade from the 10th Mountain Division was to be peeled off and sent into battle in Israel behind the paratroopers and marines. Soon, US troops would be fighting alongside the Israelis as Coalition troops entered Syria.
Meanwhile, Libya was suffering under an intense aerial bombardment. The use of French warplanes and American carrier-based strike aircraft meant that few of the aircraft that were needed in Poland were being sent away to hit Libya instead, but nonetheless the airstrikes being carried out against Gadhafi’s regime were devastating. A smaller number of Spanish jets were involved in the airstrikes, but much of the Spanish Air Force was away in Poland or providing air defence against potential attacks against the homeland by Russian cruise missiles. The political support for the expanding of operations against Libya was near unanimous within NATO after the hostage takings of embassy staff, with such a thing being seen as chillingly ruthless as well as totally unacceptable. The desire was there for the world to he shown that this was just not publicly acceptable, and would be responded to with extreme force despite the threats to the safety of the hostages that Tripoli continued to make. US Army Green berets infiltrating from Niger guided in airstrikes and carried out small-scale ambushes of their own against Libyan troops. French Special Forces would soon be joining them in Libya.
French Mirages & Rafales, Spanish Air Force and US Navy Hornets & Super Hornets, and US Air Force B-1Bs & B-52Hs flew sorties to knock out Libya’s air defence infrastructure and air force before moving onto more strategic targets. Bombs fell all across the country, including on Tripoli itself. From within their prison yard, the NATO embassy staff taken as hostages could feel and see the fireballs rising into the sky. Tripoli International Airport was bombed by F/A-18s, but its runway was deliberately left open; all of this was part of a deception plan that would be vital in the future. Meanwhile, French, Spanish, and Portuguese troops along the Mediterranean were being readied for an operation which would oust Gadhafi’s regime for good; though it had not yet been scheduled, a decision had been taken first in Paris and then in Brussels that Libya was to be invaded and occupied.
Meanwhile, the Pentagon was working on a plan to extract the hostages. Operation Midnight Talon, it was called, and it would be almost as audacious as the failed Operation Eagle Claw back in 1980. This mission, which drew inspiration from the raid on Entebbe, was to be sophisticated but plausible. Special Operations Command had been allowed to take over the planning of the mission to avoid inter-service confusion and to prevent the squabbling which had doomed the failed Tehran rescue mission all those years ago. This extended down to officers within the ranks of the 75th Ranger Regiment, Delta Force, and the Marine Raider Regiment. The generals would simply approve the plan written for them by lt.-colonels, majors, and captains with those elite commando units. There was a full Delta Force squadron that could be used for the mission, along with a battalion of Rangers and a significant number of Marine Corps commandos. The US Air Force would contribute its 352nd Special Operations Wing, and help had been offered by the French & British SAS units. However, SOCOM felt that this mission was best left within the United States’ command structure to avoid international confusion.
With that being said, an infiltration route into Libya was needed. Going in over the coast would be too obvious, USAF officers said, with the Libyans being able to identify transport aircraft or helicopters. This would lead them to suspect that a rescue mission was occurring and compel the Libyans to either move or execute the nearly five hundred hostages they held. Instead, the US Air Force reasoned, a back door into Libya had to be used. This would be through Egypt. The involvement of the Egyptians in such a mission was controversial, with many in the DOD disliking the idea. Nevertheless, CIA reports told the Biden Administration that tensions between Egypt and Libya were currently running high over numerous disputes, and that the Egyptians would be willing to help out if approached correctly. Many even expected Egypt to jump into the fighting on the Coalition’s side, seeing an opportunity for the government, waning in popularity, to gain support through a foreign adventure that it was sure to win. Egypt as yet remained neutral, but when approached the Egyptian Army was willing to allow Special Operations Command to stage for Operation Midnight Talon in their country.
The rescue mission was given a date, one which many thought was too soon. August 22nd would see American commandos entering the lion’s den.
One Hundred and Eight
Late last week, the English town of Harrogate had seen gunfire in its streets. Hundreds of bullets had been fired by rapid-firing assault rifles between British forces and Russian Spetsnaz in two separate engagements inside and on the outskirts of that usually quiet part of North Yorkshire. Seventeen deaths had occurred: eight foreign commandos, four policemen, four British Army soldiers and a young woman out walking her dog. Police officers, even highly-trained Authorised Firearms Officers, shouldn’t have been and wouldn’t be used again for such tasks due to their killings and perceived failings in how they operated during this. There had been heated debate and strong words used down in London among the Cabinet – composed of senior members of the National Government – over the whole thing. The loss of civilian life was initially something of grave concern too… but then that became something unexpected. The young woman turned out to not be so innocent, nor a civilian either. By chance, her false identity was exposed and MI-5 broke open the fraudulence which was her supposed life. She was identified as deep-cover GRU agent who’d been in Britain for at least five years doing all sorts of things against the interests of the country; her dog, a three year old female Labrador, was innocent and certainly not a Russian agent. Natalie – or Natalia as she was believed to be – opened up a major line of enquiry for MI-5. Britain’s domestic intelligence agency had had a terrible war but when uncovering who Natalie really was, they smashed apart a whole network which she was connected to. The military had initially been at the forefront of the hunt for the supporting infrastructure which had allowed the GRU to operate within Britain where they had captured and interrogated Spetsnaz, including two more (both seriously wounded men) from the second Harrogate gunfight, yet now ‘the professionals’ preformed as they were meant to. Natalie’s identity led the investigators to the nearby town of Knaresborough. This was a smaller rural locality, just up the road from Harrogate. Patience and hard work brought attention to a bed-and-breakfast on the edges of Knaresborough which lay beside the River Nidd. Over sixty soldiers were involved on the raid to hit the B-&-B. Some were SAS men but mainly the force consisted of TA soldiers. Land Rovers with armour-plating and even a speedboat took part in getting them there. A light helicopter with snipers aboard hovered above. Extreme violence was expected on the same scale as Harrogate. Yet none occurred, not a single bullet was fired by anyone. The assault teams hit the converted house simultaneously and came in ready to kill suspected commandos hiding there. Instead, they found just two people inside. These were supposedly a Polish married couple (they were no such thing) in their early fifties who had years ago moved to Yorkshire and opened a B-&-B. It was a safehouse for the GRU where for a long time their people had stayed here whilst travelling through Britain. Both occupants threw their hands up despite weapons being in the house when armed men poured in through doors & windows. They were cuffed, hooded and taken away. MI-5 investigators entered the property afterwards and would start what would become a fruitful search which would uncover communications equipment, weapons stores and much useful intelligence. This would lead to further activities hitting other locations across the country in the coming days, alongside what the two prisoners – Russians, not Poles as they had pretended to be – would give them as well.
That success up in Yorkshire that Monday morning at dawn was something still being celebrated in London that afternoon among the Cabinet when such smiles turned to frowns when there was a fantastic explosion in the city’s West End. In a small road off Baker Street, a car bomb detonated with one hell of a wallop. The vehicle was completely destroyed – significant bits of it being blown up to a hundred yards away – and so too were the three people inside. One of those was the prominent Russian exile Boris Nemtsov; the other victims within being a driver and a bodyguard. Another five casualties occurred as well with two policemen dead, a civilian killed (this time a ‘real’ civilian) and two more civilians left with grave injuries. Nemtsov was someone which the Met. Police and MI-5 considered to be in danger of an assassination. He’d fled Russia during Putin’s Putsch when so many others had failed to get away and then spent his time in Britain orchestrating exile-based opposition to the Kremlin. Battles had come with Berezovsky in being who was to be the public face of that opposition and there had been that shooting incident which had seen a policeman killed. Since the war had started, these two groups – Berezovsky’s mob and Nemtsov’s circle – had been working to each form a government-in-exile based in London which would see theirs getting recognition and the other ignored. There had even been legal action initiated on the matter, something which arguments had occurred over whether this was a matter for the British courts to decide. Nemtsov had been positioning himself as a president-in-waiting, one who could have returned to Moscow at some point to replace Putin. He had his detractors on the outside, Berezovsky’s mob mainly but also elsewhere, who compared him unfavourably to what Ahmed Chalabi had once been on for the Americans with Iraq. Nemtsov had been seeking the recognition of Whitehall for his efforts though the whole matter sat uncomfortably with the National Government. As said, his life was regarded as being in danger and Russia already had had its killers on London’s streets. Security around him should have been tight and was planned to be restrictive yet he had eluded what he deemed ‘his jailers’ and gone to a meeting. Someone had betrayed him, maybe the same person who set up the apparently urgent meeting. Then the SVR went and blew him to smithereens. The killing was done on Putin’s personal orders. Director Fradkov hadn’t wanted to see it done because he was sure it would blow the last of his organisation’s network in the UK (a spy network, not one of professional killers despite the car bomb) when the plot was investigated, but his president had demanded it. As Fradkov feared, once the smoke had cleared, MI-5 would be all over this where they would hope to repeat their Harrogate-Knaresborough success and uncover all those involved.
The US Navy’s Task Force 20 avoided a head-on confrontation with the still remaining (if weakened) line of Russian submarines spread between Iceland and Ireland. Instead, the two aircraft carriers and their combined battle groups went through the Denmark Strait. This stretch of water lay to the north of Iceland, between that island and Greenland, and allowed access to the Norwegian Sea from what was in many ways the back door. There was a Russian submarine there – this was known about – but it was just the lone boat and identified as a hunter/killer attack model, not one of those Oscars with their missile arsenals. The submarine in the Denmark Strait was being pursued closely by aircraft flying from the smashed-up Keflavik Airport and also several warships too. The Denmark Strait route wasn’t ‘safe’ but it was safer than going into the Norwegian Sea direct from the North Atlantic. There would be comments later about supposed cowardice with what TF 20 did. Only a fool would suggest that. The Americans played it smart. Why go head on into a fight when one could be avoided? Late on Monday August 16th, the USS Dwight D. Eisenhower and the USS Enterprise entered the Demark Strait to cut through here to reach the Norwegian Sea by tomorrow. They would be a day later than planned but would come through unmolested.
NATO needed these two carriers to make it through without suffering the same fate as the USS Harry S. Truman. When that first carrier had been destroyed, Allied Forces Norway had seen loss of what should have been air superiority over Norway. The skies had become equal with neither side having an advantage. Major NATO loses had occurred as a result of this: the Tromsø debacle was still fresh in everyone’s memory. Now everything was about to change with the two carriers soon to arrive after bypassing Russian efforts to try to stop them or at least cause them major damage on the way. Both of them were carrying ninety plus combat aircraft: a full load. Squadrons from the US Navy Reserve as well as ‘extra’ regular squadrons – those not aboard a carrier – had been sent to sea with the Eisenhower and the Enterprise. These jets would fly in Norwegian skies first. Afterwards, there was another country’s skies in which they would fly. Does anyone need a guess as to whose they would be? That country’s name begins with an ‘R’…
The 101st Air Assault Division arrived in Germany. It’s long-delayed overseas deployment saw the movement of the division to Europe by air. The process took several days and was still not completed, but the majority of the Screaming Eagles were now here. Hundreds of aircraft had been involved in the airlift. There were military transports – C-5s, C-17s and C-130s – used as well as civilian airliners & freighters which made these many trans-Atlantic crossings. Moving the soldiers was the easy bit. It was all of the equipment and stores which saw the major effort needed to do this. The 101st was a ‘light’ division but it still had a lot of gear. The logistics effort was something that only the Americans could have done yet they did have help too with aircraft from other countries assisting in addition to the staging support for refuelling stops made by territories of nations along the way. Coming from Fort Campbell in Kentucky, the division arrived across the length and width of Germany at airports and airbases. They 101st wasn’t deployed to Poland though via the airlift and neither did the division at once begin moving there overland. For more than a week this formation had remained back home while elsewhere America’s soldiers went overseas. The intention from the Pentagon and the US Army had been to keep the 101st ready to move anywhere needed: they were held as a worldwide contingency force. The thinking had been that they might go to the Middle East, to Afghanistan or to East Asia in case fighting in either erupted where they might be needed. Conflict was taking place in all three regions now yet the 101st had been sent to Europe instead. Some would call this madness! Now in Europe, that idea of a contingency force remained when it came to the division. No orders came for them to move straight to Poland but instead they held ready here. General Mattis’ CJTF-East headquarters didn’t have them under operational command despite the stated urgent need for the 101st. Possible deployments elsewhere were still being considered. They could go to Libya, to Syria, to fight the Ukrainians, to Norway… That decision still hadn’t been made. It was madness but it was happening. There were other US Army divisions and smaller formations currently in transit: airlift schedule for them had been negatively affected by what occurred with the 101st though much of their make-up was also moving by sea it must be said. The 1st Armored & 1st Cavalry Divisions had their men in Europe already – in Germany too – with so much of their gear on the way via sealift. In addition, the Pentagon had decided to see them joined by three smaller units. These were the 3rd Cavalry & 11th Cavalry Regiments (the latter a training unit) as well as a national guard brigade which had been in the latter stages of preparation for a deployment to Afghanistan when the war begun: this being the 116th Cavalry Brigade. While focus was on these combat units, more personnel were in supporting roles. Fully-mobilised, the Americans had hundreds of thousands of personnel already in or on the way. All those artillerymen, engineers, signalers, medical personnel, truck drivers, supply troops and so on were tasked to Europe. They kept on arriving on aircraft which came across the ocean in what seemed like (it wasn’t) an endless tide.
Canada was sending soldiers to Europe as well. Much of their army was being deployed to fight in Poland with the intention to integrate them within both the Allied I Corps & US V Corps but also lower down into other army’s combat divisions. Not all of this was yet fully arranged but things were moving there. First to Europe and seeing action starting today were elements of the 2nd Mechanized Brigade Group. They had been moved to the frontlines in northeastern Poland where they linked up with the British 3rd Mechanised Division and took over certain combat sectors. The Canadians were quick to see fighting. They faced shelling and enemy patrols. A stalemate it was overall with the war here but men were killing each other up and down the frontlines. One of the infantry battalions among the Canadians got a baptism of fire indeed when on the wrong end of a major artillery & rocket attack undertaken by the Russians who struck when observing what looked to them like reinforcements arriving possibly ahead of an attack. Belgian troops also saw fighting today when their Medium Brigade – also intended to be integrated within a division of a NATO ally – reached the frontlines where the British 1st Armoured Division was. British soldiers were able to step back from holding the frontlines and did so with relief. The Belgians didn’t come here blind. They knew what they were getting into. Still… it wasn’t a welcome anyone would have wanted when their soldiers saw fighting but also the effects of either fighting. Parts of Poland had been blown to pieces when fought over. Croatian troops had turned up over the weekend. Back home, there had been questions raised in Zagreb about so much of the country’s army sent to Poland when intentions of the Serbs were still something of concern but these soldiers were here now. They had so far seen little fighting. Instead, they were dealing with deserters today. The Armoured Guard Brigade took custody of close to two dozen Belorussian soldiers who came across individually, in pairs and in one group of four. These men joined hundreds of others who had done the same – Russians as well as Belorussians – in defecting throughout the war in Eastern Europe to many NATO forces. They came across for various reasons with very few purposely defecting in an effort to betray their countries but instead just no longer wishing to fight. All were treated well yet with suspicion too: to not do so would be stupid. None had so far been found to have anything resembling dishonest intentions though.
Air attacks continued going both ways through the day and into the night. NATO and the Russians attacked each other using their aircraft either on direct bombing runs or firing from afar. There were some close air support missions flown by NATO aircraft though generally there were long-range air attacks to hit the other’s rear that each was undertaking. Russia carried on trying to blast parts of Western Europe, especially its transport links, to bits. They did a lot of damage and caused many casualties yet that was harder than it looked. There were so many ports, airports, rail bridges, highway overpasses and so on. The Russians couldn’t hit them all and they couldn’t destroy the ones which they did strike. The strikes came at a cost too. They had more luck attacking special-purpose NATO aircraft in the skies. More of those KS-172S long-range air-to-air missiles were fired and they took down four targets (of ten missiles launched) which were hundreds of miles off. They got a NATO-crewed E-3, a German P-3 (over the Baltic), a US Air Force RC-135 and also an American E-8 JSTARS too. NATO suffered these losses in frustration at still not being able to deal with such weapons used against them. The Americans had gotten a MiG-31 certain to be carrying another unused weapon when that Russian fighter was deep inside Belarus and lining-up a shot but the others had been fired with no one aware until the aircraft were blown up far away from the frontlines. That shootdown of the MiG had occurred over eastern Belarus where NATO was continuing its Operation Eclipse. There were plenty of targets to bomb there – as well as in the occupied Baltic States too – which included striking at the unused Russian Second Guards Army. It still hadn’t moved. The Russian and Belorussian forces present remained an ‘army in being’ with the threat that at any time it could move forward. NATO intelligence had all sorts of ideas on what Moscow was planning to do with the Second Guards Army. One of those (less believed than the primary one of it making a massive attack into Central Poland) was that it was going to be broken up to be used piecemeal across the frontlines while those already on the frontlines who’d seen much fighting would be returned to the rear to reform the field army with now-veterans. No one knew if this was yet to happen though: it was only speculation.
NATO aircraft over the Baltic States on reconnaissance missions today came across something interesting and also rather troubling. Occupation forces of Russian and Belorussian troops within both were rather small. They had generally left the population alone. Attacks from freedom fighters and guerrillas – those ‘terrorists’ as Moscow deemed them – took place and there was guarding of important infrastructure, but it wasn’t an occupation which physically invaded the lives of everyone there. The effects were away from people’s homes but rather with jobs and the organs of government. NATO special forces inside Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania found that they had room to operate. There was still danger yet there weren’t enemy troops on every street corner, in every field etc. Those aircraft above found that things were now changing though. The terror attacks and the entry of so many NATO commandos, only going to get worse as the Baltic shoreline was seemingly open, brought about a reaction. Arriving into the three countries were volunteers. There were vehicles and even aircraft which delivered men who’d formed paramilitary units to preform security. Cossacks, those from the Caucasus and even Russian-speaking Ukrainians turned up. They were carrying weapons and organised. They wore armbands but not proper uniforms. It was men like these who it could have been said started all of this by the actions of those volunteers in Georgia almost exactly two years ago. Now thousands, not hundreds as were in Georgia, were deploying across the Baltic States.
In Rome, Silvio Berlusconi was forcibly removed from office.
There was no coup d’état or anything like that in the Italian capital. The prime minister was summoned to see the president who had with him in attendance several senior ministers including those holding the defence, economy, foreign affairs, interior and justice briefs. It was an ambush. Berlusconi walked right into too without realising what was happening. He said nothing as President Napolitano presented him with evidence of his personal, illegal crimes and alleged that agents of the Russian state had used this to see Berlusconi betray the Italian people. One of the ministers asked if the usually brash and assertive had anything to say. Nothing was said. It was all so un-Berlusconi. Napolitano asked him to resign while also saying that if not he would be removed… which this really was regardless of the words used. The ministers all stated that they too wanted him to resign as well. Some of these were his party colleagues while others were coalition partners. Finally, Berlusconi had something to say. He denied the allegations made – not very forcefully though – and started to speculate on the consequences for Italy – he meant himself – if this all came out. Napolitano told him that none of that needed to happen if he resigned. These things could be kept private. Berlusconi, now talking a lot, began to speculate further and this time on how the coalition government which he led would survive without his personal leadership. Once again, he was stopped in his tracks. Emergency powers would keep the government in-place until a later date where elections could be worried about then. There was nothing more that Berlusconi could say. He folded and gave in. He resigned on the spot, right there in the office of the president with a piece of paper & pen provided: there was no going back to his office to have discussions with others. It was all very un-Berlusconi!
Frattini was asked by Napolitano to lead a national unity government. He accepted this position. Things were not going to be easy. Berlusconi, who left the meeting, was certain to cause trouble. Those who had forced him out did not want to back up their threat with action: they thought of the political upheaval which would come with all the horrors of that. That was for later. For now, Berlusconi was gone and Frattini would take his place as prime minister.
Within hours, from Rome came word to NATO capitals that starting tomorrow Italy was to now honour its treaty obligations with regard to mutual defence of its partner nations rather than just defending its own territory as had been the position for the last ten days. Elements of Italy’s armed forces would be made available where needed, be that in Eastern Europe, the Mediterranean or anywhere else (with conditions attached though). The Italian Armed Forces wouldn’t just be moving to engage Russian and Belorussian forces but also the Libyans as well. Italy was at war.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 11:58:21 GMT
One-Hundred-Nine
Moscow had been bombed by the US Air Force; the Kola Peninsula had seen attacks launched against it by the US Navy and likewise in the Russian Far East, the Rodina herself had been attacked. There were hundreds of military and civilian casualties that resulted from these attacks, and fury was stirred up within the Russian capital.
Russian bombers had attacked Washington DC and several targets in the Midwest as revenge for the initial raid on St Petersburg by those American stealth bombers.
Another attack against the American mainland was to be launched tonight in response to the bombing of Moscow and the escalation of the air campaign to Kola and the greater Vladivostok area. Planners had scrambled to present a wide range of options for this mission. Options ranged from firing cruise missiles at Alaskan oilfields to direct attacks against power plants and airports around cities such as Los Angeles, New York and Chicago.
What was needed was an attack on America that would cause many casualties and inflict real military damage rather than something that was done all for show. Eventually presented to Putin’s cabal by the Long Range Aviation Command was Operation Spectre, which would involve fewer than ten aircraft but which would cause heavy casualties and inflict much damage on the Pacific Northwest.
A trio of Tu-95 Bear bombers took off from two separate bases in Siberia, passing over the Pacific Ocean rather than going north like the Blackjacks had done before. They came down over the North Pacific, avoiding fighter patrols mounted from US Navy carriers further west. Unescorted, the three Bear bombers would have made a helpless target for any prowling interceptor.
To avoid having to enter US or Canadian airspace, the Bears carried KH-55SM cruise missiles, with each bomber carrying up to a dozen of them. They came down past the Gulf of Alaska, then flew southwards perpendicular to British Columbia. To those aboard the Bears, the flight in itself was an experience. Thousands of miles of ocean had to be traversed and enemy air defences had to be avoided. The bomber crews even ate meals aboard the flight, which lasted over fifteen hours.
When the bombers finally reached their launch points off of Puget Sound, nearly forty KH-55s roared away from pylons and bomb bay doors.
F-15C Eagle interceptors of the Oregon Air National Guard received warning of the incoming missiles as they patrolled the coastline further south. Putting their jets into afterburner, the F-15 pilots raced to engage the missiles as they made landfall. The inbound missiles were homed in on by AIM-120s & AIM-9s as the fighters closed in. Fifteen of them were knocked down and six more would suffer from mechanical failures. Enough would get through though, enough to do a great deal of damage.
Fort Lewis was hit by half-a-dozen missiles. The base was being used by the US Army to raise the now-forming 7th Infantry Division for deployment to Europe; many soldiers were stationed there and hundreds of them were in the process of being rotated out to combat units as casualty replacements.
The progress of all this would be delayed, but not halted, by the cruise missile attack. Naval Air Station Whidbey Island was next to be hit by KH-55s, and then McChord Air Force Base was struck as well. Though the damage caused by the cruise missiles was significant, it would not serve to hamper combat operations beyond causing some minor delays. Systems like the KH-55 caused an immense amount of damage, but much of that would be superficial.
However, the Bear attack with cruise missiles had only been the first wave of a much more sophisticated attack against the Seattle area. Washington State had been chosen as a target because of its relative proximity to Russia and the fact that bombers would not have to cross into US airspace to fire their stand-off weapons. Symbolically, Russian strategists saw Seattle as being relative in its cultural (not military) importance to Murmansk and Vladivostok.
Three Blackjack bombers formed the second wave of the assault. Unlike the Bears, these were armed with conventional free-fall bombs. They were meant to cause lot of casualties and render their targets inoperable for the foreseeable future. The fast and agile Blackjacks carried RBK-500 cluster bombs. They were detected on radar entering the airspace of Washington State, and more F-15s were diverted to intercept. The chaos caused by the initial cruise missile attack had severely hampered the response of the Western Air Defence Sector. Confusion reigned as fighters made to intercept their opponents.
Blackjack #1 hit Kitsap Naval Base. Fortunately, or unfortunately, depending on one’s side, much of the Pacific Fleet’s ships had already left Kitsap bound for the Sea of Okhotsk. Nevertheless, as the Blackjack pulled up hard after dropping its bomblets, fire and terror reigned across the facility. Storage buildings, munitions & fuel dumps, dockyards, and barracks had all been badly damaged by the massive amount of cluster bombs used.
Blackjack #2 would never reach its target. The bomber was headed for the dockyards located in Seattle itself. The aircraft, flying extremely low, was visible in the evening light and its sound could be heard for miles upon miles. Instead of dropping its bombs, however, the Blackjack was pounced upon by another F-15C belonging to the Oregon Air National Guard. It exploded in mid-air, sending shards of burning shrapnel down onto the buildings and civilians below.
Blackjack #3 had much more luck. It managed to get within the airspace of Seattle itself, first hiding behind the terrain and then relying on nothing more than luck to avoid being destroyed. It pulled up, unleashing its own RBK-500s onto Seattle-Tacoma International Airport. Hundreds would die as the main terminal building of Sea-Tac was destroyed by the fireball; many jets were taken out and countless civilians and airport staff killed.
Once again, America had been attacked on its own soil. Though less shocking than the DC raid, this attack had arguably been more militarily effective. The use of bombs rather than cruise missiles meant that Sea-Tac International would be shut down for months if not years, and the destruction wrought on Kitsap Naval Base was near total.
The airstrike had been largely successful even if the losses had been heavy.
One Hundred and Ten
Russia sent its bombers loaded with cruise missiles towards the country from whose soil the Americans had launched their Operation Avenging Eagle over Moscow. That country was Britain and the attack came over the night of August 16th / 17th. There was no one wave of Tu-95MS16 Bears acting as raketonosets (rocket carriers) which made a lone attack, but rather eight separate small groups of them sent over a period of three hours: two, three and four bombers made these runs. It had been a week since Britain was last hit like this – Black Monday they had called that with those daytime raids – yet this was far more damaging. Casualties would be bigger too, especially among civilians caught by wayward Russian missiles. Revenge for the bombing of Moscow it was in one way though it was also part of something else. The Kremlin was now beginning a strategy of trying to force major Coalition powers out of the war by hitting them hard not to change their government policy but to see civil unrest bring that about. Britain was first on the list of America’s allies to be targeted this way yet she wouldn’t be alone in her suffering. The Bears would launch their cruise missiles some distance away from Britain. They fired them from over the Norwegian Sea and the North Atlantic. From the north, the northwest and then the west – the missiles flew over Ireland – those attacks came.
It wasn’t London which came under attack but instead Scotland was struck.
Having used up many of the newer models of the Kh-55 missile, the Russians used older stocks of them plus also Kh-22s as well. The latter were better known as the AS-4 Kitchen and had primary anti-ship mission. There were plenty of British and NATO warships which the Kitchens could have been sent against but the Kremlin wanted to use them for this mission. For many, when it came to the former type of missiles, those AS-15 Kents, this was more important than the use of Kitchens for land-attack roles. In ten days of warfare, Russia had been firing off their modernised Kents at a ridiculous rate: NATO intelligence summaries had for days been saying that they were going to run out of them and were eventually proved – almost (the Russians still had some left and were keeping them back) – correct here. Missiles like early versions of the Kent and the modified Kitchen didn’t have the best of accuracy. The Bears launched them though, using many against the same target due to that issue.
The RAF put interceptors into the skies to try to take down the cruise missiles. The raketonosets were long gone after launching but their payloads were coming towards Britain. Everything possible was done to try to shoot the missiles down. There were almost forty aircraft tasked for national air defence and as many of these as possible were put into the skies tonight at different times to go after those missiles. Based at RAF Leuchars in Scotland, though flying from several sites now, was No. 111 Squadron. They had eighteen Tornado F3s on strength tonight, which was up from a dozen pre-war. Replacements for losses (accidents, not combat losses) had like the extras added come when Tornados were removed from storage: some of those taken from storage included the four Tornados which until late last year had been flying in the skies above the Falklands before being replaced by Typhoons. Another over-sized unit was No. 29 Squadron. This was the Operational Conversion Unit for the Typhoon and remained at RAF Coningsby down in Lincolnshire with nineteen aircraft including the F2 and FGR4 versions of this multirole aircraft. There were no more RAF jets available. The rest of the Typhoons were in Poland and Norway while 111 Squadron was the last Tornado interceptor unit which remained active. Plans were afoot to stand-up an emergency squadron of more Tornado F3s – others taken from storage which needed more work after being retired much further back – but that had yet not occurred.
The Russians fired far more missiles at Britain than there were RAF aircraft to try to intercept them though the Tornados and Typhoons could carry a large weapon load. The main issue was the ‘missile spread’. There was no stupidity in how the attacks were carried out and this meant that the Russians attempted to spread their missiles out across the sky as far apart as possible to deny the British the ability to easily take them down. Those Bears which had flown the furthest south, and then sent their missiles over Ireland to come towards Scotland from effectively behind, were the best example of this. The RAF had to chase the missiles all over the sky. Aircraft on airborne alert and also those on strip-alert had to make long flights to reach them. They could only go after a few at a time. The time factor was another thing with the attack coming over an extended period of time to see the RAF busy for several hours. Previous attacks had come all at once. While that had left them overwhelmed, they could focus on doing their job then rest afterwards with personnel and equipment.
The strike on Scotland was only planned to be the opening stage of this change in pattern too where political objectives were now being sought rather than purely military ones. It was planned to be elsewhere in the UK in upcoming days following this. Russia’s aim was to stretch the RAF elsewhere away from its threat axis’ to the north and east, where they based their aircraft at Leuchars and Coningsby, away to the west starting with the missiles tonight which came from over Ireland.
The RAF managed to take down many of those inbound missiles. There had been Russian underestimation in the ability of the British to do this and they also didn’t know that two Sentry AEW1 aircraft had recently returned to the UK to join the one left behind when No. 8 Squadron was sent to the Continent pre-war. The Americans, the French and the NATO unit of AWACS aircraft were all using their Sentrys extensively over mainland Europe. Losses had come to such valuable aircraft from targeted Russian attacks against them. Therefore, despite just being two airframes, the removal of that pair to return to Britain was missed. However, Black Monday and the fear that that would happen again – as it did – had been behind that transfer of aircraft. The Tornados and Typhoons had their own radars mounted with excellent onboard systems to support the hunting of cruise missiles yet with one of the Sentrys in the sky tonight, the presence aboard of battle controllers and the greater range of the AWACS radar aided them. Kents and Kitchens were splashed aplenty.
Others slammed into Britain though.
Nuisance raids – a few missiles – struck airbases such as Leuchars as well as RAF Kinloss & Lossiemouth; the RAF was only operating Tornados with 111 Squadron from Lossiemouth, not Kinloss. There was an attack made against Rosyth dockyard as well, where there were several ships of the Royal Fleet Auxiliary present including the damaged RFA Gold Rover. That tanker was undamaged by three missiles which went after Rosyth and so too was the dockyard here. The trio of weapons all missed. One splashed into the waters of the Firth of Forth, another impacted an empty field outside of the town of Dunfermline and the third struck a residential street in the village of St. David’s. Casualties among civilians from the last one were over thirty, all innocents in this war in the wrong place at the wrong time and hit by an inaccurate weapon.
Neither the airbases nor Rosyth were the main targets. Those were Aberdeen and Grangemouth.
Aberdeen was a port city and housed a significant presence of infrastructure supporting the North Sea oil industry. Oil wasn’t flowing at the minute – the disruption was significant – but what was at Aberdeen was important regardless. Seven missiles got through the RAF’s defensive efforts to reach the city. Two landed short, another overshot and ended up in the North Sea. Four more smashed into Aberdeen. The harbour, which was the primary target, was only hit by one: the three others hit elsewhere within the city striking an industrial estate, a city park (just across the road from the main hospital) and, as had been seen further south near Rosyth, a residential street again. Casualties would reach fifty plus eventually. There were the immediate deaths and then those caused by a major fire which started at the port but spread from there.
That fire in Aberdeen was nothing in comparison to the one which took a-hold of the Grangemouth oil refinery. Near-misses included Falkirk Bus Station and a primary school inside the town of Grangemouth – both of which weren’t full of those who would usually be there – as well as several hitting fields or landing in the Firth of Forth. Only one death was recorded outside the refinery from these misses. There would be more than one hundred and forty casualties eventually coming from the strike where five missiles hit the refinery and set off a fire which just only grew and grew. It would be said afterwards that the whole of Scotland could see the refinery burning. Hyperbole like that aside, the fire was huge. Firefighters with Central Scotland Fire & Rescue Service were joined by those from other nearby authorities. There was also a military presence with Territorial Army troops providing assistance when it came to evacuating people at first before helping to try and create firebreaks. Those were needed because the fire spread into Grangemouth itself. An unfavourable wind drove the flames forward. That outwards spread, with fears that it could go all the way to Falkirk being overblown, was eventually stopped as efforts to contain the fire finally paid off but only by morning. The refinery itself continued to burn though. The grave loss of life came from smoke inhalation but also panic as well leading to those from civilians who went towards the flames, not away from them, when trying to escape the smoke. There was quite the failure at the on-the-ground command level here with many later recriminations coming from this. Moreover, accounting for over half of those casualties was the later explosion of the warhead of one of those missiles. It detonated several hours later and, in the darkness, no one had realised that they were close to where it had landed and failed to instantly go off. British military intelligence would later seek to discover if this was a delayed-action fuse aimed to kill rescue personnel: those had been used on other weapons especially at military airbases to knock out engineers. That wasn’t the case here though. Nonetheless, the high loss of life shouldn’t have been seen. Mistakes happened and cock-ups occurred resulting in the huge number of deaths.
Grangemouth would burn for two days. Emergency procedures to supress fire only partially worked – they hadn’t been designed to handle a multiple missile strike after all – and so the smoke kept on rising high above Scotland for all to see.
The RAF got none of those Bear bombers. Several navies of their allies did though. Returning home over waters which NATO was just filling with more and more ships, the aircraft came into missile envelopes of warships. The Bears had no counter weapons and flew without their radars on to avoid fighters coming out of Norway: they had intelligence that a squadron of F-15s flown by American national guardsmen had recently arrived there. The slow, propeller-driven aircraft flew long looping routes to avoid Norway but also had to doge further national guard-flown F-15s from Iceland as well. One flight of three and another flight of four each stumbled into missile attacks coming from below. The US Navy’s cruiser USS Normandy got two aircraft and she was joined by two destroyers getting one apiece: the Dutch HNLMS De Zeven Provinciën and Canadian HMCS Athabaskan. Considering that NATO was sending even more ships into the Norwegian Sea, plus that American Carrier Task Force with all of its fighters to join missile-armed warships as about to enter, Russian plans to go after Britain like this again were going to have to factor this threat in to a greater extent. The four bombers were shot down on their way home yet were lucky enough not to have been taken out on the way to their target. The chances of going so next time were getting lower. Of course, Britain would have preferred to have had more fighters or even flood the waters to the north of the country between the UK and Russia with their own warships, but they were hardly likely to complain that their allies took down those bombers. They might not have got them in the way in but the particular aircraft wouldn’t be coming back again. Like the situation with its most-advanced cruise missiles, Russia only had a finite supply of big bombers as well.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Likes: 8,833
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 12:00:32 GMT
One-Hundred-Eleven
Just because neither side was currently in the process of advancing across the Polish countryside, it did not make the fighting there any less violent. Constant artillery duels offered no respite, and patrols continued to skirmish all across the line as NATO reinforcements poured into the country. Tank battles went on at long-range; American, British, French, German, Polish and other NATO armour would hold off probing attacks by Russian and sometimes Belarusian tanks, with the only thing either side managed to achieve during this period being casualties. Hundreds on either side were killed by the day, albeit with less soldiers and airmen being killed than during the initial period of Russian advance; casualties were also projected to be extremely heavy once NATO launched its planned counteroffensive. The British-led I Corps, a formation which barely resembled the pre-war Allied Rapid Reaction Corps, stood in the Masuria region of Poland. Troops were dug in deep, holding out against wave after wave of artillery fire and also under a diminishing number of enemy airstrikes. NATO air defences batteries at the tactical level – American Avengers & British Starstreaks and Rapiers – as well as at the strategic level – American & Germany Patriot missile systems – held off numerous attacks, and the ever-increasing number of Allied fighters present meant that Russian strike aircraft took heavier and heavier casualties as they tried to make their way through into enemy airspace.
Likewise, in southern Poland, the US V Corps was fighting a much similar battle.
With slightly better supply routes than their counterparts to the north, the US-led corps was in an overall better position. There was also more air support dedicated to its sector of the frontier, with NATO commanders suspecting that any renewed Russian offensive would be coming here rather than in the north. Casualties continued to mount as the war went on, again with so little of military significance being achieved. Many back home compared it to a high-tech stalemate, but in reality NATO was biding its time, allowing for more American units to cross the Atlantic and enter the battlefield. Thus far, to the relief of all, no chemical, biological or nuclear weapons had been used by either side.
Poland was effectively under martial law. Although the civilian government still technically ruled the country, the Armed Forces were calling the shots. This worry trend of military authoritarianism only worsened as the fighting went on. Everything from roads and railways to food and clothing factories was now under the control of the military. There was little the civilian government could do beyond giving rousing patriotic speeches and sending its members on morale-boosting visits to the troops. It was not that the Polish Chiefs of Staff wanted to take power any further, but rather that the situation made it simply inevitable.
The Chiefs of Staff were the ones planning and orchestrating military moves, and coordinating those with the rest of NATO; the government could merely approve what the generals asked for. With its own soil invaded, Poland, unlike most Western European nations, had begun the process of conscription amongst its civilian population, with men from seventeen to twenty-five being called up for military service. There had been some particularly disturbing criminal cases taking place near the frontlines as well, with the law being taken into military hands.
Under the European Convention on Human Rights, the death penalty was outlawed under all circumstances within Poland. However, the Armed Forces took it upon themselves to bring an end to this policy when desertions and refusals to obey orders occurred. Russian troops were marching across Poland, and there was no place for mutineers, it would be later be argued. When deserters were recaptured by military police units, they found themselves facing drumhead courts-martial in the field, organised at the divisional or brigade level. Most deserters – there were very few of them anyway – were young soldiers in their teens and twenties who just wanted to go home. There would also be a few cases of more senior NCOs and sometimes even officers deserting, but this were extremely rare.
However, those deserters who were captured once again would face a firing squad. This was not authorised by Warsaw but rather was done by military commanders on the ground, infuriated by seeing much of their homeland destroyed and then seeing their men running away in a tiny number of cases rather than standing alongside their comrades and fighting. There would be no prosecutions over the shooting of deserters, itself a fairly rare occurrence but an occurrence and an illegal one nonetheless.
A dozen or so Polish soldiers would end up being shot after abandoning their posts. This would be something that could be criticized later by human rights courts and European councils; the US government, itself a perpetrator of capital punishment, would have little to say about it. For now, the shooting of deserters did little to cause any real friction within NATO armies; many Europeans discretely supported it rather than condemning it, seeing it as a just punishment in times as dire as these.
However dire things on the continent were, they were about to get infinitely worse.
*
On the night of August 15th, the US Navy launched Tomahawk missiles at Russia once again. This was done by US Navy surface ships operating at the mouth of the Baltic Sea and also by a Royal Navy submarine in response to massive Russian raids against Scotland, with one-hundred-fifty-five missiles launched at targets within Russia proper. Several batteries of Grumble missiles were targeted, with a somewhat mismatched success rate for this operation. It was part of the tit-for-tat escalation in direct attacks both against the Russian and American heartlands since the US Air Force had struck St Petersburg earlier in the day. Targets near St Petersburg would again fall victim to attacks by the United States and Great Britain.
Within the city itself, building from which the Russian Baltic Fleet was headquartered was obliterated by Tomahawk missiles. Numerous airfields were likewise damaged by inbound Tomahawks, but none of those were totally destroyed in the same way that the Baltic Fleet HQ had been. More cruise missiles homed in on a heavily-defended target which had only been identified by NATO intelligence yesterday. The facility, a cluster of buildings which appeared at first to look like a small college campus, was located outside of Gatchina, to the south of St Petersburg. NATO intelligence officers at first gave it no thought, but then the barbed-wire fencing was noticed. Troops were seen patrolling the area by reconnaissance satellites and even drones. There were machinegun nests identified and a pair of SA-15 missile batteries had been stationed in nearby farmland. Nearly a whole battalion of troops, soldiers who could have been of great use elsewhere, were guarding the buildings.
This was no college campus. What target would be so well-disguised and yet so heavily guarded? And why would something so secure be placed near to the border with Estonia? NATO analysts scoured the satellite photos for all they could find that might hint to the location’s purpose. They analysed things such as the type of cars being driven by those who appeared to frequent the fenced-off facility; they were expensive vehicles, those that were beyond the dreams of most people. This indicated that high-ranking officials and generals worked from the building. Helicopter flights took place to and from the area, with crated supplies being dropped off and picked up under heavy guard.
So what was the purpose of this facility?
NATO officers decided that it had to be some sort of secret command post for senior officers. The expensive, chauffeured cars were those driven in by generals. Its presence near Estonia meant that it was likely an alternate command post for the Baltic Front. The regular movement of supplies could mean that the Russians were preparing for nuclear war by stocking up some sort of bunker beneath the visible buildings. Some even suggested that President Putin himself resided at the facility; this suggestion was shot down as surely preposterous!
None of these suggestions would prove to be correct. A strike on the facility was authorised from the top down. So long as Putin himself wasn’t there, it was a legitimate target, and furthermore it would show the Russians that nowhere was safe from the reach of Allied air and naval power, perhaps serving to help break the Russians will.
Twenty-nine Tomahawk cruise missiles were launched at the facility. Some hit the barracks and others destroyed the two SA-15 batteries. The remainder targeted several buildings, levelling many and causing heavy damage to several more, but failing to totally destroy the facility. At first, the Alliance would briefly be triumphant – the alternate command centre for the Baltic Front had been destroyed or at least damaged severely enough to have bene rendered inoperable!
The facility was not an alternate command post. Neither was it a secret bunker for President Putin. It was a research facility run by a Kremlin-funded ‘pharmaceutical company’. This was all a cover for the bases’ true purpose. The facility was being used to manufacture and research biological weapons. The Soviet Union had signed the Biological Warfare Convention of 1972 and vowed to destroy its arsenal of biological weapons, but research had not been halted as the Cold War had gone on. Russia continued the legacy, despite protests from within, with its biological weapons programme stopping and starting at various eras during the 1990s before being continued under President Putin’s first tenure in government in the early 2000s.
Here, at this facility, a type of virus known as a Haemorrhagic Fever was being researched. Variant ‘U’ of the Marburg Virus had been seen as a potential weapon for many reasons; it had a mortality rate of near one hundred percent, and it killed its victims in a truly horrifying way. Organs shut down and victims would haemorrhage from eyes, mouths, noses and even the pores of their skin. One man had died from the weaponised variant of the virus decades ago after accidentally injecting himself with a needle that was meant for guinea pigs. He had died within a week, slowly and in unimaginable pain.
The destruction of this facility meant that an accidental leak of Marburg Variant U had now taken place. Troops and workers at the facility had become infected in the chaos as buildings burned and glass vials were knocked over or otherwise leaked. Nobody would be insane enough to use such a weapon deliberately, but not its horrors had been unleashed by accident. By the time President Putin was made aware of the disaster, it was early the next morning. Something had to be done to prevent this virus from spreading farther and farther. The fact that NATO and Russia were at war would help, as air travel would be severely limited, but thousands of troops were rotating through the countryside and already individuals who had been infected when the facility had been struck by Tomahawks had come into contact with others.
What could be done now?
One Hundred and Twelve
Taliban gunmen struck all across Kabul in a coordinated attack. Carrying assault rifles and grenades, while wearing explosive suicide vests, they made quite the daring attack when they attempted to raid a total of eight sites across the Afghan capital. Due to other activities elsewhere in the country in the preceding and following days, back home in the United States the American’s would call this the ‘Taliban’s Tet’. The reference was to what happened in Vietnam back in 1968 with the Viet Cong. The attack against the American Embassy was what made that name used in regard to this series of attacks. However, unlike Saigon forty-two years ago, the embassy didn’t fall to armed insurgents. US Marine guards drove the Taliban off. There were explosions and deaths but the intention to storm the embassy in a propaganda blow like no other failed.
Elsewhere in Kabul, the Taliban met other failures yet some successes too.
They were unable to get into ISAF’s headquarters (an administrative base rather than the field headquarters) across the road from the embassy nor the Presidential Palace which was the official residence of Hamad Karzai. Yet, they did get into the grounds of the Turkish Embassy and the Inter-Continental Hotel: the latter home to many diplomats and high-ranking visitors. Two police stations were successfully attacked as well as the offices of one of the main television networks. Dozens of deaths occurred, hostage situations happened and there were plenty of explosions. Most of those killed were Afghans. However, Westerners lay dead too with diplomats and military personnel killed. The fighting went on through most of August 17th until the last gunman blew himself up inside the large hotel ahead of a final assault against him by ISAF troops: Afghan security forces had hours beforehand decided that this fight wasn’t for them.
ISAF soldiers rushed into Kabul during and after the attacks to join those already in the fight. Among them were Turkish soldiers. The defence of the capital was under the control of Turkish military forces assigned to Regional Command Capital. This was an ISAF formation, not something directly tied to NATO. The Turks had long been involved in the ISAF mission and they had stayed in Kabul – like soldiers from many other countries not part of the Coalition who fought the Russians on Afghanistan’s northern borders – despite the major split between their homeland and its erstwhile allies. The raid on the Turkish Embassy was ultimately unsuccessful for the Taliban but they did take over part of the building before being driven out and also killed many Turks. What later results this would bring for the state of Turkish-NATO/Coalition elations wasn’t something they cared for much.
Apart from the Turks, there were many others who fought in Kabul today. American national guardsmen from the 86th Infantry Brigade Combat Team – home-based in Vermont but with personnel from across New England – were in the capital and so too were Polish troops with their 25th Air Cavalry Brigade. Those Poles still wanted to go home but were being transferred from eastern Afghanistan to the frontlines in the north, going via Kabul, when the Taliban struck. Australians, Frenchman and Hungarians were among those who rushed small numbers of men around the city today as well. The Taliban strike teams – less than a hundred men over all – had no chance when faced with such insurmountable odds.
What happened in Kabul was important for several reasons. Chief among them was the fact that the Taliban remained able to do something like this and were able to, even in a crushing defeat, claim a victory. At the same time, Turkish forces had fought side-by-side among Coalition troops despite the complete schism between the two sides when it came to other matters… such as Turkey walking away from its NATO commitments and leaving them right in the sticky stuff. Would this matter in the long run?
Polish troops which moved through Kabul were on their way to the Afghan-Turkmen border. The fighting had spread away from the frontiers with the CSTO nations of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to Turkmenistan now. Hard-pressed on their flank, American and British forces under the command of the US I Corps needed that reinforcement. There remained fighting in their rear – Kabul was only one event on one day – and the Poles had been taking part in that but General McChrystal sent the Poles to the frontlines because that need was more pressing. As had been the case elsewhere along Afghanistan’s northern borders, what began as long-range air attacks soon became cross-border shelling and then cross-border fighting. Russian-commanded Turkmen forces engaged what few US Army troops had been covering that sector of the border and outnumbered them fast. McChrystal believed that the Poles could do the job of keeping the Russians and their allies out of Afghanistan.
While ISAF focused on securing the border against any possible proper attack into Afghanistan, nothing like that was anywhere on the cards. Fighting at the front, even as it spread southwest like it did, was all that could be done with the limited forces in theatre at the disposal of the Russians. On paper they had immense numbers of men yet there remained that unease among the governments through Central Asia at this war. They continued to assert that they were only undertaking a defensive mission in support of Tajikistan and couldn’t support any real offensive action. From Astana, Bishkek, Dushanbe, Tashkent and now Ashgabat the regimes maintained this common position in the face of what Moscow might or not want. Russia had been taken quite by surprise at how fast this unity came among countries which were often at odds with each other. Kazakhstan was at the head of this alliance but things were quiet equal among the five countries involved. There was no outward hostility towards Russia but none were willing to be dominated once again by their former colonial overlords when it came to this matter. Aware of this, there was talk in Moscow among the Russian Security Council of doing some about it. Yet that wouldn’t happen now. The whole bloc could fall apart and ISAF could roll northwards.
From each side, the fear of outright invasion by the other remained despite neither option being possible.
In the skies above the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan, American drones were busy today. There were Predators and Reapers flown by the US Air Force up in Afghanistan but these here over Pakistan were CIA-operated. Two Reapers undertook attack missions in Waziristan where they targeted ‘terrorists’. Hellfire missiles blazed away from the drones and blew up small structures, family homes. There was no Pakistani involvement in this. The targets for those missiles weren’t just the Taliban people believed to be inside the buildings blown up. At each of them, inside were also believed to be agents of the GRU in one and the SVR in another. Russian intelligence officers were known to be active in the FATA. The lines of communication for ISAF to the sea crossed through this volatile region and were (rightly) regarded as being something that Russia would like to see targeted. Intelligence had come to the CIA stating that the Russians were active here aiming to pay the Taliban – with cash or arms – to strike at supply columns here in Pakistan rather than just inside Afghanistan. Using the drone-fired Hellfires was done to put at least a dent in that Russian plot, hopefully knock it out for good if maybe the CIA had enough luck.
Back at Langley, a complex still with those holes in it after those Russian cruise missiles had struck last week, CIA Director Panetta would have had his drones over another part of Pakistan firing Hellfires if he had known where to send them. It had been almost nine years since 9-11 and Osama bin Laden, the architect of that attack, remained on the run. Unknown to Panetta or his employees, bin Laden was in Abbottabad: some distance away to the east from the FATA. It was from there where he had watched as Russia and NATO had set themselves on a collision course for war. Many ideas had swept through his mind as to how this could be exploited yet none had come to fruition yet. He had made a video recording – his first in years; there had been audio recording but not videos – instead and today it was released. Rise up and take advantage, bin Laden called upon the faithful, and strike against the enemies of Islam where you can find them. First broadcast on the Qatar-based al Jazeera television station, copies of it would be shared across websites worldwide. It didn’t look like it wasn’t going to set the world on fire and was the ‘standard’ stuff from bin Laden.
However, there were those watching and waiting for such a signal to spring into action. In the middle of a world war, al Qaeda was soon to launch a major terrorist attack all while the intelligence services of the West were as distracted as they were. Where and in what form would soon be revealed.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 12:02:53 GMT
Interlude Two
Somewhere in Estonia
Hidden from the raging summer thunderstorm by thick undergrowth, Captain Jack Hastings wriggled in his position, barely daring to move. He had only recently realised just how exhausted he truly was, and just how tired his men must have been. They’d been surviving, albeit barely, since the first day of the war. Running through the Estonian countryside, reporting enemy troop movements up the chain of command and waiting patiently for the promised team of Green Berets to show up to assist them. They’d been told they would be getting Special Forces support ‘very soon’, but that had been a week ago now.
The whole brigade had been overrun on the first day of the fighting. Many were dead and yet more had captured. The battalion had taken a stand in the forest. They’d fought well, right up until the end. Hit with tanks and airpower and artillery, the paratroopers had resisted determinedly with their carbines, light machineguns, and anti-tank missiles. When Russian mechanised infantry units had dismounted to clear the woodlands, Hastings had directed his company based on the orders being passed down from battalion. They’d beaten back the first wave of dismounted infantry at the mouth of the woodlands. And the second.
There had been a pause after that. Russian artillery opened fire immediately after the first wave of infantry stopped. It was like hell itself had been unleashed upon the brigade. All Hastings, a trained and experienced leader, could do was cower in his foxhole and pray that his men were doing the same. The 2nd Brigade’s artillery, light 105mm guns, were hopelessly ineffective against Russian 152mm guns and 220mm MLRS launchers. It had been a relief when the next ground attack had come, for it meant that the bombardment was over.
BMP-2s fired their cannons from the treeline, pouring down gunfire onto the American positions, while their infantry ran forward. The whole thing seemed like a modernised version of the stories that his grandfather would tell him about Korea, with wave upon wave of enemy infantry charging towards Allied positions. The Russians had heavy fire support though, and he’d seen Su-25s roaring overhead, searching for the battalion command post. A huge series of explosions to the west indicated that the bombers had found what they were looking for.
When they had finally been overrun, it had been because the Russians had sent their light armour into the woodlands. They were unable to manoeuvre, but at this point Hasting’s company had run out of Javelins, and could do little with their personal weapons. BMPs and BTRs had simply driven over the American paratroopers, strafing their positions with gunfire as they advanced. Men who tried to surrender were shot dead, but the Russians didn’t send infantry into the foxholes to clear them individually, in their haste to move west.
Hastings had tried to tell his men to play dead, to lie down in their positions and wait for the column to pass. Communications were badly effected by enemy jamming, and he had to physically holler the words down the line, meaning that his orders reached few of the men. When the Russians finally passed, Captain Hastings had gathered up the survivors. There were only seventeen of them from his company. He was the senior officer; the XO was dead, as were two of the three platoon leaders.
The other platoon leader, Second Lieutenant Cahill, had taken several pieces of shrapnel to his shoulder and right arm, but would live; he had not complained at all through their escape and evasion despite his injury. There was one other officer, an Air Force second lieutenant assigned to the company to direct in air support. The remainder were a mixture of privates and non-coms. A dozen more soldiers from different companies had been found as Hastings led the survivors of Charlie Company down the line.
He had been determined to get them all through it. The loss of most of his men had hit him hard, but he had known that it wasn’t his fault. He’d blamed himself for the deaths of men in Afghanistan before, but this time, what had happened had been almost inevitable. They had been put in a terrible position, fighting on foot against enemy armour. What had the brass expected in sending them here?
Regardless, he soldiered on. They had a radio, they had weapons, and they had rations to last them a few days. That would do. Evading through the countryside, they had been taken in by a kind farmer, of all people an ethnic Russian rather than an Estonian! The farmer allowed the soldiers to stay in his barn and had even managed to scrape together a meagre meal for them. They had had to leave eventually though; the farmer did not want his family put at any more risk, and Hastings respected that. He had already risked death or torture and imprisonment by helping the escaping Americans for that short period of time.
Running low on food, Hastings had had his men ambush an enemy supply column; the three trucks had been easy prey for the vengeful American soldiers. No prisoners could be taken. None of Hastings men would deliberately take prisoners with the intention of executing them, but men who were attempting to surrender had been cut down where they stood.
Hiding beneath the brush from the miserable rain, and soaked in grime, dirt and summer sweat, Captain Hastings tried to imagine he was in a better place. This was going to be a very long war indeed.
POW Camp 13, Denmark
Dmitri Golovko, as a Captain Second Rank, was so far one of the highest ranking Russian officers that NATO had successfully captured. When his destroyer, Nastoychivyy, had been sunk during the Battle of the Baltic Sea, Golovko had spent some hours floating aboard a life raft overcrowded with a dozen other sailors, the few survivors of the engagement. He was proud of his men; they had sunk a Royal Navy frigate before being hit by several Harpoon missiles.
Even when the order had been given to abandon ship, they had acted professionally and valiantly, saving many of the wounded. They’d been drifting through toe water as the naval battle raged on, watching missiles stream overhead and hearing distant explosions from over the horizon. The wait for rescue had been truly agonising.
When it came, it came in the form of several US Navy Seahawk helicopters. A pair of armed sailors watched over the Russians as they were lifted from their rafts into the aircraft, flown back to the relative safety of several different NATO ships. Golovko and his officers had been separated from the others and given a brief tactical interrogation by the Americans. They were fairly polite, reasonable men. There was a bit of shouting and a few veiled threats, but the US Navy commander interrogating Golovko aboard the destroyer was no CIA torturer. A hot meal, warm clothes, and a cigarette had gotten more useful information out of the wounded executive officer, but even then little of use had been gained by the Americans.
Golovko had then been flown back to Denmark. There, things got somewhat worse. The Danes, like the Americans, were not torturers or criminals. They were professional soldiers and officers, bound by the laws of war. However, the Danes had seen much of their capital city raised to the ground in fighting with Russian marines, and there was an extraordinarily high number of civilian fatalities too. The Danes were vengeful. As Golovko was taken off of a helicopter at a Danish Army base, one of his guards deliberately tripped him up, sending him sprawling onto the ground. He was then handcuffed tightly, painfully, for his ‘escape attempt’. When taken to a prison cell, a couple of Danish soldiers had come in and shoved him around. They hadn’t outright beaten him, but threats had been made and he was spit on. Then a Danish officer came in and berated the soldiers, who scurried away. The Dane apologised for the incident; Golovko suspected it might be a ploy to get him to warm up to the officer who had ‘rescued’ him.
One thing Golovko was happy to note was the lack of Army officers here. He had been allowed to mingle with other prisoners in a courtyard, and found that there were a few naval officers and one or two army officers, but the overwhelming majority of POWs here in Denmark were from the air force or the naval infantry. That was good, he figured. If NATO was on the offensive, there would be a larger number of Army prisoners as units were overrun. Instead, however, he learned that the naval infantry had lost on Zealand, with heavy casualties, but that the army was still advancing in Poland.
Gloucestershire, England
Riley was miserable.
There was nothing else to say. He was thoroughly miserable, morbid, depressed, angry, and even jealous. He was smoking out of the window, surveying a field which lay behind the garden of his aunt’s countryside dwelling, located in Gloucestershire. He had moved here the morning that the war had started with his parents, as they decided it was safer than London.
That illusion had been shattered by the trails of several cruise missiles flying through the night sky and then descending onto RAF Fairford. By now, though, public transport was and roads were under government control, and even this close to Fairford, this quaint little village was still probably safer than London.
Every night, there had been aircraft flying overhead. Jet fighters and bombers flew overhead almost constantly, and sometimes so did Russian cruise missiles headed for targets within the United Kingdom. Occasionally, the distant thudding of missiles impacting could be heard in the dead of night. Facebook and Twitter were mostly functional, but that first night of the war had been terrifying because most social media sties had gone down; he had spent hours trying to contact Alex and Emily and all the others…Eventually he had gotten through and found that they were safe.
Most of them had left London before it had begun or just afterwards, but a few remained. Riley kind of wished that if nuclear war did occur, he could be in London, right under the first bomb to detonate. Above all though, Riley wished to be with his friends.
One Hundred and Fourteen
Russian Spetsnaz returned to American soil, today striking in Nevada.
What was called a ‘tiger kidnapping’ preceded their attack. A trio of GRU officers – two men and a woman – had long been inside the United States after arriving months ago on tourist visas from several Eastern European nations: neither of them was Bulgarian, Romanian nor Slovak (citizens of NATO countries) as they pretended to be. Their time had been spent in Las Vegas as well as out in the desert expanse north of that fast-growing city, especially around Indian Springs and Creech AFB there. A wait had commenced for a Spetsnaz team to come up from Mexico where these undercover officers would provide them with all that they needed to complete their task. Two days before the war commenced, the message came that the commandos weren’t coming and the advance team was ‘to hold’. That they did. They weren’t told why and didn’t inquire as to the reason: what would have been the point? Fear came to two of them – not the third – with the worry that the Americans were watching them and ready to pounce at any moment. The female GRU officer was especially concerned and reacted strongly when faced with the attentions of a man at the motel where she was staying. His intentions weren’t what she believed: he had a thing for Eastern European women, whether they liked him or not. He was strangled to death when he approached her unexpectedly in the darkness – his intentions weren’t noble; he had a knife with him and had twice served prison sentences for sexual assault – and she later had to call her comrades to help bury him in the desert afterwards. They were displeased to discover what they believed to be her overreaction and, unbeknownst to her, had quietly discussed dropping her in that shallow grave with her wannabe rapist before deciding that those back in Moscow might be not pleased. The days ticked away. No word came of what was to happen with them and whether the Spetsnaz were going to show up. Maybe they never would… Then the orders came yesterday. No long would this trio of GRU officers spend their days watching Fox News in their motel rooms where they tried to gleam information from that network on how the war was going: what they saw on their televisions was quite the hatred of Russia but also what they perceived as signs of major internal American division over the conduct of the war. Now they were being told that Operation Ulan (Lancer) was a go. That kidnapping then occurred. Long-watched, stalked in fact, the family of a civilian worker at Indian Springs was taken hostage before he came home. He discovered his wife and two children in the hands of a pair of armed men with knives. The woman in his home too had a gun in his face. They wanted him to do something for them: doing it would mean that his family wouldn’t be killed.
He complied. Today, the way ahead was opened for the Spetsnaz team. Despite all of the wartime security, there was a way into Creech and the family man did just that. Alas, there was no happy ending for his loved ones. They had seen the faces and heard the voices of their kidnappers. Their husband and father would be silenced for good too, killed at Creech when he had ‘opened the door’ for those who arrived here to murder as many of those who worked at the airbase as possible.
Ulan targeted the drone operators at Creech. There had been difficulties in getting the Spetsnaz into the United States when they were first supposed to arrive and there had been the intention back in Moscow at the GRU headquarters to call the whole mission off. The commandos had returned to their base camp south of the border after nearly being caught coming in. They could have gone elsewhere and done something different instead of undertaking a delayed Ulan. However, there had been a re-valuation of the whole mission when it came to the desired end goal. Intelligence information from other sources showed that once the war started, the number of drone operators at Creech increased fantastically. Despite the losses of many of their drones when faced with Russian SAMs targeting them, the Americans – and the British too who had personnel here in Nevada – carried on sending those unmanned aircraft into danger on reconnaissance and attack missions. The drones were flying from European bases yet at Creech they had two-man operations crews (a pilot and a systems operator) for each drone with multiple crews for each. There were large numbers of military intelligence staff present; visiting senior officers were also noted to be coming and going as well. With their operations fully spun up and the Americans relying upon these operations a great deal, it was decided that Ulan would achieve more twelve days into the war rather than in its opening minutes.
Sixteen men struck at Creech. They had come north using the same ‘rat lines’ like their comrades who’d fought and died at Tinker AFB in Oklahoma had done. Use was made of contacts with Mexico narco-criminals though many of those involved in that, apart from the shot-callers at the very top, had any idea of what was going on. It had been a problem here with these smugglers which had seen Ulan delayed the first time around when someone senior had been arrested by the Drug Enforcement Agency. The link hadn’t been shut down though: that arrest was part of something else. The Spetsnaz had crossed underneath the border along a smuggling route, complete with weapons also moved for them by both American & Mexican nationals, and gone straight to their target. Only the briefest of meetings was held with the senior man of that forward team where it was confirmed that someone was going to effectively let them in and it was also confirmed too that he was to die.
The Spetsnaz got inside.
Several sentries had had their throats slit and no one had sounded the alarm. The Russian commandos went on a kill spree through the accommodation blocks for those military personnel assigned here as well as the command centre. The actual trailers from where the drone operators ‘flew’ their distant aircraft were left alone due to the number of armed guards around them plus all of the physical security to enter each one and get at those inside. The softer targets were chosen instead. It was the early morning and breakfast was being served. Gunmen appeared firing automatic weapons, spaying bullets into unarmed but uniformed military personnel in a mess hall. It seemed like a terror attack for a moment before it became clear that these men were Russians: some would say though that it had all the hallmarks of a terror attack though. Shootings took place in sleeping quarters and then the command post too. Grenade-launchers attached under the barrels of assault rifles assisted with the kill mission in this. The Spetsnaz were killing and maiming so many of the helpless…
…but of course, not everyone was helpless. Gunfire was returned: even improvised weapons were used. Several Russians went down dead while another was knocked out cold and was quickly bound by his captors. They knew that they had a prize. The reaction force of US Air Force security troops didn’t do as all Russian intelligence said they would do and respond in the fashion they were meant to. The Spetsnaz were meant to be in and out within five minutes – yes, that was quite optimistic – but were now stuck. They were forced into three groups, each quickly cut off from one another. The way out was barred too. Russian commandos were gunned down one after another. Two of the groups forced a link up yet the third was trapped with no way out. A break was made by the larger group, of nine men, towards their exit route. They ran into gunfire. A gunner standing on the back of a HMMWV with his ‘Ma Deuce’ – a M-2 .50 calibre machine gun – ripped into them with a perfect line of fire. His bullets blew limbs off running Russians and put drink can-sized holes in others. Six men lay dead when the bullets stopped. This cut the heart out of the Spetsnaz team.
In the end, when the last of the gunfire ceased, ten Russians were dead and two – one of them terribly-wounded – were in captivity. They had faced hell in trying to escape yet given that to those they had attacked beforehand. American casualties were far out of disproportion: seventy-nine dead and six wounded (poison-tipped bullets had been used again so anyone shot would die; those with injuries hadn’t been shot) came in response. One of the dead Spetsnaz had been hurt but with wounds which he would have survived from: a US Air Force officer picked up the Russian’s dropped rifle and shot the prone man several times in the face and torso. It was an act of cold-blooded murder, a war crime to boot. There would be consequences for him in time even if at first this was overlooked by some and covered up by others. As to drone operations, these were severely disrupted and would remain so for some time too following Ulan.
The Spetsnaz team hadn’t gotten out and their GRU comrades abandoned the rally point where they had waited nearby. They escaped across the back country – a man and a woman in the car – and then went back to Las Vegas to meet up with the third member of their team who had disposed of those living witnesses to their activities. Road blocks of civilian police as well as military personnel aiding them missed this escape. They met at a motel again (not the one from where that rapist had disappeared from) and began the process of destroying all evidence of what they had been up to. New identities were issued: two of them were now a Romanian married couple and the third was a Slovak-speaking Hungarian national. They departed, heading to new hiding places away from Las Vegas to wait for new orders.
None of them had believed that the commandos would get out of Creech despite maintaining the pretence that they would. Each was silently glad that they had all been lost. The continued presence of the Spetsnaz would mean that they would need supporting in keeping them hidden: the plan hadn’t been for them to go straight back into Mexico. Back in Moscow, they had wanted a second attack to be made, a follow-up to Ulan. That was to have been a strike this weekend at Tonopah where the Americans were bringing their F-117A stealth aircraft out of storage. Retired several years ago, such aircraft hadn’t been sent to AMARC down in Arizona – a place being currently emptied of many other aircraft; A-10s, F-15s and F-16s – but instead kept in climate-controlled hangars at the insistence of the US Congress. That time to use them had come. A fighter squadron was being stood up to see them operated within the coming weeks. Spetsnaz were meant to go there and kill aircrews as well as blow up aircraft. Gaining entry to Tonopah would have meant the trio of GRU officers aiding that, exposing themselves to danger. All this was due to happen days after Creech was raided and would have made certain that security was at the very highest, even more than it already had been. No viable way in had been selected and there was no one who could be ‘persuaded’ to let them in either. That now was not to be… thankfully.
Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano (no relation to the Italian president) ordered the closing of parts of the US-Mexico border within an hour of the attack at Creech. This would be the death kneel for her political career. Biden asked for her resignation that night. This was the second time that the border had been shut and instead of it occurring from San Diego to Brownsville during August 7th, on August 18th only the crossings through Arizona were closed. Immense traffic jams were at once seen regardless. Every vehicle was searched with the hunt on for suspected Russian commandos. There were several ‘confirmations’ of Spetsnaz trapped inside vehicles before these were corrected to ‘errors’: a businessman from Phoenix having a bad day had a bad attitude and came very close to having his head blown off due to his supposedly ‘funny accent’. The order came from Napolitano in Washington yet the implementation was in the hands of subordinates within her department, the various agencies under command and also those on the ground. Quite the cock-up occurred. How it all went down wasn’t meant to be this way yet error followed error. Bad intelligence led to the order to close the crossing points and this was quickly discovered. Moreover, in her dressing down from an infuriated Biden, he remarked – as several members of Congress had done – that efforts were going to be made to secure the border those should have been implemented not at the already-guarded crossing points but instead in open areas away from the highways. Just what was going on her department!?
It was believed that at least two Spetsnaz had gotten away from Creech… the two GRU officers hadn’t been seen from afar driving away. Instead, a trio of innocent Americans in a vehicle were falsely-identified as terrorists and hunted for extensively but those out to kill them if they could locate them. There was intelligence too of a cartel connection, one linked to Arizona and the Mexican border. The pieces were all there but they hadn’t been fitted together properly. What came instead was a bureaucratic mess and institutional idiocy. The whole Department of Homeland Security was in trouble already following that opening Russian attack in Washington where Obama was killed and the perceived failure of domestic authorities to catch those killers of the president. Congress had made sure that Biden’s move to have the military take the leading role in hunting them down, which they successfully did, wasn’t opposed. Admiral McRaven leading Joint Special Operations Command had already received much praise for the success of Task Force Hunter in getting Obama’s killers. The same force was re-tasked to Nevada – not Arizona – soon afterwards with McRaven taking a call from the president where he was told to get those who had got away and do whatever it took in doing so. Not a fool, because he knew how hard the hunt had been for those other Russians, he told Biden that his men would give it everything that they had yet not promised it would be done. This was a wise choice: Task Force Hunter was looking or an armed party of men, not a husband & wife going west and a lone ‘nature photographer’ who’d headed east of Las Vegas.
McRaven would see the president personally later that night, after the phone-call between the two of them. General Casey would bring him to the White House – he knew which way the wind was blowing – to a National Security Council meeting. The Intelligence Community had some interesting information which would concern further operations against Russian Spetsnaz targeting the United States and their infrastructure south of the border. McRaven would be sending men to Nevada still, but others would be going further afield and outside of America’s borders.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 12:04:47 GMT
One Hundred Fifteen
A biological weapon, one created to destroy people and nothing else, was on the loose outside St Petersburg. The release of such a weapon had been accidental, and this was something that the Russian government, even in all its ill-informed recklessness, was well aware of. There was a fierce debate occurring in the Kremlin now; should NATO be notified of the incident, or should it be kept within Russia internally? President Putin was falling on the side of keeping the quarantine a secret within Russia. Others thought that informing NATO quietly was a necessary evil; if the virus spread and NATO personnel started to fall ill, it would be seen as a deliberate attack by Russia and could lead to a nuclear response.
Outside St. Petersburg, Russian troops had been deployed to enforce quarantines. Those who had been in the laboratory when it was hit by those American Tomahawk missiles had come into contact with emergency services personnel before going home to their families or being sent elsewhere. Firefighters, ambulance crews, and troops sent to help out after the facility was struck had been in contact with the virus and then had gone home to their own families, thus endangering them.
The Russian government threw an enormous amount of effort into tracking down those who had or may have been exposed. Armed soldiers in chemical warfare suits were sent to detain them. Macabre scenes played out across the region, like something out of a horror film. Those quarantined were taken to secure locations, but they would be given medical attention as efforts would be made to save them. There was no cure of vaccine to Variant U of the Marburg Virus, however, and short of a miracle, they were doomed.
In Moscow, the argument that NATO should be kept in the dark won out. However, an operation was going to take place behind the scenes at the behest of the GRU. Senior officers within Russia’s military intelligence organisation believed that the only way to prevent a global pandemic was to inform NATO of what had happened and for Russia to share its secrets with them regarding the contagion. Nobody liked the idea of collaborating with the enemy, but they saw it as a necessity to prevent a much worse outcome.
GRU officers contacted the Central Intelligence Agency through the US embassy in Helsinki. What they told the Americans was that a during an American missile strike, a ‘defensive’ research facility which contained several deadly pathogens had been destroyed and that a leak of the Marburg Virus had occurred. They told the American spooks that the disease had no known cure, vaccine, or even treatment beyond morphine, perhaps in enough dosage to end the suffering of those unfortunate enough to be infected.
This information was sent back up the chain of command, to Washington and to NATO commanders in Brussels as well. The treason of fewer than a dozen GRU officers had perhaps prevented a nuclear exchange…for now. But the disease was still active outside St Petersburg; the quarantine efforts had been unable to secure every single one of those people unfortunate enough to become exposed, and it would quickly transpire that an outbreak would occur amongst Russian troops in Poland. This would happen when a soldier who had been infected while in the area – his unit had been sent to the facility for security duties when it was attacked, having been in the process of moving from Russia proper into occupied Estonia and from there up to the frontlines - had not at first been symptomatic, and had been sent to the frontlines. There, he would infect several of his comrades.
All of this was kept very quiet indeed by both the Russian government and those of NATO. Fear was already palpable throughout the world at the prospect of a nuclear or chemical exchange between the two sides, and the last thing that was needed was the prospect of a pandemic, one which caused its victims to die in a slow and agonising way.
No, this would all be hushed up by NATO and by Russia. However, troops at the frontlines suddenly found themselves ordered to increase their CBRN readiness posture. Soldiers who had been fighting without having to wear cumbersome gas masks and charcoal-lined suits now had to don such attire to protect themselves from the virus. This would greatly affect the combat effectiveness of many units, slowing the pace of operations throughout the week.
*
The Middle East, meanwhile, continued to be the scene of more conventional fighting. Israel and Syria were now engaged in an armed conflict after the initial battles had been confined to the Golan Heights. American paratroopers and marines from the 173rd Airborne Brigade Combat Team and the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit respectively were now in battle as well. The Syrian First Corps had been shattered while fighting there against the Israelis, and now the government of Bashar al-Assad was scrambling to put more troops in place to defend against the incursion.
Commanders and politicians, both in Israel and in the United States, were hesitant to push further into Syria. The US was still haunted by the fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the last thing that was needed now was another occupation in the Middle East. However, persuasion from Tel Aviv slowly brought the Americans around; this would be Israel’s war and Israel’s occupation, they said, and although US troops were involved in the fighting in significant (although not compared to Europe) numbers, they wouldn’t be responsible for any potential regime change.
For Israel, the opportunity was too good to pass up. Assad could be if not ousted then totally humiliated, and the Syrian Arab Army could be destroyed as a fighting force, thus permanently ending the threat posed to Israel from its southern border.
In a decision that was somewhat resented by several European NATO nations, Allied troops were sent over the border into Syria proper, with the intention of at least luring the vast majority of the Syrian Arab Army into an unwinnable fight and destroying them, and at most of taking Damascus and ousting a-Assad. It would be an operation that would see casualties sustained, but there was little real risk of failure for the Allies.
As the Syrian Army scrambled to reinforce its shattered First Corps, Israeli armoured and mechanised brigades pushed into the country, using Highway 7 and Highway 98 to make a two-pronged advance. Following closely behind them were US Marines and paratroopers.
Almost immediate success was met for the 173rd Airborne, when it captured the city of Nawa on the first day of fighting. By standards of Iraq and Afghanistan, it was a bloody fight, with twelve American soldiers killed and several hundred militants slaughtered. However, the rapid occupation of the settlement meant that the invasion route of Highway 98 was secure. Israeli Merkava tanks pushed along the road, when they met more significant resistance from the newly-arrived Syrian 3rd Armoured Division. Predictably, this was a fight that the Syrian forces lost. Israeli airpower was used with great effect, destroying dozens of Syrian T-72s as ground troops fought in the desert. The remainder of the Syrian division was forced to withdraw north-east, effectively pulling them away from the highway and into the desert, where the remainder of the Third Corps was waiting.
Moving down Highway 7, Israeli mechanised infantry moved rapidly, securing several villages and small towns. Infantry units were left in the rear as insurgent-style attacks went on, but the Israeli and American troops were firmly winning this fight. Speed was paramount in the invasion of Syria; any battle that saw holdups and major US casualties could see American support for the invasion of Russia’s ally, already rocky as it was, fading away, especially with the need for US forces elsewhere. The two American units that were currently in Syria – soon to be joined by another infantry brigade – would not be effective in the European Theatre because of their primarily light nature, so their deployment to the Middle East was not a major loss. The issue was with logistics. A significant amount of resources were needed to keep ammunition being loaded into the soldiers’ guns, and many felt that these resources would be better used elsewhere.
Massive success was met several days into the invasion of Syria, as Israeli tanks pushed along Highway 7 against moderate resistance. US Marines of the 26th Expeditionary Unit saw some heavy fighting as well, along with attachments from the 5th Special Forces Group. They moved towards Damascus, but then suddenly swung in the opposite direction, linking up with Coalition forces on the opposite side of the two highways, thus encircling the vast majority of the Syrian Third Corps in the desert.
The road to Damascus now lay wide open.
One Hundred and Sixteen
RFS Vologda, a Kilo-class submarine in the service of Russia’s Northern Fleet, entered the English Channel. The little boat came in via the wide western end, close to Cornwall, before turning towards France. Le Havre was where the Vologda reached by the evening. The last intelligence reported received, when the submarine was out in the North Atlantic yesterday, said that a major convoy of transport ships coming from the South-Eastern United States (Charleston, Jacksonville & Savannah) would be in-sight off Le Havre. The Vologda was to attack these as per standing orders to impede NATO’s war efforts to ship across the ocean a mass of military equipment. The convoy had already arrived: the Vologda was too late. There were just warships instead, vessels from many member states of the alliance. Inside databanks with the targeting computer there were the recorded sounds of ships detected in earlier (peacetime) cruises by this boat and also others with the Russian Navy. There was no need to surface to classify those ships. There were plenty of submarine hunters there, all of whom had guarded the convoy coming across the North Atlantic and they remained outside of the port area now. Maybe they were going to escort emptied ships going back to collect more military wares? Maybe they were awaiting new orders to deploy elsewhere? The captain of the Vologda didn’t know. He had no weapons aboard capable of attacking the unarmed ships which had got here ahead of schedule but those were enemy warships out ahead which he could target.
The Vologda attacked them. Firings were made of her torpedoes against them in two separate attacks where old but reliable Type-53-65s were used. These were wake-homers which followed the churn of ship’s propellers in the water rather than sonar detection. Many NATO ships had protection against such an attack. This worked to deflect several Russian torpedoes but not others. The Vologda had achieved some good tactical firing positions and would claim three kills in the boat’s war diary. Only one of those targeted warships was actually sunk: the two others were targeted but with failures to sink them. The lone kill achieved today was that of an American frigate, USS Underwood; the Canadian HMCS Charlottetown and the French FNS Montcalm, two more frigates, were shot at with the former damaged significantly and many Canadians sailors killed but the latter came off without a scratch. Quickly, the Vologda ran away. There were other ports to head towards on both sides of the English Channel and also beyond should the little boat chose to go through the Straits of Dover. Not long after departing from the scene of her kill, she got another. This time it wasn’t a warship but a civilian vessel: a cross-Channel ferry in military service and laden with trucks. Britain and France were cooperating significantly, beyond just NATO links, and aiding each other as much as possible due to ties between Cameron and Sarkozy. The ship and her cargo would be missed. In response, NATO would throw a massive effort at hunting her down. They wanted to protect their shipping as well as keep the flow of reinforcements & supplies coming: London and Paris pushed this hard. Moreover, the Vologda would have easily been carrying commando frogmen too. Concern was expressed that they could be used to hit the Channel Tunnel. There had been a worry about this for some time due to the amount of use that was seeing at the moment again with much Anglo-French aid for one another making use of it as a freight rather than passenger link. There were no naval Spetsnaz aboard and attacking something like that would need a lot of men. Regardless, that was the current thinking of many. A lot of NATO military assets – ships, submarines, aircraft and helicopters – would be thrown at trying to get the Vologda in the coming days, far disproportionate to all that it had already and could later achieve.
Aircraft from Task Force 20 were now active in Norwegian skies. From the decks of the carriers USS Dwight D. Eisenhower and USS Enterprise, FA-18s flew mission after mission. There were so many of them, all doing the job that those which had been on the USS Harry S. Truman were supposed to have been doing before their carrier was sunk ahead of them could see action. These Hornets and Super Hornets were flown by squadrons assigned to the US Navy, the US Navy Reserve and the US Marines. They undertook fighter missions, bombing runs and reconnaissance. Those from the Eisenhower and the Enterprise intended to swap roles daily. One carrier would focus on missions directly over Northern Norway while the other would focus on fleet defence tasks. Today Eisenhower’s aircraft were active above Bardufoss and also Tromsø. Russian forces underneath them came under a furious attack with serious losses sustained. Their own fighters had a terrible time in the sky and while air defences were able to make some impact, the Americans kept on coming. As to the aircraft from the Enterprise, those were ranging far out ahead. FA-18s were in the sky loaded with air-to-air missiles and all ready to take on a Russian cruise missile attack. Buddy-tanking was used to extend the range of the forwardmost fighters far out ahead and there was the support of several AWACS aircraft which each operated in an overlap fashion less the Russians use their long-range AWACS-killer missiles here. Enterprise’s fighters saw some action where they took down several Russian aircraft (reconnaissance jets & transports) who thought they were in ‘safe’ skies though they didn’t see any Backfires. In addition, the carrier’s air wing was also standing ready to launch a major anti-ship strike against the Northern Fleet when possible. The British had got the Russian’s flagship battle-cruiser but the Americans wanted their aircraft carrier.
The two US Navy carriers hadn’t come alone. TF 20 came with escorts of its own and at the same time, now there was significant air cover, NATO moved a chunk of surface naval power into the Norwegian Sea. There were many ships who had been kept back but now were forward-deployed. An equal parity in the air with the Russians beforehand had seen far too many ships lost yet now the situation had drastically changed with TF 20’s safe arrival. Unless the Russians could get through a Backfire strike – against so many ships spread out far and wide too thus making that difficult; and with their focus sure to be the carriers – these ships were all now protected from above. The threat in the Norwegian Sea was now submarines. NATO intelligence overestimated their numbers: they believed that there were four of them when in fact only two remained, one of those effectively trapped inside the Vestfjorden after striking them due to NATO activity to bar any further entry. Against this submarine threat, there were (including those with TF 20) close to fifty major warships – cruisers, destroyers & frigates – now in these waters. They had many tasks to do from anti-air defence to Tomahawk launches to coastal raiding missions soon to begin at the very top of Norway, but the fact remained that the Norwegian Sea was now fully in control of NATO. No longer would it be contested like it had been before.
Many Russian submarines were out in the North Atlantic. There remained several attack models plus also those Oscars with their missile arsenals sent there to engage TF 20 but flatfooted by the American’s ‘deception’ in going the wrong way into the Norwegian Sea: using the Denmark Strait, not the main bit of the GIUK Gap. Updated intelligence reports and new orders came to these submarines today like they had yesterday to the Vologda. Two of the Akula-class hunter-killers and two Oscars were informed of the mass of NATO warships which could be found inside the Norwegian Sea behind them. Moreover, the carriers were now confirmed as being there. Turn back around, the order thus was, and go after the enemy there in less open waters… right into the lion’s den in fact. Acknowledgements were sent back over the satellite link-up. Upon providing those receipts, one of the submarines, RFS Krasnodar with all of its SS-N-19 Shipwrecks so far unused, came mightily close to being caught. ‘Sniffing’ the air for signals to intercept, a US Navy EP-3E Aires caught a burst transmission. Decoding the signal was impossible nor directly localizing it, but NATO aircraft headed that way. Atlantiques, Nimrods and P-3s went hunting for it. They dropped what seemed like an ocean of sonobuoys on the surface with the intention of following them with torpedoes and depth bombs. If they’d gotten a fix, they would have had a kill. Yet, the Oscar had made good a timely escape. Whether the Krasnodar and the others would survive the Norwegian Sea was a different matter entirely.
Another day in Poland, another day of the ongoing stalemate there.
The frontlines were moving all of the time. These movements were never more than a mile – at the very most – in either direction though. Both sides continued to push up against each other and fought over hills, patches of woodland and the banks of small rivers. They were seeking better defensive positions, better offensive positions too. Each fight saw tremendous amounts of ammunition being expended… and great loss of life too. To an outsider, this was all crazy. Maybe it was to those involved too. But to those who made the decisions, it was all important when looking at the big picture. It mattered that those hills, woods and riverbanks were held by their side and not the other! The future was what commanders were thinking of.
Huge mechanised armies had been brought to a halt by the other. Increasingly, lighter troops were entering the fight and replacing heavier forces on those frontlines. At the beginning of Operation Slava, NATO light forces had been run over – literally in many places – and those who survived pulled back with haste less they suffer the same fate. However, now lighter forces were being moved forward into battle instead of retreating. They came from across the alliance and were slotted into the frontlines to replace worn-down units of a heavier nature. On the other side of the frontlines, the Russians and Belorussians were doing the same. There was the withdrawal of some of their heavy units – not on the scale as NATO did – and the replacement too by lighter units. All of these soldiers sent to the front, wearing the uniforms of so many armies, continued to shoot at each other while those behind them were readied to start doing that again soon enough. Of quite the surprise today was that sudden order for full NBC protection amongst troops in the field, those on the frontlines and far behind them too. The reason why wasn’t something given: just the order to do it and do it now. It was no easy undertaking to get so many soldiers into such equipment and to keep them wearing it at all times no matter what else was going on. Civilians both sides of the frontlines noted the ‘men in spacesuits’ and there was a lot of panic among them too, panic which didn’t go away when they were told that everything was supposedly okay.
The US Army’s 3rd Infantry Division had taken wartime losses of sixty per cent overall. They’d been withdrawn from the fighting last week, long before the stalemate set in and Putin’s ceasefire offer was so thoroughly rejected by the Coalition. There was no way that the 3rd Infantry could fight again as it had done before without a major rebuilding. Personnel and equipment losses had been staggering. There was disorganization throughout. Morale within was at rock bottom. Officially, they remained undefeated but they certainly hadn’t been victorious. Talk back in the Pentagon had been of possibly disbanding the 3rd Infantry – on a temporary basis – and distributing what was left across Poland to other US Army units: a new division could be stood up back home at Georgia. Orders from the top had denied permission to do that because the political optics of that didn’t work. Therefore, while in Central Poland now, men and equipment were being added to the division. Work was being done to rebuild the 3rd Infantry in-the-field. This was going to take a long time and all for the sake of politics. In a similar situation was the Russian Army’s 5th Guards Tank Division. Likewise, they too had taken fierce losses which affected the whole of the division completely. The Americans had unleashed their Operation Dragon’s Fire against the 5 GTD and made sure that it ended up combat ineffective. From the bomb-damaged Ministry of Defence back in Moscow, instructions came that the 5 GTD was to stay on the rolls: it wouldn’t be broken up with surviving components used elsewhere. No large numbers of reinforcing troops or equipment came the division’s way when it was pulled back into Belarus but there was some rebuilding attempted. Like its American counterpart, this would take a long time and the best solution would have been temporary disbandment yet politics got in the way. These two combat divisions were the most extreme examples of the visible damage that the opposing armies in Poland had done to each other. That didn’t take away from everything else shot-up though. Neither side was able to go forward and fight a battle of maneuver as they had only so recently done. Rebuilding but also reinforcement remained the shape of things for the current time.
Yet, at some point soon enough, they would be back at full-scale mobile warfare once again.
There were NATO military personnel on the run in the Baltic States like there were behind enemy lines in Belarus, Northern Norway and the occupied parts of Poland. Aircrew were in the same situation as cut-off ground personnel where they were in unfriendly territory with a hostile enemy searching for them. Rescue efforts did occur but these depended upon the right circumstances. Some lasted hours only on the run, others much longer including more than a week… closer to two weeks now in a few cases. Being on the run meant that capture and possibly death could come at any moment. That wasn’t the only issue though. There was thirst, hunger, injuries & illness and also the mental health of those hiding in fear to factor in to how long those on the run would remain uncaught. Willpower kept some out of enemy captivity for a long time yet others just had a lot of good luck. For most though, they couldn’t stay hidden for very long. NATO military personnel turned themselves in, handing over their fates to the unknown. Russian intelligence activities in the occupied territory which was the three Baltic States saw them gain POWs from among out there hiding. It wasn’t the intention though. The FSB was running false resistance groups among the local populations. This allowed for limited acts to take place all to stop larger ones. It was also done to discredit and destroy real resistance too. The schemes were complicated and sometimes contradictory… reports back to Moscow made this all seem perfect and successful though, even when one of their senior officers, a rising star of a colonel, was slain by the Latvian Resistance when he was too clever for his own good. Certain NATO forces came into contact with these groups where they sought shelter & safety or were spotted by duped members of them by chance. The Russians swept up close to a hundred prisoners this way. It was something to consider for them for the future though they weren’t sure how to proceed any further: thought would be put into how this could be done deliberately and on a bigger scale for a sought-for purpose rather than pure chance.
Late on Monday night, the new prime minister in Rome had instructed that Italian military forces be made available to help defend the country’s NATO allies abroad. By Wednesday, there were Italian aircraft flying from a Polish airbase. This was rather quick! Tornado IDS’ and ECRs – the strike and electronic combat versions of this aircraft – were flying their first missions against those who had invaded Poland. 1 ATAF tasked the Italians sent from 6o Stormo (6th Wing) to aid the Poles between Warsaw and Brest and they attacked the Belorussians below them. Only a few aircraft were involved on the first night but it would be an effort which would grow significantly. The speed of which this deployment was done was due to this being arranged before Berlusconi resigned. Direct contact between the Italian Armed Forces and NATO to plan this was approved at high levels on both sides (the Italian defence minister in Rome was involved) and so once the political decision had been made, off those jets flew from their base in Northern Italy to Radom Airport. The Italian Air Force had more aircraft in service though no more would be coming to north: they were instead involved in missions going southwards toward Libya alongside allies too. However, the personnel with 6o Stormo weren’t the only Italians who were being sent to Eastern Europe: they’d be joined by troops too in an even bigger logistics effort (also something pre-planned) than which brought these aircraft here.
Down in Transnistria, the Bulgarians and Romanians broke through the last major organised resistance in their way to completing the occupation of most of that tiny breakaway nation. The worn-down Moldovans stayed back in their own country. A pincer movement saw the capital Tiraspol surrounded by heavily-armed mobile NATO troops in tanks and armoured vehicles. They had air support in the sky with them (American jets in number) along with plenty of their own artillery to blast away at their opponents. Infantrymen was what Transnistria had a lot of as well as lighter gear: these were unable to stop the advance forward though it was a costly one. Tiraspol would be fought over, but not today. As Transnistria fought its penultimate fight, the Russians evacuated the country. They went eastwards and into the Ukraine: the Ukrainian Army on the border stood aside on orders from Kiev as Russian paratroopers abandoned their ally and fled to safety. This was the last evacuation out of the country though there had already been preceding ones where support personnel rather than combat soldiers had been airlifted out before that air route was shut by NATO tanks occupying airheads. It was because of the Ukrainians opening the border like they did, along with a lot of other things that Kiev had done too though, that tonight, as gunfire took place around the edges of Tiraspol, the Operation Crowbar was launched. Flying from Romania and laden with a human cargo of Romanian special forces & pathfinders instead of Americans, two US Air Force MC-130P Combat Shadows dropped them at low altitude in unfriendly territory far beyond the borders of Romania and Transnistria. The Romanians followed those Russians who left Tiraspol first. Tomorrow other troops would follow them as the long-delayed Crowbar got going. That operation would take place on a certain peninsula within the Black Sea and the Romanians sent first wouldn’t be out there all by their lonesome for long.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 12:06:10 GMT
One-Hundred-Seventeen
Activities by CIA assets in Latin America had uncovered a multitude of activities by the Russian intelligence agencies. The SVR, Russia’s foreign intelligence service, and its military counterpart, the GRU, both had Spetsnaz operators in the United States. Though the FBI’s Hostage Rescue Team – along with members of Delta Force – had effectively taken out this network in the mainland United States, the Pentagon was deeply troubled by the prospect of a second wave of Spetsnaz strikes. Conventional US forces were fully engaged around the world, but a vast array of units with varying capabilities still reported to Special Operations Command at MacDill Air Force Base, Florida.
Operation Southern Comfort was the name of the US Military’s operation to roll up the Spetsnaz support network which nested across Latin America. Assigned to this mission were men from the U.S. Army’s 7th Special Forces Group, along with members of the 75th Ranger Regiment, SEAL Team Four, DEVGRU, and the CIA’s Special Activities Division. The Green Berets of the 7th SFG had a long-term mission in South America, and had previously served in Colombia amongst other nations in support of the government.
Tonight, however, they faced a very different foe. Satellite surveillance, along with human intelligence sources within Mexico, had located a remote airstrip hidden deep in the countryside which appeared to be manned by nearly two dozen subjects. These men were members of the SVR’s ultra-secret Zaslon group, a highly-trained and experienced unit of the Foreign Intelligence Service that specialised in covert and deniable operations carried out overseas. Their presence in Mexico had been for the purpose of smuggling GRU Spetsnaz operatives into the mainland United States, who had in turn wreaked havoc first in Washington D.C. and at Tinker Air Force Base, and then in Nevada with the strike on Indian Point AFB.
Located in the Sonora Region, the airstrip was difficult to approach and extremely hazardous. Though remote, it had been able to facilitate an An-26 patrol aircraft, as well as house the support crew from Zaslon. A pair of twelve-man Alpha Teams from the 3rd Battalion of the 7th Special Forces Group, along with members of the CIA’s Special Activities Division and a team of specialists from the Defence Intelligence Agency, took off from a staging area outside Tucson, Arizona, in three MH-60 Black Hawk helicopters. A pair of AH-64D Apache gunships flew alongside the transport helicopters; these Apaches were from the 1st Cavalry Division’s Combat Aviation Brigade, and had been unable to deploy to Europe alongside the majority of the division due to technical issues which had been fixed days prior. The five aircraft crossed the Mexican border at scarcely fifty feet above the ground. The pilots used night-vision goggles to navigate the dangerous terrain, skimming the rocky desert ground and climbing rapidly to avoid hilltops, sometimes with only inches to spare.
To the outside viewer, it appeared to be no more than luck or even a miracle that none of the helicopters crashed. To the pilots and other aircrew, it was a series of precisely-planned and executed manoeuvres.
Mexico had little in the way of air defences, and little threat existed to the helicopters from Mexican forces. However, in an effort to avoid a diplomatic incident, the DIA informed Mexico of the raid thirty seconds before the helicopters reached their target. It was not that President Biden didn’t value Mexico as an ally – he certainly appreciated Mexico’s cooperation with the Department of Homeland Security in closing the border, which itself stretched from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico – but rather that the CIA believed that Mexican officials were on the payroll of the SVR somewhere in the chain of command. To be fair, this assumption was not unfounded, as the local police forces were rife with corruption. Many officers at the local level were in contact with drug cartels. Nobody wanted to risk blowing such an intelligence coup in the shadowy war against the Spetsnaz by allowing a Mexican official to tip off the Russians. Shortly after two in the morning, the assault force reached its target. The SVR personnel didn’t hear the helicopters until the last possible moment due to their low altitude and the shielding effect of the mountains.
The Apaches went in first, strafing the tent besides the makeshift runway with cannon shells. Men on the ground returned fire with small-arms to little avail. It could have been a massacre from above, but the Green Berets had orders to secure this potential source of intelligence intact if possible. While the Apaches backed off and circled above the landing zone to prevent anybody escaping on foot, the Special Forces personnel disembarked from the helicopters and began to lay down fire.
One Green Beret was killed as he exited his helicopter, and a door-gunner was also wounded. Moving in from three sides, the Americans quickly dispatched several enemy guards with rifle fire and grenades, before securing the remaining two tents. One Zaslon man was shot dead by a Green Beret just as he prepared to launch a guided anti-aircraft missile at one of the Black Hawk’s. Calamity was avoided, however, and the Russian died in a hail of 5.56mm gunfire. The few remaining Russians continued to return fire, killing another American soldier and a CIA man, before the final group of Russian operatives threw down their weapons in surrender; cowardice, it was not. They had fought well and bravely considering that they had been taken totally by surprise and were outnumbered by an attack force with air support. By the end of it, four Americans were dead along with eleven Russian operatives; nine more had been taken into custody, several of them wounded. The Americans had only an hour to rummage through every scrap of intelligence they found at the airstrip. Documents were bagged and hauled into the waiting helicopters, along with computers, phones and radio equipment. Everything that could be of intelligence value was loaded onto the helicopters while medics treated both sides’ wounded.
The next target was the port used by Spetsnaz to enter Nicaragua, which the CIA suspected was now being used as a communications hub to issue orders to Spetsnaz teams that had already infiltrated America.
*
This second operation began within hours of the first raid. It was a more complex operation than the one that had taken place in Mexico, with the mission requiring a US Air Force MC-130J Combat Talon from the 1st Special Operations Wing, flying out of Corpus Christi Naval Air Station in Texas. Two platoons of commandos from SEAL Team Four – a force numbering thirty-two men in total – jumped from the aircraft as it flew down south over the Atlantic. Dropping in with the men were a trio of inflatable boats that were to be used for the assault team to make their escape from Nicaragua. Like their Army counterparts operating in Mexico, the Navy SEALs were operating without the knowledge or consent of the local government. Nicaragua had little in the way of assets that could stop the SEALs from landing, but once they were on the ground, they were on their own. Their mission differed from that of the Green Berets, as the SEALs would have to evade their way to the sea and then move out in inflatable boats, they couldn’t be expected to carry prisoners or intelligence with them. Drifting through the night sky, the frogmen opened their parachutes over the Nicaraguan jungle. The objective was a small port in the de Douhnta Lagoon, on Nicaragua’s eastern coast. Like the airstrip in Mexico, it was being run by members of Zaslon.
The SEALs expertly guided their parachutes down into the jungle. They landed silently and remained undetected, despite one young sailor getting caught in a tree and another spraining his ankle as he hit the ground. After regrouping, the commander in charge of the operation split his men into four eight-man ‘boat crews’. Each of these teams was tasked with surrounding the target from a different angle so that it could be hit from all sides when the shooting started. Using night-vision goggles to approach their target, it took the commandos just over an hour to get themselves into position. By now, it was early in the morning and dawn would soon break. The commander on the ground was faced with a tough operational decision. His could either launch the assault now, with dawn about to break, and risk being forced to evade to the coastline in broad daylight, or wait in the jungle throughout the day and then strike the following evening. After some debating with his officers & NCOs, the Lieutenant-Commander opted to launch immediately.
Twenty-four men moved silently towards the encampment, whilst the other commandos remained on the high ground overlooking the objective, ready lay down fire with sniper rifles, anti-tank missiles and light machineguns. Three men patrolling the perimeter of the camp had their throats cut by the SEALs after they were stumbled across. The camp itself consisted of a small dock and a trio of seemingly-abandoned buildings that were in fact being used as a communications hub and a barracks by the Zaslon team members. The location had first been scouted out by SVR officers from the Russian embassy in Managua, and then additional personnel had been flown in to man it. Everyone stationed there was armed and well-trained, but the general consensus was that they were safe, or at least safer than their comrades in the US or even in Mexico. The Americans launching a raid to capture them was considered unlikely, and if the Nicaraguan government decided to detain them, they would likely be handed back to Russia at some point in the near future for political concessions.
With the sun rising to the east, the SEALs made their move, emerging from the undergrowth through which they had hidden. Snipers and gunners with squad-automatic weapons opened fire on the barracks building where several Zaslon men were sleeping. They racked the thin, crumbling walls of the building with bullets, and then another commando launched a missile into the building, causing it to collapse and crush the remaining occupants. The SEALs within the camp raced forwards, gunning down surprised enemy guards outside the command building. The commander took half of his men into the suspected command centre, whilst sending the other half into the third building, the use of which was unknown. The guards who remained alive returned fire, killing two SEALs as they stormed into the command centre. Flash-bang grenades were lobbed to disorientate those inside the building, and then the SEALs pushed on further through the corridors. Everybody they came across was shot dead in an instant.
It was all over in the space of ten minutes. Four SEALs had been killed, as had sixteen enemy combatants. After gathering up all the intelligence they could – mostly through taking photographs of documents that were located in the command centre – the assaulters bugged out towards the coast. Running through the undergrowth to escape from Nicaragua, the SEALs managed to avoid the attention of the local authorities. They made it to the beach and scrambled away from the coastline in their inflatable boats, out into the Atlantic where a pair of Marine Corps helicopters would retrieve them.
The first two missions of Operation Southern Comfort had been far from bloodless, but both operations were a major success for the United States in Latin America, and would contribute massively to preventing any further Russian SOF action in the mainland United States.
One Hundred and Eighteen
Uninvited, those Romanian special forces & pathfinders had gone to Kacha Airbase in the Crimea. This was one of four military air facilities on this Ukrainian peninsula. Kacha & Gvardeyskoe were exclusively for the use of Russian Naval Aviation, Saki was a Ukrainian facility which Russia was allowed access to and Belbek was an exclusive Ukrainian base. Kacha was a base for the Black Sea Fleet’s helicopters and fixed wing support aircraft; their combat aircraft were at Gvardeyskoe. In addition to those naval air operations from Kacha, missions over Transnistria had been conducted from here too which each time saw the aircraft involved cross Ukrainian airspace above the Crimea yet also mainland Ukraine too. It was those, especially in the last few days, which had seen the Americans transport the Romanians here with the intention of joining them. The Russians had taken prisoners out of Transnistria before the last resistance was confined to the capital Tiraspol. These POWs were NATO aircrews but also selective ground forces personnel from the fields of communications, intelligence and planning. The numbers of how many prisoners there were at Kacha and where exactly inside the base they were was something that Allied Forces Romania (the pre-war name remained for this three-star joint command despite the war being fought in Moldova and Transnistria) had been trying hard to determine since they had discovered what was going on with these flights. There was also the intention held since the beginning to go and liberate those prisoners but from higher up, that had been refused. NATO and the Coalition didn’t want the war to spread to the Ukraine. This had been a long-held position, even before the conflict erupted where war wasn’t wanted with Russia either but it was thought that the cost of fighting the Ukrainians as well would be too much. Moreover, there had been the hope that the Ukraine would turn against Russia and join the Coalition: such an act was believed to be something that could fatally damage Russia.
Ukrainian neutrality had been violated throughout the war. NATO drones had overflown the country to study its military forces stacked up against the borders of Poland, Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. Twice the Crimea had been struck by the Americans with cruise missiles – fired from the destroyer USS Ross before she was sunk and from those launched by US Air Force B-52s – when aiming at Russian targets with some of those missiles going off course. In the eyes of the Coalition, none of this excused what the government of President Yanukovych in Kiev was doing though in cooperating with Russia’s war efforts. There had been the use of Ukrainian-flagged ships and Ukrainian-registered transport aircraft by Russia. Ukrainian airspace had been used for both Russia’s air actions against Poland and Moldova; the borders had been crossed on the ground with countless violations too not including the recent escape of Russian forces out of Transnistria. Ukrainian civilians had been caught up in multiple Russian intelligence operations and there was the suspicion – though no direct proof – that Ukrainian intelligence agencies had assisted in this directly. American intelligence was asserting that Kiev had agreed with Moscow that Ukrainian Air Force combat aircraft – MiG-29s, Su-24Ms & Su-27s – would be ‘transferred’ to the Russian Air Force to replace losses with payment made of new aircraft at a later date. What that transfer entailed, the CIA was saying, was for pilots and ground crews to come with the aircraft and there would just be a change of markings. This had been something that the DGSE’s Ukrainian spy at the embassy in Moscow was saying wasn’t exactly true – it was transports, not combat aircraft – as France disagreed with the United States on the detail… yet the intent was the same: the Ukraine was supplying Russia with much-needed equipment when Russia was in dire straits when it came to air power. Other things were going to be done on a political level but Operation Crowbar was to occur first.
The Romanians out ahead had spent the night gathering on-the-ground intelligence to add to images from satellites and also a drone overflight of Kacha too. Crowbar was a risky operation because not all of the necessary pieces were in-place when it came to intelligence. There were actually some last-minute calls back at Buzău – where Allied Forces Romania was headquarters – for a delay at this late stage. Whereas before politics had held this back, now it pushed it forward. The rescue mission was a go. American CV-22s along with further MC-130s, escorted by F-16s as well as some Hungarian Gripens, flew from Romania across the northwestern corner of the Black Sea. The waters below them had seen the death of much of the Romanian Navy (they had lost both of their frigates they had received in recent years from the Royal Navy as well as many other ships too) in the past thirteen days. Aboard the tiltrotors and the specialist assault transport aircraft were Romanians as well as Americans. Romanian special forces had served alongside the Americans in Iraq and joined them in coming to the Crimea.
Kacha was quite the fight. It didn’t all go perfectly. The Russians were unaware of what was coming but still reacted quick. They were overawed though by the massive assault which hit them. They were supposed to be safe here in the Crimea. Kacha had been hit by a few cruise missiles but nothing else. Now there were bombs, missiles and enemy commandos. Not everyone stood about with their jaws open and with wet underwear. Others fired back where they used their weapons for their first time… against a high-trained and motivated opponent. One of the Russians, a GRU lieutenant-colonel quickly thought of the consequences of those POWs being liberated and revealing all that had happened to them plus comrades of theirs who’d ended up in shallow graves back in Transnistria. With his pistol, he started shooting captives: dead men tell no tales. He murdered five of them before the Romanians killed him themselves – their own commander wished that his man had taken his prisoner – and saved dozens more from execution. Twenty-nine NATO military personnel would be rescued from Kacha. The operation cost NATO seventeen of the rescuers with the majority of those losses coming from a CV-22 downed by a man-portable SAM-launcher. Russian losses would be far higher. Before departing, those involved in Crowbar devastated the base. They destroyed aircraft & helicopters (An-26s & Mil-8s), set fire to buildings and left some nasty surprises in the form of bobby-traps to impede recovery efforts. POWs were taken too, some high-value ones. Then they were out and heading back to Romania. There had been no reaction from the Ukrainians who had troops plus aircraft on the Crimea. They did absolutely nothing to stop this because they were waiting for orders. MiG-29s from Belbek, tasked for air defence of the Crimea, didn’t get airborne; a battalion of soldiers in infantry carriers didn’t leave their barracks. Gvardeyskoe was home to naval-rolled Russian Su-24M which had a fighter capability. On strip alert, a pair of them took off with haste with others soon to join them. Hungarian Gripens opened fire on them, seeing action here very far from home just like others had done yesterday when the Hungarians had sent their strike-fighters into Transnistrian skies aiding the mixed NATO Brigade on the outskirts of Tiraspol. The two Fencers were lost with one exploding in the sky and the other crashing into the ground on the outskirts of the small city of Simferopol. Two for zero was a fantastic opening score for the Hungarians here.
War had come to the Crimea but would it expand or be nipped in the bud? The Coalition hoped that this would be enough to stop an expansion of the conflict to the Ukraine. Contact between diplomats was made to inform Kiev that this was an action undertaken against Russia, not the Ukraine, who had been using their soil. Danger could only come from continuing to allow Moscow to do this. Perhaps Yanukovych should reconsider supporting Putin…
Russian Naval Aviation units assigned to their Baltic Fleet had an equally bad day as their comrades with the Black Sea Fleet. However, at least there were still Russian warships in the Black Sea by the end of the day (many of them in fact): that would not be the case in the Baltic. August 19th was the last day for the Baltic Fleet. NATO’s own Baltic fleet – Task Force 100 – spent the Thursday put an end to their opponent. Neither Russian naval aircraft nor their Coastal Troops could save the ships out in the water. Those Coastal Troops weren’t marines – the Naval Infantry had been lost at Copenhagen – but rather the missile-launchers for anti-ship & anti-air weapons, engineers for maritime defences, communication & guard forces for the naval bases and so on. There were NATO air and missile strikes which commenced against these land-based elements of the Baltic Fleet alongside the ships at sea. TF 100 had been assembling for more than a week in preparation for their now final attack. There were over forty major warships, from eight navies. They had everything they needed to complete this mission. That they did.
Out on and below the water, TF 100 sunk fifteen warships and one of the two submarines that the Russians had left. Those warships were the missile-corvettes operated by the Baltic Fleet and their largest combat vessels remaining after earlier sinkings. A couple of corvettes armed with anti-ship missiles got away and fled northwards, into what would become the bastion the was the Gulf of Finland, but the rest were sunk. NATO hit them with aircraft, missiles fired from their own warships and also their own submarines: they had a dozen of these under the water. A submarine-on-submarine engagement took place where the Dutch HNLMS Walrus took out the RFS Sankt Petersburg. The latter was a much-newer vessel than the former but was full of problems of both a mechanical and technical nature: the Dutch Navy had a reliable boat with a good crew who followed their training to sink an enemy vessel just as they were meant to. At sea, TF 100 also hit several minesweepers and little patrol boats as well. This was a merciless process where everything seen on radar screens was struck at. TF 100 was left in complete control afterwards of the Baltic afterwards apart from inside that heavily-defended Gulf of Finland and also the Gulf of Riga too: both places were full of minefields.
TF 100 was commanded from HMS Illustrious, a Royal Navy light carrier which had RAF Harrier GR9s aboard who had previously seen action over Zealand. Air cover for today’s fighting was provided by land-based air cover out of Denmark and Poland because those Harriers didn’t have the capability nor numbers to protect all of the ongoing operations which were taking place. There were those engagements against Russian ships at-sea but also attacks made against land as well. NATO warships used guns and missiles to strike targets all the way from the small bit of coastal Poland held all the way up to the Estonian islands of Hiiumaa and Saaremaa. The naval base at Baltiysk was hit and so too were inland airbases in Kaliningrad as well as through the occupied Baltic States; Tomahawks from the US Navy ships with TF 100 went after the latter. There were bombardments undertaken against where those anti-ship missiles were, especially when they opened fire against the mass of warships offshore in attempt to sink them. The British Harriers went after the mobile launchers in Latvia – further south there were too many air defences – and dropped Paveway laser-guided bombs on several systems. Two aircraft were brought down though: the Russian air defences that far north weren’t as weak as believed. Where missile launches were made, those flew out to sea and headed towards the ships of TF 100. There weren’t that many missiles and the Russians weren’t able to make saturation attacks. NATO warships fired off SAMs and took down the majority of them. A couple got through though and did manage to see fatal hits made upon two vessels: FGS Augsburg (a German frigate) and ORP General Tadeusz Kosciuszko (the last surviving Polish Navy frigate). These losses occurred when mistakes were made and the Russians got their missiles into exposed ships. Elsewhere there were intercepts achieved at great distance. The Baltic Fleet opened fire with the majority of their weapons all for no real gain overall. Their positions had been uncovered and thus counterattacked. There was no incoming amphibious landing which these firings were supposed to stop but even if there had been, the little effect had meant that one would have succeeded. That was to be a lesson learnt in many places.
Russian aircraft came out over the sea. The Baltic Fleet had Fencers and Flankers and undertook stand-off attacks with missiles rather than attempting to make bomb runs. They found the skies full of missiles launched from TF 100 as well as NATO fighters. As to the warships, the US Navy’s missile-cruisers USS Philippine Sea and USS Vicksburg with their Aegis systems proved to be extremely effective in either getting the aircraft before they fired or hitting their in-flight missiles. HMS Daring joined in with the Americans here in this long-range fight. This was the maiden cruise of this Royal Navy destroyer and she was alongside HNLMS Tromp which also had many air defence missiles. Eleven aircraft were brought down by NATO warships over the Baltic. In exchange, from their aerial efforts here, the Baltic Fleet’s Naval Aviation component only managed to damage a Danish ship but did set fire to the HMCS Iroquois, leading to the total loss of that destroyer. And that was it. The disaster in the air was only made worse when Luftwaffe and RAF Tornados then raided the dispersed airfields that many of the surviving Russian aircraft were flying from very soon after they landed. NATO had been waiting for this opportunity and planned their strike well here to catch their opponents exposed. Unfortunately a couple of Tornados were brought down by Russian SAMs but the mission had been effective with Russian aircraft blown up, airfields smashed up and a lot of dead personnel.
The Danish ship hit by an air-launched missile was the HDMS Absalon. Absalon (and her sister-ship which was also with TF 100) was a multi-purpose ship which was both a frigate and an amphibious assault platform depending upon mission fit. The Russian landing on Copenhagen on the war’s first day had seen the Absalon that morning far away: out in the Bay of Biscay as she came home from an anti-piracy mission in the Indian Ocean due to NATO-Russian tensions. Missing that fight, she was now taking part in another. Further special forces teams were being put into occupied territory with the Danish ship putting ashore Danish commandos alongside Americans, British, French and Spanish units into the Baltic States including this mission into Estonia’s offshore islands. Iroquois was struck by a pair of Kh-41 supersonic missiles while trying to defend herself and the Absalon. USS Kidd – a multi-battle veteran of the fighting in the Baltic – was also present where this fight occurred and got some of those modified Sunburns but not enough. The Danish and US Navy ships would afterwards rescue many of the Canadians before they departed the area: US Air Force F-15s turned up afterwards but, to the ire of those on the ships, too late to have had an impact. The insertion of special forces into Hiiumaa and Saaremaa weren’t the only landings made. Others went into mainland Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and also Kaliningrad too: with the latter, those men entered that Russian territory by submarine rather than landing craft or helicopters. TF 100 wasn’t just smashing up the Baltic Fleet today but also aiding the main deployment of a mixed NATO command of commando units deemed Task Force Hammer. There were lots of men to get into the Baltics with others due for parachute drops which didn’t need naval cover. However, with NATO warships now utterly dominating the Baltic, there were going to be fewer problems getting them in.
TF 100 had exposed the whole right flank of the Russian forward position deep inside Poland. NATO couldn’t do anything it wanted here, but they could do an almighty lot. Down in Krakow, the planning staff of General Mattis’ CJTF–East was involved in both TF 100 and TF Hammer’s actions. The US Marine known as ‘Mad Dog’ had a large number of officers assigned to his planning staff. CJTF–East had ultimate command over Baltic operations as well as others further afield from Poland such as those in Norway and the Balkans too. The planners were busy. Mattis had them looking at offensive operations for the future beyond those undertaken today on both maritime flanks of his force’s main areas of operation: those being out ahead inland. Political guidance was still something needed yet he had been informed by Petraeus – who had slotted in well to the role as SACEUR – that that should be forthcoming soon enough once the upcoming NATO summit in Paris was completed. Regardless, Petraeus informed Mattis that there was no expectation that anything else other than instructions to go forward and liberate NATO territory would be the main thrust of that political guidance. What else could it be? The planning for that was already taking place. Enemy forces – including in Belarus the recently-arrived Russian Thirty–Sixth Army with troops from the Far East; Russia would miss them greatly there soon! – were factored in along with terrain, available NATO forces and also the ability of supplies to keep on arriving in Eastern Europe. From Paris the final decisions would be made, but Mad Dog was thinking that an offensive should be able to take place next week. Things could change in the meantime, of course, but that wasn’t likely. CJTF–East was every day growing larger and despite their reinforcements, the Russians looked weaker as time went on too.
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Jul 14, 2019 12:07:43 GMT
One Hundred Nineteen
An attack against Sakhalin was going to happen. Operation Eastern Gamble had been formally authorised. Plans had been put into effect to prepare Sakhalin for a landing by the United States Marine Corps, backed by units or the Australian Defence Forces and the British Army. Dozens of US Navy amphibious assault ships had left San Diego laden down with the men and equipment of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force. The key component of this corps-sized command was the 1st Marine Division. It held three infantry regiments, as well as several battalions of M1A1 Abrams tanks, LAV-25 amphibious fighting vehicles, reconnaissance and amphibious assault vehicles, and many others.
The 3rd Marine Air Wing was also part of the 1st MEF. This was one thing that separated a Marine Expeditionary Force from an Army corps; the presence of its own incorporated airpower. F/A-18C & F/A-18D Hornets operated as part of the 3rd MAW, along with AV-8B Harrier attack jets, UH-1Y, CH-46 & MH-53 utility helicopters, AH-1W & AH-1Z attack helicopters, and MV-22 Osprey tiltrotor aircraft. The helicopters and Harriers would operate from US Navy amphibious assault ships, while the Hornets were to fly from Navy carriers or potentially from bases in Sakhalin that had been occupied.
Joining the ranks of the 1st Marine Division was the Australian Defence Forces 1st Infantry Brigade. Australia had a moderately well-sized and capable Army, but its ground troops and most of its air force had yet to see action, beyond a single squadron of Hornets that had gone to Poland and a smattering of engineers and artillerymen attached to the British 1st Armoured Division pre-war for ‘training’ purposes. Australian soldiers would go into action alongside the US Marines and Royal Australian Air Force pilots would soon join in the fight also, as soon as basing for them could be secured.
The British Army’s Ghurkha battalion in Brunei became attached to the 1st Infantry Brigade as well, further boosting their ranks. The US Army’s 25th Infantry Division would join the fight in Sakhalin much later. They would need to be shipped or flown in with a smattering of support units, but that division and its soldiers, based across Alaska and Hawaii, would be sent to Sakhalin to hold off a Russian counterattack later on when the 33rd Motorised Rifle Division could react.
Commanding all of these forces was Lieutenant-General Joseph Dunford, USMC. Dunford was a veteran Marine with decades of military experience, but even for him, commanding a corps-sized landing, advance, and occupation of Russian Federation territory was going to be a challenging task. Pacific Command felt that Dunford was more than ready for it, but aboard his command ship, Dunford of course had his own doubts about the operation, with so much to go wrong and so many risks being taken.
A huge threat to the amphibious assault was the potential risk of tactical nuclear weapons being used by Putin when Russian territory was invaded. The prospect of Iskander missiles loaded with even low-yield warheads being used against his transport ships or against the beachhead itself was enough to keep Dunford up at night. Short of that situation, though, he had enough firepower at his disposal to ensure victory.
US Navy aircraft, along Air Force tactical fighters from bases in South Korea and strategic bombers from Guam, were tasked with softening up Russian defences in preparation for the landing. Strikes against Sakhalin were launched in large numbers. Navy and Marine Corps F/A-18s flew from the three aircraft carriers in the region, joined by F-16s from Osan and Kunsan Air Bases in the Republic of Korea, and even by Royal Australian Air Force F-111 attack aircraft from Guam. Airports and potential landing zones were obliterated, while Pacific Air Forces (PACAF) also concentrated a major amount of its firepower against Vladivostok and Russian Navy bases at Kamchatka.
One particularly daring strike was launched against the Far East District command centre in Khabarovsk. Tomahawk cruise missiles were first used to destroy a number of enemy air defence batteries, before Super Hornets destroyed the command centre and the surrounding buildings with GBU-12s. Everything that could threaten the landing was targeted time and time again, with the need to destroy Russia’s ability to utilise its airpower against the US and Allied amphibious forces. Russian fighters rose to defend their homeland against the American intruders, with MiG-29s, Su-27s & MiG-31s all dogfighting with F/A-18s & F-16s over Vladivostok and up to the Petropavlovsk area.
Tu-22M Backfire bombers had been seen flying from airfields in the Far East of Russia, but these aircraft were deemed invulnerable at their bases because of just how far inland they were located. Even the vaunted B-2s would struggle to penetrate that far into Russian airspace once again. No, the US Navy would have to fight the Backfires when they came out to play, and that would be a brutal and unpleasant experience indeed. The Russians would be attempting to strike the amphibious assets of the Coalition landing force before long, and they would meet varying degrees of success in their efforts.
Within Sakhalin itself, the 33rd Motorised Rifle Division was targeted for repeated airstrikes against its armour, vehicles, and field headquarters. SAMs defending the island scored numerous hits on American and Australian attack aircraft, but the sheer number of jets dedicated to the mission was overwhelming. Casualties amongst Russian forces on the island were appalling, but the division remained combat effective. By unleashing such a huge amount of firepower on the island, Pacific Command had in a way tipped its hand. Though Russian commanders hadn’t believed an attack on Sakhalin was a realistic possibility due to it being a formal part of the Russian Federation, the repeated air attacks against its defenders gave way to a different chain of thought…that the Coalition was going to mount an amphibious assault somewhere within Sakhalin.
The Russians were right with their calculations; the United States would soon land its Marine Corps on Russian territory. The 33rd Division was ordered to take up defensive positions on the southern side of the island, where an American attack would no doubt be launched. Infantrymen began digging into the beaches and surrounding hilltops, while T-72 tanks, BMP-2s & BTR-80s moved to defensive positions, all the while harassed by F-111s, Hornets and Super Hornets above them. Casualties had already been sustained in heavy numbers well before the 33rd Division ever took up defensive positions at the beaches, while US Navy destroyers and cruisers prepared to hit them with cruise missiles and naval gunfire barrages right before the initial landings would take place.
The first Coalition troops to go into Sakhalin were members of the Australian Special Air Service Regiment. A very small number of Australian soldiers parachuted into Sakhalin to carry out behind-the-lines reconnaissance tasks, while also helping to guide in airstrikes for the warplanes above them. They were soon joined by members of the 1st Marine Reconnaissance Battalion, who entered Sakhalin in platoon-sized formations by submarine and by parachute. Both groups of commandos were to avoid direct contact with the enemy, at least until the main landing force; they were tasked with surveying enemy troop movements and assisting in the direction and application of airstrikes and naval gunfire; it would be a gruelling task for them, as the 33rd Division dispatched men to hunt down the elusive intruders.
Sooner, rather than later, Sakhalin was going to be invaded, and the Coalition would have occupied a piece of the Russian Federation.
One Hundred and Twenty
The wider war was two weeks old now yet the spread to Libya had seen conflict there for less than a week. What a week that was turning out to be for Gaddafi’s Libya. The country had been blasted by American air power and then blasted some more. For good measure, this Friday saw further attacks take place. Again the US Air Force flying their B-52 bombers from Spain and the US Navy with its FA-18 strike-fighters based upon the USS John C. Stennis struck at Libyan targets, yet now the European members of NATO were far more involved. Using distant land bases and also their own aircraft carriers, France, Portugal & Spain had already taken part in air attacks. Now Italy had opened up its airbases to its NATO allies as well as joining in the fighting as well. Mainland Italy and the islands of Sardinia and Sicily filled up with aircraft whose task was to bomb military targets in Libya.
The American-led rescue efforts of all of those diplomatic hostages was still several days away. Until Operation Midnight Talon took place, there were multiple sites which couldn’t be hit from the air. That left many others though, with plenty of those seeing the ‘rubble bounced’ as they were ‘re-serviced’. Libya’s air force and its air defences had been shown to be one heck of a paper tiger. Yes, at times that tiger still had claws but even those were rather blunt. Years of sanctions and thus military neglect couldn’t be fixed by a sudden injection of some fancy hardware from Russia only last year. Upgrades were needed on radars, electronics and communications of those systems to make them as viable in 2010 as they would have been in their 1980s heyday. The money but also the time hadn’t been spent. Libya’s skies were open.
Coordinating their air warfare efforts, the Americans and the Europeans were blasting Libya to pieces. Airfields, naval bases, troops barracks, missile & radar sites and communications stations were hit. August 20th was quite the day for NATO ordnance expenditure. Missiles and bombs rained down upon Gaddafi’s regime and its military infrastructure. The Libyans did put up an effort to try and fight this assault from above. SAMs were launched, anti-aircraft guns fired and aircraft were put into the sky. Those air defences attracted the attention of more air strikes while the fighters flying were knocked down. Portugal had a squadron of F-16s flying from Decimomannu in Sardinia: they took down a pair of Libyan jets. The Spanish had Typhoons and Hornets deployed to mainland Italy at Gioia del Colle. These aircraft would claim twice as many air to air kills today than the Portuguese. NATO AWACS aircraft and tankers assisted both the Portuguese and Spanish like they did the French and the Italians too. France had Mirage-2000s as well as Rafales at Trapani on Sicily. As to the Italians, they had deployed some aircraft in recent days to Poland yet the majority of their air force was spread through mainland and island bases with Tornados, Typhoons and even some leased F-16s (the jets were due to go back to the Americans from whom they had been lent several years beforehand) undertaking missions. Kills in the skies were scored by these two air forces like their counterparts with the French claiming five and the Italians eight. The Libyans had a lot of aircraft, some of them quite useless and helpless in the skies. More of them were taken down by the US Navy combined than what these land-based European air forces flying from Italy managed to gain: the Americans especially running up a ‘high score’ when the Libyans flew Eastern Bloc era L-39s and G-2 Galebs. The pilots flying those trainers had been sent into the sky armed and were taken down as legitimate targets.
European navies joined with the Americans and their carrier battle group. There was talk that at some point next week the Stennis might be going off to the east and closer to Syria. Whether that was true was unknown to those who heard the rumours: it would certainly be here for a while, at least until that much-heralded hostage rescue operation was undertaken. France, Italy and Spain each had an aircraft carrier in the waters to the north of Libya with aircraft flying from them. The FNS Charles de Gaulle was the largest and most-capable: from it flew newer Rafales and older Super Étendards. The Italian Navy was doing everything it could to rush the completion of the ITS Cavour but that unfinished light carrier wasn’t here: instead they had the ITS Giuseppe Garibaldi. Upgraded AV-8B Harriers flew from the Garibaldi like they did the Spanish SPS Principe de Asturias. Downing fighters wasn’t what these naval aircraft were up to today. The French, Italians and Spanish bombed Libyan military bases instead. The French used their Super Étendards to make a stand-off attack over Tripoli when missiles from them joined those fired from several vessels which were part of the de Gaulle’s task group. The target for dozens of missiles was the imposing Bab al-Azizia complex in the heart of Libya’s capital. As they had done in 1986, the Americans had already hit it hard but the French Navy did so once again today. Those missiles exploded inside the reinforced walls but also against several of them too. All of Tripoli would know that the symbolic centre of Gaddafi’s rule had been hit and, like a fortress of old, its walls breached. The Bab al-Azizia was a valid military target and not just something for propaganda. There were tunnels beneath where Libya’s war effort was being directed from. Yet, Sarkozy had ordered this major attack and done so personally. From inside the complex last night, Gaddafi had made an appearance which had been broadcast on Russian state media and also Al Jazeera. He had called upon ‘his fellow Arabs’ to rise up against ‘Imperialist invaders and Zionists’: his language was very much the old Gaddafi, not something which had been seen in a long while. It had quite the Islamist tone to it too. In addition, and why the French President acted, was the claims that Gaddafi had made. Libya’s leader had asserted the that money from his nation had financed the successful 2007 election campaign of Sarkozy. He said he had proof too, proof which he would show the world.
The Bab al-Azizia would burn after the French attack, lighting up the city of Tripoli through the coming night. There was trouble in the city where security forces clashed with looters. No political protest was taking place but rather criminal acts. Some daring acts of vandalism took place as well with images of Gaddafi daubed with insulting & inflammatory graffiti. Like the looters, those scrawling the graffiti were shot on-sight when caught. Their families and neighbours would be outraged. They could do nothing to avenge their sons and brothers at this time though. Maybe in the future that might change…
Israel’s war with Syria had grown fast. Hezbollah had joined in and then the Americans had too entered the fight. Both the regime in Damascus and the quasi-state within Lebanon had made themselves the enemy of the Coalition by doing so though each would assert that they had been attacked first. The war here in this ever-so volatile part of the Middle East had not yet spread elsewhere around the borders of Israel. Neither Fatah in the West Bank nor Hamas in the Gaza Strip had yet to get involved. Politics and behind-the-scenes deals had come into play. As to what Israel had done with their pre-emptive strikes, this had had an unforeseen effect back in the United States. Congress had confirmed Sam Nunn and General Casey as Secretary of Defence and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff respectively within days of their nominations – herculean efforts to do this had been undertaken and there were those who decried elements of the process as unconstitutional – but had taken their time with Mark Warner for Secretary of State and especially John Kerry for Vice President. Warner had finally been confirmed on Wednesday but with Kerry, this was still an ongoing process. Senators had had questions for Warner when it came to Israel. Still a relative fresh-face in Washington, the former Governor & Senator form Virginia had managed to dodge the worst issues because he didn’t have too much baggage. Congress too had finally realised that maybe the reason why the Coalition had been missing the significant American diplomatic impetus it needed was because they had taken so long in confirming Warner! Kerry had baggage, lots of it. It wasn’t even Israel-related but that didn’t matter. Israel’s actions and the manner which many saw as the United States following them into the conflict with Syria set off a firestorm. There were those opposed to Israel’s action, those in support of it, those who believed it should be done differently and those who wanted to see their personal influence brought to bare there. Kerry was caught right in the middle of this. Cloture had still not been brought forward leading to a vote as confirmation hearings were still taking place. Three-fifth’s majority would be needed for an ‘aye’ vote for Kerry yet even with the Democrats having almost the numbers – Warner had taken up his post at the State Department and Kerry couldn’t vote for himself… or could he? – it wasn’t a matter of just convincing a few Republicans to act in the national interest to get enough votes. Many were prepared to do that… but not enough Democrats were on-side with Kerry, at least not seeing him in-place just yet without being beat up a bit. It was a mess. Kerry’s position on Israel was stated to be in-line with the Biden Administration and there should have been no issue, yet there was. Senators were thinking of their voters with many eying not only this year’s Mid-Terms but also the presidential election in 2012 with – presumably – a Biden-Kerry ticket too.
America had a president and a line of succession – through Nancy Pelosi to Daniel Inouye to now Warner – but still no vice president.
They could argue all that they wanted back in Washington about the real positions on the Israeli-Syria/Hezbollah War by their vice presidential nominee. That mattered for naught on the ground and in the skies where this conflict raged. Israel’s armies were inside Syria and moving towards Damascus. Taking the city and occupying it was certainty not what the Israeli Government wanted to do! The Syrians didn’t know that though and they fought to defend it from the relentless Israeli approach. Israeli tanks started reaching the outskirts through today where they crashed through the fences at the airport and surrounding airbases. Their aircraft had already blown such places apart but now they took physical control. Syrian forces attacked the Israeli’s flanks. Casualties occurred on both sides and for the Israelis, these were way above projections. Some senior people in Israeli uniform weren’t looking forward to the Americans with their US Army and US Marines detachments forming part of Operation David’s Shield turning up to do what the American military was infamous for: telling other people how that they fighting their war the wrong way. However, there were many Israeli generals who did want them here in battle as soon as possible. They could take some of the burden of the fighting and bring with them all of their fire power too. From Tel Aviv, it was Prime Minister Netanyahu who was demanding – not asking – that the Stennis be off Haifa or Lebanon and flying strike missions as well as wanting to see US Air Force jets transferred from Eastern Europe to the British bases in Cyprus. Israel didn’t want to see the Americans flying from Israeli airbases though. Their feelings on that saw others elsewhere throw their hands up in despair at such an attitude coming from allies who demanded so much, had unbending red lines and were even more pushy in their own sense of superiority than they muttered that their supposed allies were.
Israel fought in Lebanon like they fought in Syria. Once Hezbollah had struck with its rockets and missiles, Israel had responded with its air power unleashed against them. The mistakes of 2006 weren’t to be repeated here, Netanyahu demanded, when it came to fighting in Lebanon. Israeli troops moved into their country’s northern neighbour to fight the terrorists within. Restrictions on fire power and the nauseating presence of foreign media like there had been four years ago were absent. Israel set about wiping out Hezbollah and whilst doing so, they would be blasting the unfortunate Lebanon to pieces with no one from aboard who had any significant pull moving to stop them. Tel Aviv would remind anyone who had any doubts abroad that Hezbollah was after all like Syria and ally of Russia. This may have sat very uneasy in the White House, and was a real problem in European capitals, but it went on regardless.
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